Chapter II: Introduction (1)

Four Englishmen are known to have visited Angola towards the close of the sixteenth century, namely, Thomas Turner, Andrew Towres, Anthony Knivet and Andrew Battell. All four were taken by the Portuguese out of English privateers in South-American waters, and spent years of captivity as prisoners of war; happy, no doubt, in having escaped the fate of many of their less fortunate companions, who atoned with their lives for the hazardous proceedings in which they had engaged.

Thomas Turner,[1] although he furnished Samuel Purchas with a few notes on Brazil, never placed on record what happened to him whilst in Portuguese Africa. Towres was sent to prison at Rio de Janeiro for the heinous offence of eating meat on a Friday; he attempted an escape, was retaken, and condemned to spend the rest of his captivity in Angola. He died at Masanganu, as we learn from Knivet. Knivet himself has left us an account of his adventures in Angola and Kongo; but this account contains so many incredible statements that it was with some hesitation we admitted it into this volume, as by doing so we might be supposed to vouch for the writer’s veracity.

Andrew Battell, fortunately, has left behind him a fairly circumstantial record of what he experienced in Kongo and Angola. His narrative bears the stamp of truth, and has stood the test of time. It is unique, moreover, as being the earliest record of travels in the _interior_ of this part of Africa; for, apart from a few letters of Jesuit missionaries, the references to Kongo or Angola printed up to Battell’s time, were either confined to the coast, or they were purely historical or descriptive. Neither F. Pigafetta’s famous _Relatione del Reame di Congo_, “drawn out of the writings and discourses of Duarte Lopez,” and first published at Rome in 1591, nor the almost equally famous _Itinerarium_ of Jan Huyghen van Linschoten, of which an English translation appeared as early as 1598, can be classed among books of travel.[2] Samuel Braun, of Basel, who served as barber-surgeon on board Dutch vessels which traded at Luangu and on the Kongo, 1611-13, never left the coast.[3] Nor did Pieter van der Broeck, who made three voyages to the Kongo between 1607 and 1612 as supercargo of Dutch vessels, penetrate inland.[4] Nay, we are even able to claim on behalf of Battell that he travelled by routes not since trodden by European explorers.

Of Andrew Battell’s history we know nothing, except what may be gathered from his “Adventures,” and an occasional reference to him by his friend, neighbour, and editor, the Rev. Samuel Purchas. He seems to have been a native of Leigh, in Essex, at the present day a mere fishing village by the side of its populous upstart neighbour Southend, but formerly a place of considerable importance. As early as the fifteenth century it could boast of its guild of pilots, working in harmony with a similar guild at Deptford Strond, the men of Leigh taking charge of inward bound ships, whilst Deptford provided pilots to the outward bound. Henry VIII incorporated both guilds as the “Fraternity of the Most Glorious and Indivisible Trinity and of St. Clement;” and in the venerable church of St. Clement, at Leigh, and the surrounding churchyard may still be seen monuments erected in honour of contemporaries of Battell who were Brethren of the Trinity House; among whom are Robert Salmon (born 1567, died 1661) and Robert Chester (died 1632). But there is no tombstone in memory of Andrew Battell; and if a memorial tablet was ever dedicated to him, it must have been removed when the church was renovated in 1837. Nor do the registers of the church afford a clue to Battell’s death, for the earliest of these documents only dates back to the year 1684. At the present time no person of the name of Battell lives at Leigh.

Samuel Purchas was Vicar of Eastwood, a small village two miles to the north of Leigh, from 1604 to 1613. Battell returned to Leigh about 1610, bringing with him a little negro boy, who claimed to have been kept a captive by a gorilla (see p. 55). Purchas had many conferences with Battell, and the information obtained in this manner was incorporated by him in _Purchas His Pilgrimage_, the first edition of which was published in 1613,[5] and will be found in this volume, pp. 71-87. Battell’s papers, however, only reached Purchas after the author’s death, and were first published by him in _Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas His Pilgrimes_, in 1625.[6] There is reason to fear that Purchas did not perform his duties as editor, as such duties are understood at the present day. As an instance, we notice that Battell distinctly told his editor in private conference (see p. 83) that in his day nothing was known about the origin of the Jagas, expressly denying that Duarte Lopez could have any information about it; yet, elsewhere (p. 19), Battell is made responsible for the statement that they came from Sierra Leone. Nor is it likely that Battell ever mentioned a lake Aquelunda (p. 74), for no such lake exists; and Purchas’s authority for its supposed existence is once more Duarte Lopez or Pigafetta.

Moreover, there is some ground for supposing that Purchas abridged portions of the MS.; as, for instance, the account of the overland trading trip to Kongo and Mbata. Perhaps he likewise rearranged parts of his MS., thus confusing the sequence of events, as will be seen when we come to inquire into the chronology of Battell’s travels.

There exists no doubt as to the object with which Abraham Cocke sailed for the Plate River in 1589. Philip of Spain had acceded to the throne of Portugal in 1580, and that prosperous little kingdom thus became involved in the disaster which overtook the Armada, which sailed out of Lisbon in May, 1588. English skippers therefore felt justified in preying upon Portuguese trade in Brazil, and intercepting Spanish vessels on their way home from the Rio de la Plata. We do not think, however, that we do Abraham Cocke an injustice when we assume him to have been influenced in his hazardous enterprise quite as much by the lust of gain as by patriotism.

The determination of the chronology of Battell’s adventures presents some difficulty, as his narrative contains but a single date, namely, that of his departure from England on May 7th, 1589. There are, however, incidental references to events the dates of which are known; and these enable us to trace his movements with a fair amount of confidence, thus:—

1. Having left Plymouth in May, 1589, we suppose Battell to have reached Luandu in June, 1590.

2. His journey up to Masanganu, his detention there for two months, and return to Luandu, where he “lay eight months in a poor estate” (p. 7), would carry us to the end of June, 1591.

3. Battell tells us that the Governor, D. João Furtado de Mendonça, then employed him during two years and a half trading along the coast. This, however, is quite impossible: for Mendonça only assumed office in August, 1594; but, as he is the only Governor of Battell’s day who held office for a longer period than two and a half years—his term of office extending to 1602—and as Battell is not likely to have forgotten the name of an employer who gave him his confidence, we assume that he really did make these trading trips, but at a subsequent period. Purchas may be responsible for this transposition.

4. He made a first attempt to escape (in a Dutch vessel), but was recaptured, and sent to Masanganu, where he spent “six miserable years,” 1591-96.

5. Second attempt to escape, and detention for three months in irons at Luandu, up to June, 1596.

6. Campaign in Lamba and Ngazi (see p. 13, _note_). After a field service of over three years, Battell was sent back to Luandu, wounded. This would account for his time up to 1598 or 1599.

7. I am inclined to believe that, owing to the confidence inspired by his conduct in the field, the Governor now employed him on the trading ships referred to above.

9. Trading trips to Benguella in 1600 or 1601.

10. Battell joins the Jagas, and spends twenty-one months with them. Incidentally he mentions that the chief, Kafuche, had been defeated by the Portuguese seven years before that time (he was actually defeated in April, 1594).

11. Battell was at Masanganu when João Rodrigues Coutinho was Governor (Coutinho assumed office in 1602).

12. Battell was present at the building of the presidio of Kambambe by Manuel Cerveira Pereira in 1604; and stayed there till 1606, when news was received of the death of Queen Elizabeth, and he was promised his liberty. The Queen died March 24th, 1603.

13. A journey to Mbamba, Kongo, etc., may have taken up six months.

14. The Governor having “denied his word,” and a new Governor being daily expected, Battell secretly left the city, spent six months on the Dande, and was ultimately landed at Luangu. (The new Governor expected was only appointed in August, 1607; and his arrival was actually delayed.)

15. In Luangu, Battell spent two years and a half—say up to 1610.

Great pains have been taken by me with the maps illustrating this volume; and, if the outcome of my endeavour does not differ in its broad features from the maps furnished by M. d’Anville, in 1732, to Labat’s _Relation Historique de l’Éthiopie Occidentale_, this should redound to the credit of the great French geographer, but should not be accounted a proof of lack of industry on my own part. Still, my maps exhibit an advance in matters of detail, for our knowledge of the country has increased considerably since the days of d’Anville. They would have proved still more satisfactory had the Portuguese thought it worth while to produce a trustworthy map of a colony of which they had claimed possession during four centuries. It seems almost incredible that even now many of the routes followed by the Conquistadores and missionaries of old cannot be laid down upon a modern map for lack of information. Sonyo, for instance, through which led the high road followed by soldiers, traders, and missionaries going up to San Salvador (the present route leaves the Kongo River at Matadi), is almost a _terra incognita_. I am almost ashamed to confess that I have even failed to locate the once-famous factory of Mpinda; all I can say is, that it cannot have occupied the site assigned to it on some Portuguese maps.

I need hardly say that modern research lends no support to the extravagant claims of certain geographers as to the knowledge of Inner Africa possessed by the Portuguese in the sixteenth century. Pigafetta’s fantastic map, with its elaborate system of lakes and rivers, merely proves the utter incapacity of its author to deal with questions of critical geography. This has long since been recognised. The map which accompanies Isaac Vossius’s _De Nili et aliorum Fluminum Origine_ (Hagae Com., 1659) only shows one lake in Inner Africa, which borders on “Nimeamaie vel Monemugi,” and may without hesitation be identified with our Nyasa: for the Monemugi (Muene Muji) is the chief of the Maravi or Zimbas. The “Iages, gens barbara et inculta,” are placed right in the centre of Africa. The “Fungeni,” which are shown as neighbours of the “Macoco,” ought to have been placed to the west of Abyssinia, as they are the Funj, or Fung, of the Egyptian Sudan. If Ludolfus had carried out his intention of compiling a map of the whole of Africa (in 1681), these extravagancies of early map-makers would have been exposed more fully long since.[7]

In collecting materials for the maps and for the notes illustrating Battell’s narrative, I felt bound to consult all accessible literary sources dealing with the history and geography of Kongo and Angola. Whilst ploughing my way through this mass of material, it struck me that a concise history of these African countries, from the time of their discovery to the end of the seventeenth century, might form an acceptable appendix to Battell’s _Adventures_, and at the same time increase the bulk of the volume dedicated to him to more respectable proportions. Much material of use for such a purpose has seen the light since the publication of J. J. Lopes de Lima’s historical sketches. Yet I am bound to confess that the result of all this tedious labour is disappointing. I may have been able to rectify a few dates and facts; but much remains to be done before we can claim to be in possession of a trustworthy history of that part of Africa. Possibly my little sketch may rouse a Portuguese into taking up the work of the late Luciano Cordeiro. Many documents not yet published should be discoverable in the archives of Portugal, Spain, and Luandu.[8]

The spelling of the proper names mentioned by Battell is retained, as a matter of course; but it is obvious that in the historical appendices the various ways in which native names are spelt had to be reduced to a common system. Much might be said in favour of accepting the Portuguese manner of spelling, but after due consideration I decided to adopt the system now generally followed (even by a few Portuguese writers), viz., that all vowels should be sounded as in Italian, and the consonants as in English, with the only exception that the letter _g_ should always be hard. I therefore write Sonyo, instead of Sonho, Sogno, or Sonjo, as the name of that district is spelt according to the nationality of the writer. In transcribing the native names I have had the unstinted assistance, among others, of the Rev. Thomas Lewis, of the Baptist Missionary Society; yet I am fully aware that the spelling adopted for many names is at least doubtful, if not absolutely incorrect. This arises quite as much from a defective hearing on the part of my authorities, as from the illegibility of many early manuscripts or the carelessness of copyists. All such doubtful cases are dealt with in the GLOSSARY and INDEX.

In conclusion, I feel bound to acknowledge with gratitude the kindly assistance rendered me by Mr. R. E. Dennett, who is spending a life-time in Luangu; Mr. R. C. Phillips, who is thoroughly acquainted with the Lower Kongo; the Rev. Thomas Lewis, of the Baptist Missionary Society; Captain Binger, of the French Foreign Office; and last, not least, our ever-obliging Secretary, Mr. William Foster.

BIBLIOGRAPHY.

Only the titles of a few books cited merely by the author’s
name, or by abbreviated references, are included in this list.

_How cited:_

ALGUNS DOC.—Alguns documentos do archivo nacional da Torre do Tombo ácerca das navegações e conquistas Portuguezas. Lisboa (Impr. nac.), 1892.

A Collection of documents, 1416-1554, edited by José
Ramos-Coelho. See Index _sub_ Angola, Kongo, Manicongo.

PAIVA MANSO.—Historia do Congo, obra posthuma do (Dr. Levy) Visconde de Paiva Manso. Lisboa (Typ. da Acad.), 1877.

A collection of documents, 1492-1722.

BOLETIM.—Boletim da Sociedade de Geographia de Lisboa.

The volume for 1883 contains documents now in the Bibliothéque
Nationale (instructions given to B. Dias, 1559; Letters of F.
Garcia Simões, F. Balthasar Barretta, and other Jesuits).

Memorias do Ultramar, Viagens explorações e conquistas do
Portuguezes. Collecção de Documentos por Luciano Cordeira.
Lisboa (Impr. nac.) 1881.

The following Parts have been published:—

GARCIA MENDES.

(_a_) 1574-1620. Da Mina ao Cabo Negro segundo Garcia Mendes
Castello Branco (the writer of these reports was one of the
companions of Paulo Dias de Novaes).

REBELLO DE ARAGÃO.

(_b_) 1593-1631. Terras e Minas Africanas segundo Balthazar
Rebello de Aragão. (He went out to Africa in 1593).

BENGUELLA E SEU SERTÃO.

(_c_) 1617-1622. Benguella e seu sertão per um Anonymo. (The
author of this account of the conquest of Benguella may
possibly have been Manuel Cerveira Pereira).

ESTABELECIMENTOS.

(_d_) 1607. Estabelecimentos e Resgates Portuguezes na costa
occidental de Africa por um Anonymo.

ESCRAVOS E MIMAS.

(_e_) 1516-1619. Escravos e Minas de Africa segundo Diversos.

D. LOPEZ.—Relatione del Reame di Congo e delle circonvicine contrade tratta dalli Scritti e ragionamente di Odoardo Lopez, per Filippo Pigafetta. Roma, 1591.

This work has been translated into Latin, German, Dutch,
French and English, but has not hitherto found a competent
editor. I quote the English translation by Mrs. M. Hutchinson,
published at London in 1881.

Duarte Lopez went out to Kongo in 1578; and the bulk of this
volume is based upon information imparted to his editor when
he was in Rome in 1591. Pigafetta has most unwisely expanded
the information thus obtained into a description of the
greater part of Africa.

CAVAZZI.—Istorica descrizione de’ tre regni Congo, Matamba, e Angola, accuratamente compilata, dal P. Gio. Antonio Cavazzi da Montecuccolo. Bologna, 1687.

Cavazzi, a Capuchin, visited Kongo and Angola twice (1654-67,
1670-) and died at Genoa in 1693. This bulky folio only deals
with his first visit, and was edited by P. Fortunato
Alamandini, of Bologna. Labat (“Relation historique de
l’Éthiopie,” Paris, 1732) has given a useful version of it in
French, which must, however, be used with some caution. It is
by far the most important work we have at the hand of one of
the early Catholic missionaries. W. D. Cooley’s observation
(“Inner Africa Laid Open,” London, 1852, p. 3), that the works
published up to the time of Cavazzi “would hardly furnish
twenty pages of sound geographical intelligence,” can apply
only to what they say of Inner Africa; whilst Lopez de Lima
(“Ensaios,” p. xi) is hardly justified in calling Cavazzi a
“fabulista,” unless that opprobrious term be confined to what
the friar relates of the miracles wrought by himself and
others.

DAPPER.—Nauwkeurige beschrijving der Afrikaansche gewesten van Olf. Dapper. Amst., 1668.

I quote the German translation (“Beschreibung von Afrika,”
Amst., 1670).

This is a very careful compilation; more especially
interesting, as it contains information on the country
collected during the Dutch occupation (1642-48), not to be
found elsewhere.

CADORNEGA.—Historia das guerras de Angola (Historia General Angolana), por D. A. de Oliveira Cadornega, in 1680-82.

Cadornega, a native of Villa Viçosa, accompanied D. Pedro
Cezar de Menezes to Angola in 1639, and died at Luandu in
1690. His work (in three volumes) only exists in MS. in the
library of the Academy of Sciences, Lisbon, and in the
Bibliothéque Nationale, Paris. I have not been able to consult
it with the minuteness which it deserves. A rough copy of a
considerable portion of it is to be found in the British
Museum (_Add. MS._ 15,183, fol. 33). Copious extracts from it
are given by Paiva Manso and D. José de Lacerda (“Exame das
Viagens do Dr. Livingstone,” Lisbon, 1867).

CATALOGO.—Catalogo dos Governadores do Reine de Angola (Collecçao de Noticias para a historia das nações ultramarinas publicada pela Academia real das Sciencias, tome III, pt. 2). Lisboa, 1826.

This is an anonymous compilation, continued to the year 1784.
J. C. Feo Cardozo, in his “Memorias contendo a biographia do
Vico-Almirante Luiz da Motta Feo e Torres,” Paris, 1825, also
printed this chronological history, and continued it to the
year 1825. He has added the map drawn in 1790 by Colonel L. C.
C. Pinheiro Furtado. The “Catalogue” is useful, but it is not
free from very serious errors.

BENTLEY.—Dictionary and Grammar of the Kongo Language, by the Rev. W. Holman Bentley. 1887.

CORDEIRO DA MATTA.—Ensaio de Diccionario Kimbundu-Portugueze coordenado par L. D. Cordeiro da Matta. Lisboa, 1893.

LOPES DE LIMA, ENSAIO.—Ensaios sobre a Statistica das possessões Portuguezes (III. Ensaio sobre a Statistice d’Angola e Benguella), por José Joaquim Lopes de Lima (Imp. nac.), 1846.

This is a fundamental work. The historical account is
contained in the Introduction and in chap. v.

LOPES DE LIMA, AN. MAR.—Descobrimento, posse, e conquista do reino do Congo pelos Portuguezes no Seculo xvi, por J. J. Lopes de Lima (“Annaes maritimos e coloniaes,” Lisboa, 1845, pp. 93-108).

LOPES DE LIMA.—Successos do Reino do Congo, no seculo xvii, pelo J. J. Lopes de Lima (_ibid._, pp. 194-99).

THE STRANGE ADVENTURES

OF

ANDREW BATTELL OF LEIGH IN ESSEX,

SENT BY THE PORTUGALS PRISONER TO ANGOLA, WHO LIVED THERE, AND IN THE ADJOINING REGIONS, NEAR EIGHTEEN YEARS.

§ I.

_Andrew Battel, his Voyage to the River of Plate, who being taken on the coast of Brasill, was sent to Angola._

[_From the Thames to Cape Palmas._]

In the year 1589, Abraham Cocke[9] of Limehouse, began his voyage toward the River of Plate, with two pinnaces[10] of fifty tons apiece: the one was called the _May-Morning_, the other the _Dolphin_.

We sailed from the river Thames the twentieth of April; and the six and twentieth of the same month we put into Plimmoth [Plymouth], where we took in some provision for the voyage. The seventh of May we put to sea, and with foul weather were beaten back again into Plimmoth, where we remained certain days, and then proceded on our voyage: And running along the coast of Spain and Barbary we put into the road of Sancta Cruz,[11] and there set our Light-horse-man[12] together which we carried in two pieces. Abraham Cocke made great account hereof, thinking that this boat should have made his voyage. This done, we put to sea, and running along the coast of Guinea we were becalmed, because we were so near the coast.

[_St. Thomé and the Gulf of Guinea._]

Here our men fell sick of the scurvy, in such sort, that there were very few sound. And being within three or four degrees of the equinoctial line we fell with the Cape de las Palmas, where we had some refreshing, wherewith our men recovered. The people of the Cape de las Palmas [Cabo das Palmas] made much of us, saying that they would trade with us; but it was but to betray us, for they are very treacherous, and were like to have taken our boat, and hurt some of our men. From this Cape we lay south-west off;[13] but the current and the calms deceived us, so that we were driven down to the isle of St. Thomé,[14] thinking that we had been further off to the Sea than we were. And being in distress for wood and water, we went in on the south end between San Tome and the islands das Rolas,[15] where we rode very smooth, and with our light-horse-man went on shore, thinking to have watered, but we found none in the island. Here we had great store of plantains and oranges. We found a village of negroes, which are sent from San Tome, for the Portugals of San Tome do use, when their slaves be sick or weak, to send them thither to get their strength again. For the islands are very fruitful, and though there be no fresh water, yet they maintain themselves with the wine of the palm-trees. Having refreshed ourselves with the fruit of this island, we burned the village. And running on the east side of San Tome we came before the town;[16] but we durst not come near, for the castle shot at us, which hath very good ordnance in it.

Then we lay east and by south toward the main, and in four and twenty hours we had sight of the Cape de Lopo Gonsalves:[17] and being within three leagues of the said cape we cast about and stood again toward the island of San Tome, and turned up on the west side of the island; and coming to a little river, which runneth out of the mountains, we went on shore with our Light-horse-man, with six or seven butts to fill with water. But the governor had ambushed one hundred men of the island; and when we were on shore they came upon us, and killed one of our men and hurt another: wherefore we retired to our boat and got aboard.

[_Across the Atlantic to the Brazils._]

Then Abraham Cocke determined to fetch the coast of Brasil, and lay west-south-west into the sea: and being some fifty leagues off, we fell into a shoal of dolphins,[18] which did greatly relieve us, for they did follow our ship all the way, till we fell [in] with the land, which was some thirty days. And running along the coast of Brasil till we came to Ilha Grande,[19] which standeth in five [_sic_] degrees southward of the line, we put in betwixt the island and the main, and haled our ships on shore, and washed them, and refreshed ourselves, and took in fresh water. In this island are no inhabitants, but it is very fruitful. And being here some twelve days there came in a little pinnace which was bound to the River of Plate, which came in to water and to get some refreshments: and presently we went aboard, and took the Portugal merchant out of the pinnace, which told Abraham Cocke, that within two months there should two pinnaces come from the River of Plate, from the town of Buenos Aires.

[_The Rio de la Plata._]

From this town there come every year four or five caravels to Bahia[20] in Brasil, and to Angola in Africa, which bring great store of treasure, which is transported overland out of Peru into the River of Plate. There Abraham Cocke, desirous to make his voyage, took some of the _Dolphin’s_ men into his ship, and sent the _Dolphin_ home again, which had not as yet made any voyage. This Portugal merchant carried us to a place in this island, where there was a banished man,[21] which had planted great store of plantains, and told us that we might, with this fruit, go to the River of Plate: for our bread and our victuals were almost all spent.

With this hard allowance we departed from this island, and were six-and-thirty days before we came to the Isle of Lobos Marinos,[22] which is in the mouth of the River of Plate. This island is half a mile long, and hath no fresh water, but doth abound with seals and sea-morses,[23] in such sort that our light-horseman could not get on shore for them, without we did beat them with our oars: and the island is covered with them. Upon these seals we lived some thirty days, lying up and down in the river, and were in great distress of victuals. Then we determined to run up to Buenos Aires, and with our light-horseman to take one of the pinnaces that rid at the town. And, being so high up the river as the town, we had a mighty storm at south-west,[24] which drove us back again, and we were fain to ride under the Isla Verde[25]—that is, the green island—which is in the mouth of the river on the north side.

[_A Prisoner of the Portuguese._]

Here we were all discomforted for lack of victuals and gave over the voyage, and came to the northward again, to the isle of Sant Sebastian, lying just under the tropic of Capricorn.[26] There we went on shore to catch fish, and some went up into the woods to gather fruit, for we were all in a manner famished. There was at that time a canoe fraught with Indians, that came from the town of Spiritu Sancto.[27] These Indians landed on the west side of the island, and came through the woods and took five of us, and carried us to the River of Janeiro [Rio de Janeiro]. After this mischance our captain, Abraham Cocke, went to sea, and was never heard of more.[28]

[_Transported to Angola—A Voyage to the Zaire._]

When we that were taken had remained four months in the River of Janeiro, I and one Torner[29] were sent to Angola in Africa, to the city of Saint Paul,[30] which standeth in nine degrees to the southward of the equinoctial line. Here I was presently taken out of the ship and put into prison, and sent up the River Quansa,[31] to a town of garrison, which is 130 miles up the river. And being there two months the pilot of the governor’s pinnace died: then I was commanded to carry her down to the city, where I presently fell sick, and lay eight months in a poor estate, for they hated me because I was an Englishman. But being recovered of my sickness, Don John Hurtado de Mendoça,[32] who then was governor, commanded me to go to the river of Congo, called Zaire, in a pinnace, to trade for elephants’ teeth,[33] wheat,[34] and oil of the palm-tree. The river Zaire[35] is fifty leagues from the city, to the northward, and is the greatest river in all that coast. In the mouth of that river is an island, called the Isle de Calabes, which had at that time a town in it. Here we laded our pinnace with elephants’ teeth, wheat, and oil of the palm, and so returned to the city again.

§ II.

_His trading on the coast; offer to escape; imprisonment;
exile; escape and new imprisonment; his sending to Elamba and
Bahia das Vaccas; many strange occurrences._

[_Trading in Loango._]

When I was sent to Longo [Loango], which is fifteen leagues to the northward of the River Zaire, and carried all commodities fit for that country, as long glass beads, and round blue beads, and seed beads, and looking-glasses, blue and red coarse cloth, and Irish rugs, which were very rich commodities. Here we sold our cloth at a great rate, for we had for one yard of cloth three elephants’ teeth, that weighed 120 pounds; and we bought great store of palm-cloth[36] and elephants’ tails.[37] So, in little time we laded our pinnace. For this voyage I was very welcome to the governor, who promised me my liberty if I would serve him. So I went in his pinnace two years and a half upon the coast.

[_An Attempted Escape._]

Then there came a ship of Holland to the city, the merchant of which ship promised to carry me away. And, when they were ready to depart I went secretly on board, but I was betrayed by Portugals which sailed in the ship, and was fetched on shore by sergeants of the city and put in prison, and lay with great bolts of iron two months, thinking that the governor would have put me to death. But at last I was banished for ever to the Fort of Massangano, to serve in the conquest of those parts. Here I lived a most miserable life for the space of six years without any hope to see the sea again.

[_A Second Attempt at Escape._]

In this fort there were Egyptians and Moriscoes that were banished as myself. To one of these Egyptians[38] I brake my mind, and told him that it were better for us to venture our lives for our liberty than to live in that miserable place. This Egyptian was as willing as myself, and told me he would procure ten of his consorts to go with us. So we got three Egyptians and seven Portugals. That night we got the best canoe that we could find, and went down the river Cuanza, and being as far down as Mani Cabech,[39] which is a little lord in the province of Elamba [Lamba], we went on shore with our twelve muskets, powder and shot. Here we sunk our canoe, because they should not know where we went on shore. We made a little fire in the wood, and scorched Guinea wheat,[40] which we [had] brought from Massangano, to relieve us, for we had none other food.

As soon as it was night, we took our journey all that night and the next day, without any water at all. The second night we were not able to go, and were fain to dig and scrape up roots of trees, and suck them to maintain life. The third day we met with an old negro which was travelling to Mani Cabech. We bound his hands behind him, and made him lead us the way to the Lake of Casansa.[41] And, travelling all that day in this extreme hot country we came to the Bansa [mbanza], or town, of Mani Casansa, which lyeth within the land twelve leagues from the city of San Paulo. Here we were forced to ask water, but they would give us none. Then we determined to make them flee their houses with our shot; but seeing that we were desperately bent they called their Lord, Mani Casansa, who gave us water and fair speeches, desiring us to stay all night, only to betray us; but we departed presently, and rested that night in (_sic_) the lake of Casansa.

The fourth day, at night, we came to the river which is towards the north,[42] and passed it with great danger. For there are such abundance of crocodiles in this river that no man dare come near the riverside when it is deep. The fifth day, at night, we came to the river Dande, and travelled so far to the eastward that we were right against the Serras, or mountains of Manibangono,[43] which is a lord that warreth against the King of Congo, whither we intended to go. Here we passed the river, and rested half the night. And being two leagues from the river we met with negroes, which asked us whither we travelled. We told them that we were going to Congo. These negroes said that we were in the wrong way, and that they were Masicongos,[44] and would carry us to Bambe,[45] where the Duke of Bambe lay.

So we went some three miles east, up into the land, till we perceived that we were in the wrong way, for we travelled by the sun, and would go no further that way, and turned back again to the westward; they stood before us with their bows, arrows and darts, ready to shoot at us. But we, determining to go through them, discharged six muskets together and killed four, which did amaze them, and made them to retire. But they followed us four or five miles, and hurt two of our company with their arrows. The next day we came within the borders of Bamba, and travelled all that day. At night we heard the surge of the sea. The seventh day, in the morning, we saw the captain of the city come after us with horsemen and great store of negroes. Hereupon our company being dismayed, seven of our faint-hearted Portugals hid themselves in the thickets. I, and the four Egyptians, thought to have escaped, but they followed us so fast that we were fain to go into a little wood. As soon as the captain had overtaken us he discharged a volley of shot into the wood, which made us lose one another.

[_Surrenders to a Portuguese Captain._]

Thus, being all alone, I bethought myself that if the negroes did take me in the woods they would kill me: wherefore, thinking to make a better end among the Portugals and Mulatoes, I came presently out of the wood with my musket ready charged, making none account of my life. But the captain, thinking that we had been all twelve together, called to me and said: “Fellow Soldier, I have the governor’s pardon; if you will yield yourselves you shall have no hurt.” I, having my musket ready, answered the captain that I was an Englishman, and had served six years at Massangono, in great misery; and came in company with eleven Portugals and Egyptians, and here am left all alone; and rather than I will be hanged, I will die amongst you. Then the captain came near unto me and said: “Deliver thy musket to one of the soldiers; and I protest, as I am a gentleman and a soldier, to save thy life for thy resolute mind.” Whereupon I yielded up my musket and myself.

Then the captain commanded all the soldiers and negroes to search the woods, and to bring them out alive or dead, which was presently done. Then they carried us to the city of San Paulo, where I and the three Egyptians lay in prison three months with collars of iron, and great bolts upon our legs, and hardly escaped.

[_A campaign in Lamba._][46]

At that time the governor sent four hundred men, that were banished out of Portugal, up into the country of Elambe. Then I was with proclamation through the city banished for ever to the wars, and marched with them to Sowonso,[47] which is a lord that obeyeth the Duke of Bamba; from thence to Samanibansa, and then to Namba Calamba, which is a great lord, who did resist us. But we burnt his town, and then he obeyed us, and brought three thousand warlike negroes to us. From thence [we marched] to Sollancango, a little lord, that fought very desperately with us, but was forced to obey; and then to Combrecaianga,[48] where we remained two years. From this place we gave many assaults and brought many lords to subjection. We were fifteen thousand strong, and marched to the Outeiro,[49] or mountain, of Ingombe. But first we burnt all Ingasia, which was his country, and then we came to the chief town of Ingombe, which is half a day’s journey to go up.[50]

This lord came upon us with more than twenty thousand bows, and spoilt many of our men. But with our shot we made a great spoil among them, whereupon he retired up into the mountain, and sent one of his captains to our general, signifying that the next day he would obey him. The next day he entered our camp with great pomp, with drums, petes,[51] and Pongoes,[52] or waits, and was royally received; and he gave great presents, and greatly enriched the general, and them which marched up. Upon the top of the mountain is a great plain, where he hath his chief town; very fresh, full of palm-trees, sugar-canes, potatoes, and other roots, and great store of oranges and lemons. Here is a tree that is called _Engeriay_,[53] that beareth a fruit as big as a pome-water,[54] and hath a stone in it, present remedy (_sic_) for the wind colic, which was strange to the Portugals. Here is a river of fresh water, that springeth out of the mountains and runneth all along the town. We were here five days, and then we marched up into the country, and burned and spoiled for the space of six weeks, and then returned to Engombe again, with great store of margarite stones,[55] which are current money in that land. Here we pitched our camp a league from this pleasant mountain, which remained twelve months: but I was shot in my right leg, and many Portugals and Mulatoes were carried to the city to be cured.

[_A Voyage to Benguella._]

Then the governor sent a fregatte to the southward, with sixty soldiers, myself being one of the company, and all kinds of commodities. We turned up to the southward until we came into twelve degrees. Here we found a fair sandy bay. The people of this place brought us cows and sheep, wheat[56] and beans; but we staid not there, but came to Bahia das Vaccas: that is, the Bay of Cows, which the Portugals call Bahia de Torre,[57] because it hath a rock like a tower. Here we rode on the north side of the rock, in a sandy bay, and bought great store of cows, and sheep—bigger than our English sheep—and very fine copper. Also, we bought a kind of sweet wood, called _Cacongo_,[58] which the Portugals esteem much, and great store of wheat and beans. And having laded our bark we sent her home; but fifty of us staid on shore, and made a little fort with rafters of wood, because the people of this place are treacherous, and not to be trusted. So, in seventeen days we had five hundred head of cattle; and within ten days the governor sent three ships, and so we departed to the city.

In this bay may any ship ride without danger, for it is a smooth coast. Here may any ship that cometh out of the East Indies refresh themselves. For the Portugals carracks[59] now of late come along the coast, to the city, to water and refresh themselves. These people are called _Endalanbondos_,[60] and have no government among themselves, and therefore they are very treacherous, and those that trade with these people must stand upon their own guard. They are very simple, and of no courage, for thirty or forty men may go boldly into the country and fetch down whole herds of cattle. We bought the cattle for blue glass beads of an inch long, which are called _Mopindes_,[61] and paid fifteen beads for one cow.

This province is called Dombe,[62] and it hath a ridge of high _serras_, or mountains, that stretch from the _serras_ or mountains of Cambambe, wherein are mines, and lie along the coast south and by west. Here is great store of fine copper, if they would work in their mines; but they take no more than they wear for a bravery. The men of this place wear skins about their middles and beads about their necks. They carry darts of iron, and bow and arrows in their hands. They are beastly in their living, for they have men in women’s apparel, whom they keep among their wives.

Their women wear a ring of copper about their necks, which weigheth fifteen pound at the least; about their arms little rings of copper, that reach to their elbows; about their middle a cloth of the _Insandie_ tree, which is neither spun nor woven;[63] on their legs rings of copper that reach to the calves of their legs.

§ III.

_Discovery of the Gagas: their wars, man-eating; over-running
countries. His trade with them, betraying, escape to them, and
living with them; with many strange adventures. And also the
rites and manner of life observed by the Iagges or Gagas,
which no Christian could ever know well but this author._[64]

[_A Second Voyage to Benguella._]

In our second voyage, turning up along the coast, we came to the Morro, or cliff of Benguelle,[65] which standeth in twelve degrees of southerly latitude. Here we saw a mighty camp on the south side of the river Cova.[66] And being desirous to know what they were, we went on shore with our boat; and presently there came a troop of five hundred men to the waterside. We asked them who they were. Then they told us that they were the Gagas, or Gindes, that came from Sierra de lion [Serra Leôa],[67] and passed through the city of Congo, and so travelled to the eastward of the great city of Angola, which is called Dongo.[68] The great Gaga, which is their general, came down to the waterside to see us, for he had never seen white men before. He asked wherefore we came. We told him that we came to trade upon the coast. Then he bade us welcome, and called us on shore with our commodities. We laded our ship with slaves in seven days, and bought them so cheap that many did not cost one real, which were worth in the city [of Loanda] twelve milreis.

[In a marginal note, Purchas adds:—

“He, in discourse with me, called them Iagges, and their chief
the great Iagge. I think he writ them Gagas for Giagas, by
false spelling.”]

[_Among the Jagas._]

Being ready to depart, the great Giaga staid us, and desired our boat to pass his men over the river Cova, for he determined to overrun the realm of Benguele, which was on the north side of the river Cova. So we went with him to his camp, which was very orderly, entrenched with piles of wood; we had houses provided for us that night, and many burthens [loads] of palm-wine, cows, goats and flour.

In the morning, before day, the general did strike his _gongo_,[69] which is an instrument of war that soundeth like a bell, and presently made an oration with a loud voice, that all the camp might hear, that he would destroy the Benguelas, with such courageous and vehement speeches as were not to be looked for among the heathen people. And presently they were all in arms, and marched to the river side, where he had provided _Gingados_.[70] And being ready with our boat and _Gingados_, the general was fain to beat them back because of the credit who should be first. We carried over eighty men at once, and with our muskets we beat the enemy off, and landed, but many of them were slain. By twelve of the clock all the Gagas were over.

Then the general commanded all his drums, _tavales_,[71] _petes_, _pongos_, and all his instruments of warlike music to strike up, and gave the onset, which was a bloody day for the Benguelas. These Benguelas presently broke, and turned their backs, and a very great number of them were slain, and were taken captives, man, woman and child. The prince, Hombiangymbe, was slain, which was ruler of this country, and more than one hundred of his chief lords, and their heads presented and thrown at the feet of the great Gaga. The men, women and children that were brought in captive alive, and the dead corpses that were brought to be eaten, were strange to behold. For these Gagas are the greatest cannibals and man-eaters that be in the world, for they feed chiefly upon man’s flesh [notwithstanding of their] having all the cattle of that country.

They settled themselves in this country and took the spoil of it. We had great trade with these Gagas, five months, and gained greatly by them. These Gagas were not contented to stay in this place of Benguela, although they lacked almost nothing. For they had great store of cattle and wheat, and many other commodities; but they lacked wine, for in these parts there are no palm-trees.

After the five months were expired they marched toward the province of Bambala,[72] to a great lord that is called Calicansamba, whose country is five days up into the land. In these five months’ space we made three voyages to the city of San Paul, and coming the fourth time we found them not.

[_March into the Interior._]

Being loth to return without trade, we determined to go up into the land after them. So we went fifty on shore, and left our ship riding in the Bay of Benguela to stay for us. And marching two days up into the country we came to a great lord which is called Mofarigosat; and coming to his first town we found it burnt to the ground, for the Gagas had passed and taken the spoil. To this lord we sent a negro which we had bought of the Gagas, and [who] lived with us, and bid him say that he was one of the great Gaga’s men, and that he was left to carry us to the camp. This lord bade us welcome for fear of the great Gaga, but he delayed the time, and would not let us pass till the Gaga was gone out of his country. This lord Mofarigosat, seeing that the Gagas were clear of him, began to palter with us, and would not let us go out of his land till we had gone to the wars with him, for he thought himself a mighty man having us with him. For in this place they never saw [a] white man before, nor guns. So we were forced to go with him, and destroyed all his enemies, and returned to his town again. Then we desired him that he would let us depart; but he denied us, without we would promise him to come again, and leave a white man with him in pawn.

[_Left as an Hostage._]

The Portugals and Mulatos being desirous to get away from this place, determined to draw lots who should stay; but many of them would not agree to it. At last they consented together that it were fitter to leave me, because I was an Englishman, than any of themselves. Here I was fain to stay perforce. So they left me a musket, powder and shot, promising this lord, Mofarigosat, that within two months they would come again and bring a hundred men to help him in his wars, and to trade with him. But all was to shift themselves away, for they feared that he would have taken us all captives. Here I remained with this lord till the two months were expired, and was hardly used, because the Portugals came not according to promise.

The chief men of this town would have put me to death, and stripped me naked, and were ready to cut off mine head. But the Lord of the town commanded them to stay longer, thinking that the Portugals would come. And after that I was let loose again, I went from one town to another, shifting for myself within the liberties of the lord. And being in fear of my life among them I ran away, purposing to go to the camp of the Gagas.

[_He joins the Jagas._]

And having travelled all that night, the next day I came to a great town which was called Cashil, which stood in a mighty overgrown thicket. Here I was carried into the town, to the lord Cashil. And all the town, great and small, came to wonder at me, for in this place there was never any white man seen. Here were some of the great Gaga’s men, which I was glad to see, and went with these Gagas to Calicansamba, where the camp was.

This town of the lord Cashil is very great and is so overgrown with _Olicondie_ [_baobab_][73] trees, cedars,[74] and palms, that the streets are darkened with them. In the middle of the town there is an image, which is as big as a man, and standeth twelve feet high; and at the foot of the image there is a circle of elephants’ teeth, pitched into the ground. Upon these teeth stand great store of dead men’s skulls, which are [were] killed in the wars, and offered to this image. They used to pour palm oil at his feet, and kill goats, and pour their blood at his feet. This image is called Quesango,[75] and the people have great belief in him, and swear by him; and do believe when they are sick that Quesango is offended with them. In many places of this town were little images, and over them great store of elephants’ teeth piled.[76]

The streets of this town were paled with palm-canes, very orderly. Their houses were round like a hive, and, within, hanged with fine mats very curiously wrought. On the south-east end of the town was a mokiso [_mukishi_] which had more than three tons of elephants’ teeth piled over him.

From this town of Cashil I travelled up into the country with the Gagas[77] two days, and came to Calicansamba, where the great Gaga had his camp, and was welcome to him. Among the cannibal people I determined to live, hoping in God that they would travel so far to the westward that we should see the sea again; and so I might escape by some ship. These Gagas remained four months in this place, with great abundance and plenty of cattle, corn, wine, and oil, and great triumphing, drinking, dancing, and banquetting, with man’s flesh, which was a heavy spectacle to behold.

At the end of four months they marched towards the _Serras_, or mountains of Cashindcabar, which are mighty high, and have great copper mines, and they took the spoil all the way as they went. From thence they went to the river Longa,[78] and passed it, and settled themselves in the town of Calango,[79] and remained there five or six months. Then we arose and entered into the province of Tondo,[80] and came to the river Gonsa [Coanza],[81] and marched on the south side of the river to a lord that was called Makellacolonge, near to the great city of Dongo. Here we passed over mighty high mountains, and found it very cold.

Having spent sixteen months among these cannibals, they marched to the westward again, and came along the river Gonsa, or Gunza, to a lord that is called Shillambansa,[82] uncle to the King of Angola. We burnt his chief town, which was after their fashion very sumptuously builded. This place is very pleasant and fruitful. Here we found great store of wild peacocks,[83] flying up and down the trees, in as great abundance as other birds. The old lord Shillambansa was buried in the middle of the town, and had a hundred tame peacocks kept upon his grave, which peacocks he gave to his _Mokeso_, and they were called _Angello Mokeso_,[84] that is, the Devil’s or Idol’s Birds, and were accounted as holy things. He had great store of copper, cloth, and many other things laid upon his grave, which is the order of that country.[85]