Chapter II: Part 2

It was Friedrich Ratzel, however, who “performed the great service of placing anthropo-geography on a secure scientific basis. He had his forerunners in Montesquieu,[119] Alexander von Humboldt, Buckle, Ritter, Kohl, Peschel and others; but he first investigated the subject from the modern scientific point of view, ... and based his conclusions on world-wide inductions, for which his predecessors did not command the data.”[120] He “has written the standard work on _Anthropogeographie_.”[121] Employing the analytical method, Ratzel was the first to divide the subject-matter into categories: “Ratzel hat das Verdienst, daß er zuerst den Stoff in Kategorien teilte. Er wendet die analytische Methode der allgemeinen Geographie an und betrachtet den Einfluß einzelner Naturgegebenheiten auf den Menschen, z.B. der Inseln, Halbinseln, Gebirge, Ebenen, Steppen, Wüsten, Küsten, Flußmündungen[122] usw. Die analytische Methode allein kann zum Ziele führen.”[123] The great and permanent merit of Ratzel’s _Politische Geographie_[124] is its setting forth how closely the State is bound to the physical milieu.[125] It treats partly of the effect of nature and soil on the formation of the State and on political boundaries.[126] Ratzel expounds environmental action also in his books _Die Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika_,[127] _The History of Mankind_,[128] and in his article on “The Principles of Anthropo-geography.”[129] Among his followers is to be counted Andrew R. Cowan, whose _Master-Clues in World-History_[130] is “deeply impregnated with Ratzel’s teachings.”[131] Camille Vallaux devotes the fifth chapter (pp. 145–73) of his _Géographie Sociale, Le Sol et L’État_,[132] to a criticism of the theories of _Raum_ (space) and of Lage (situation) as developed by Ratzel in his _Politische Geographie_. And, in general, Ratzel’s “published work had been open to the just criticism of inadequate citation of authorities.”[133] O. Schlüter in “Die leitenden Gesichtspunkte der Anthropogeographie, insbesondere der Lehre Friedrich Ratzels”[134] gives us the best single estimate of Ratzel, the best orientation—within the compass of an article well written, well poised, and illuminating—on Ratzel’s work, thought, method, and application.[135]

_Geography and History_

We shall now see, first, the stand taken by some French writers, and then that taken by German and English writers, on the question of how physical environment affects history.

One of the “three most philosophical writers on climate,”[136] Charles Comte, not related by birth to the founder of Positivism, is, likewise, one of the earliest disciples of Herder in France. Herder “seems to have helped to inspire”[137] Charles Comte’s _Traité de Législation_.[138] Charles Comte’s “discussion of the questions which relate to the influence of physical nature on human development must have been the fruit of long and careful study. It was as great an advance on Montesquieu’s treatment of the subject as Montesquieu’s had been on that of Bodin. It disproved, corrected, or confirmed a host of Montesquieu’s observations and conclusions. It showed that he had ascribed too much to climate, and too little to the configuration of the earth’s surface, the distribution of mountains and rivers, &c.; and that he had conceived vaguely, and even to a large extent erroneously, of the modes in which climate and the fertility or sterility of soil affect human development. But while Comte thus justly criticised Montesquieu, he himself exaggerated the efficiency of physical agencies. Indeed, he virtually traced to their operation the whole development of history ... he has assumed that physical agencies ultimately account for historical change and movement, for public institutions and laws....

“Charles Comte fully recognises that the same physical medium has a very different influence on different generations; and that institutions and laws, education and manners, and, in a word, all the constituents of the social medium, have as real an influence on the development of history as those of the physical medium. Yet he assumes the latter to be the first, although to a large extent only indirect, causes of the whole amount of change effected.”[139]

Victor Cousin, another Frenchman, reconnects with Herder. Cousin had direct acquaintance with at least the principal work of Herder, for the rendering of whose “Ideen” into French by Quinet he seems responsible.[140] In the eighth lecture of his “admired”[141] _Cours de 1828 sur la Philosophie de l’Histoire_, he discourses on the rôle that geography plays in history.

F. Guizot, in the fifth lecture of _The History of Civilization_,[142] comments briefly on the influence of external circumstances upon liberty.

The romantic French historiographer, Jules Michelet, in his _Histoire de France_ (second volume, 1833), and in his _Histoire Romaine_ (1839), interlinks geography with history, and brilliantly describes the countries whose histories he is writing. Like some before him (such as Montesquieu), and many after him (such as Riehl, Curtius, and Gothein),[143] who traveled in the respective countries before describing them or composing their history, Michelet, as one preliminary measure toward equipping himself for such a task, visited Italy[144] and various parts of France, the latter repeatedly, in order to gain a first hand impression of the physical milieu and the people of those lands. He is said to be the first [_sic!_] in France who, under the influence of Herder, had the idea that geography was the foundation of history: “Sous l’influence de Herder, il [Michelet] eut, le premier en France, l’idée que la géographie était le fondement de l’histoire: ‘Le matériel, la race, le peuple qui la continue me paraissaient avoir besoin qu’on mît dessous une bonne et forte base, la terre, qui les portât et qui les nourrît. Et notez que ce sol n’est pas seulement le théâtre de l’action. Par la nourriture, le climat, etc., il y influe de cent manières. Tel le nid, tel l’oiseau. Telle la patrie, tel l’homme.’”[145] Without this basis, the actor in history, the people, would be treading on air like figures in some Chinese paintings. Says Jules Simon of the celebrated tableau in the second volume of the _Histoire de France_: “Son héros [Michelet’s] ... c’est la France. Il en fait une description qui remplit tout le troisième livre et qui est un chef-d’oeuvre. Chose nouvelle, cette géographie a autant de mouvement que l’histoire. Elle est animée, vivante, agissante. Il en montre à merveille l’utilité, la nécessité. Sans cette base géographique, le peuple, l’acteur historique, semblerait marcher en l’air, comme dans les peintures chinoises, où le sol manque.”[146] In the _Introduction to Universal History_ (1831), Michelet says, “In Germany and Italy, fatality is still strong; moral freedom is still borne down by powerful influences of race, locality, and climate.”[147]

Ernst Kapp, in the _Philosophische Erdkunde_,[148] criticizes writers on the philosophy of history for their failure to give due attention to the geographical existence of the nations. Nor are geographical intermezzos alone sufficient: “Man [these writers] hat zwar eine Ahnung von dem geographischen Element in der Geschichte, nicht aber das deutliche Bewußtsein, daß die Menschheit an dem Planeten ihre physische Individualität besitzt, daß sie zu ihm sich verhält, wie die Seele zum Leib. Anstatt die geographische Betrachtung durch und durch mit der historischen verwachsen zu lassen [which he proposes to do], hat man teils geographische Intermezzos nach subjektivem Gutdünken ... eingestreut, teils auch sich mit einer dem Ganzen voraufgeschickten geographischen Grundlage ein für allemal begnügt. Man hat hierbei nicht bedacht, daß man die Geschichte, wenn man ihr den planetarischen Grund und Boden, auf den man sie von vornherein stellt, wegrückt, zwischen Himmel und Erde schweben läßt und ihre Behandlung dem veränderlichen Luftzuge des subjektiven Beliebens mehr oder minder preisgibt ... Darin ruht die Selbständigkeit der geographischen Wissenschaft, ..., daß ihr Objekt die Erde ist, ... die Erde, wie sie bestimmend auf die Entwicklung des Geistes einwirkt und hinwiederum vom Geist bestimmt und verändert wird. Dies Verhältnis des Planeten zum Geist ist ein wesentliches.”[149]

Arnold H. Guyot, “ce Suisse transplanté en Amérique,”[150] treats the same topic in the _Géographie physique comparée, considérée dans ses rapports avec l’histoire de l’humanité_.[151]

The frequently misquoted Henry Thomas Buckle, in the celebrated second chapter of the _History of Civilization in England_,[152] shows the largely indirect effects of climate, food, and soil, chiefly upon the civilizations—of India, Egypt, Mexico, Peru, etc.—anterior to those of Europe, and of a fourth class of physical agents, namely, of what he terms the general aspect of nature upon the imagination—religion, literature, art—of those peoples. Buckle does not maintain that these four classes of the Environment were the _sole_ factors in producing civilization; in fact he makes it quite clear that they were _not_ the only factors, that they affected the civilizations mentioned in an indirect way and he indicates how this has taken place. Buckle’s statements of his ideas had been misrepresented, twisted, and distorted to such a degree that John M. Robertson felt impelled to write a whole book[153] in rebuttal, in order to set Buckle’s detractors and controversial critics right and to refute their unfair imputations to Buckle’s intended meaning.

The romanticist Ernst Curtius is sometimes referred to as one of those historians who give adequate expression to the action of the physical milieu upon the course of history. But Vallaux declares that Curtius, like Michelet, has made of human geography and of political geography _merely_ a preliminary and introductory science to history: “une science auxiliaire ou plutôt liminaire, sorte de _portique d’entrée_ [the italics are ours] pour leurs brillantes constructions,”[154] lending thus support to Kapp’s contention.[155] Nor would Ratzel be content with a portrayal of the land as an introduction to the history of a country, even though it be as richly colored as that drawn by Curtius.[156] A description, in itself, fails to penetrate to the core of the relation. If we now turn to Curtius’ _The History of Greece_,[157] we find that the first chapter in the first book[158] considers Land and People, a part of which (pp. 9–18) gives a geographical description of Hellas, and another part of which (pp. 19–25, seven pages scant) points out the connection between the land and the people. Elsewhere,[159] Curtius shows the interaction between the physical environment of Athens and the Athenians.[160]

George Grote, whose account of the relation between the Greek land and the Greek people is held by some[161] to be excellent, in _A History of Greece_,[162] devotes four pages (227–30) of the chapter on General Geography and Limits of Greece to show the effects of the configuration of Greece upon the political relation of the inhabitants[163] and the effects upon their intellectual development,[164] the rest of the chapter being given over to a description of the geography of Greece.

Alfred E. Zimmern, in _The Greek Commonwealth, Politics and Economics in Fifth-Century Athens_,[165] deals very cleverly with the main features of the material environment of Greek civilization: The Mediterranean Area; The Sea; The Climate; The Soil; Fellowship, or the Rule of Public Opinion, under which headings he discusses the influence of environment upon Greek institutions.[166]

As early as 1864, G. P. Marsh investigates the subject of man’s reaction on his milieu in _Man and Nature, or Physical Geography as Modified by Human Action_ (London).

John William Draper, in his _History of the Intellectual Development of Europe_,[167] in the composition of which Herderian ideas were the guides,[168] first attempts to show (vol. I, pp. 6–17) that individual man, as well as communities, nations, and universal humanity, are under the control of physical conditions; then (pp. 23–35) he points out how the topography, meteorology, and secular geological movements of Europe affected its inhabitants. On the whole, he overstates the force of environment and neglects the human factor; nevertheless his uncompromising affirmations bring out strikingly some of the environmental effects on man.

The uncritical Max Duncker, in the nine volume _Geschichte des Altertums_,[169] not only has chapters on _Land und Volk_, or _Land und Stämme_ at the beginning of the history of a given nation, but he also dwells elsewhere in his text on the sway of geography in history.

Élisée Réclus, in the magistral _Nouvelle Géographie Universelle_ (1879 ff.), speaking of the difficulties encountered by research, queries: “... Was verdanken die Nationen dem Einfluß der Natur, die sie umgibt? Was verdanken sie dem Milieu, das ihre Vorfahren bewohnten, ihren Rasseinstinkten, ihren verschiedenartigen Mischungen, den von Außen eingeführten Überlieferungen? Man weiß es nicht, kaum daß einige Lichtstrahlen in jene Finsternis dringen.”[170] The preponderance of European nations is by no means attributable, as some arrogantly and self-conceitedly fancied, to any racial endowment; on the contrary, it is due to the favoring conditions of the physical environment prevailing in Europe: “Man weiß, wie mächtig der Einfluß des geographischen Milieu auf die Fortschritte der europäischen Nationen gewesen ist. Ihre Überlegenheit ist keineswegs, wie einige sich dünkelhafter Weise eingebildet haben, der eigentümlichen Anlage der Rassen zuzuschreiben, denn in anderen Gegenden der alten Welt haben sich eben dieselben Rassen weniger schöpferisch erwiesen. Es sind die glücklichen Bedingungen der Wärme, des Klimas, der Gestalt und Lage des Festlandes, welche den Europäern die Ehre verschafft haben, die ersten gewesen zu sein in der Kenntnis der Erde in ihrem ganzen Umfange und lange Zeit an der Spitze der Zivilisation geblieben zu sein.”[171] These conditions help to explain, in part, the character of the nations: “Mit vollem Recht lieben es also die historischen Geographen bei der Gestalt der verschiedenen Erdteile und bei den Folgen zu verweilen, welche sich daraus für die Bestimmung der Völker ergeben. Die Gestalt der Hochebenen, die Höhe der Berge, der Lauf und der Reichtum der Flüsse, die Nachbarschaft des Ozeans, die Gliederung der Küsten, die Temperatur der Atmosphäre, die Häufigkeit oder Seltenheit des Regens, die unzähligen wechselseitigen Einflüsse der Sonne, der Luft und der Gewässer, alle Erscheinungen des Pflanzenlebens habe eine Bedeutung in ihren Augen und dienen ihnen (wenigstens zum Teil), den Charakter und das erste Leben der Nationen zu erklären ...”[172] Continental and oceanic forms and other features of the globe vary in their value for man in accordance with the stage of civilization to which he attained.[173] Notwithstanding this separation, in principle, of natural and national influences upon social evolution, its application to concrete cases Réclus finds arduous: “Durch das Studium der Sonne und durch die unablässige Beobachtung der klimatischen Erscheinungen können wir ganz allgemein verstehen, welches der Einfluß der Natur auf die Entwicklung der Völker gewesen ist; aber es ist schwieriger, das auf jede Rasse, auf jede Nation zu verteilen....”[174]

P. Mougeoulle’s theory in _Les problèmes de l’histoire_,[175] is an altogether one-sided geographical theory of history.[176] The sole cause of the external as well as the internal history of peoples, is, in his opinion, the geographical Milieu.[177] To Mougeoulle, the Milieu is the author, whereas man is the actor of the Drama of history.[178]

Léon Metchnikoff, in _La Civilisation et Les Grands Fleuves Historiques_,[179] pays some attention to the influences (astronomic, physical—the geosphere, the hydrosphere, and the atmosphere—, vegetal, animal, anthropological) of the milieu on man and society; yet his main care is with the action of parts of the hydrosphere on human progress. Following C. Böttiger (_Das Mittelmeer_, Leipzig, 1859), Metchnikoff distinguishes the three milieus: fluvial or potamic, mediterranean or thalassic, and oceanic or universal.[180] On this basis he divides universal history into three periods: 1) the period of the fluvial civilizations (temps anciens), furnishing the principal theme of his argument (discussed in the last four chapters of his book); 2) that of the mediterranean civilizations (temps moyens); 3) and that of the oceanic civilizations. The fluvial or ancient period, from the beginnings to _circa_ 800 B.C., comprises the history of the four great civilizations of antiquity, in Egypt, Mesopotamia, India, China, “qui ont eu pour milieu géographique des régions arrosées par certains fleuves ou couples de fleuves célèbres.” The mediterranean or middle period extends from the seventh century B.C.—the foundation of Carthage—to Charles the Fifth. The modern or oceanic period has two epochs: a) the _atlantic_ epoch, from the discovery of America to about the middle of the nineteenth century; and b) the _universal_ epoch, just beginning.[181] In the main, Metchnikoff limits the scope of his work to the compass of fluvial civilizations. He studies in detail the four great historical rivers or pairs of rivers (the Nile, the Tigris and the Euphrates, the Indus and the Ganges, and the Hoangho and the Yangtze-Kiang, those great educators of mankind) in their bearing upon the four grand civilizations—Chinese, Hindu, Assyro-Babylonian, and Egyptian—of remote antiquity, all of which expanded in fluvial regions.[182] The River, in all countries, presents itself to Metchnikoff as the living synthesis of all the complex conditions of the climate, of the soil, of the configuration of the earth, and of the geologic formation. In Egypt and in China, in India and in Mesopotamia, the River has been “comme une synthèse vivante des conditions géographiques les plus multiples.”[183] He finds that each of the four great monarchies of antiquity had been a natural consequence or result of the hydrological system of the country that served as its cradle, and that history, in the entire ancient world, had been a toil, a forced labor (“une corvée”), imposed on a part of mankind by certain orographic peculiarities of the Milieu. Metchnikoff concludes that in these empires “le Milieu s’est trouvé être invariablement le vrai créateur de l’histoire.” The eloquent example of these four grand ancient civilizations sufficiently proves to him that no important historical expansion could ever occur in any country of the world, unless the milieu condemned its inhabitants to that excessive solidarity which he shows to have been brutally imposed everywhere at the shores of these great historical rivers; a milieu is conceivable, however, where this condition, rigorously required by history, may be fulfilled by an environmental factor other than a river or a system of rivers.[184] Metchnikoff protests that he is far from advocating potamic[185] or geographical[186] fatalism.[187]

Babington’s study of the power of environment over history points out the fallacy of the race theory in the history of the Roman empire, of Germany, and of China.[188]

N. S. Shaler, in _Nature and Man in America_,[189] traces, on the one hand, the action of environment on organic life, and, on the other, the effect of geographic conditions on the development of peoples, more especially on that of man in North America.[190]

Since about the middle of the eighties, under the leadership of the late historian E. A. Freeman and of the illustrious statesman and scholar, Lord James Bryce, “a marked revival of interest” has been exhibited in England in studying the physical milieu as it relates to man and human society, institutions and history.[191]

The leading point of view in H. F. Helmolt’s _The History of the World, a Survey of Man’s Record_,[192] is the treatment of man’s relation to his physical environment, the relation of geography to history, the dependence of man on his geographical surroundings. “It [Helmolt’s _History_] deals with history in the light of physical environment.... Its ground plan, so to speak, is primarily geographical....”[193] It was conceived in the spirit of Ratzel;[194] it is said to have brought for the first time “die Länder- und Völkerkunde in den Dienst der Weltgeschichtsdarstellung.”[195] Helmolt’s “great co-operative _History of Mankind_ ... emphasizes the sovereign influences of nature and geography,” says Gooch.[196]

Rev. H. B. George, in _The Relations of Geography and History_,[197] attempts to “point out systematically how these [geographical] causes work [all history through], first in general, and then in reference to the various countries of Europe,”[198] although “This work does not pretend to attempt the impossible task of describing all the influence exerted by geographical conditions on human history. All that it professes to do is to indicate the modes in which that influence works, with sufficient illustrations from actual history.”[199]

Professor Geddes, of Edinburgh, is the most energetic expounder of this idea—the anthropo-geographical conception of history—in the English-speaking world, says Small.[200]

Throughout the entire treatment of Guglielmo Ferrero’s[201] _History of Rome_ (one of the most original and important historical works of recent years), geography thoroughly permeates history.[202]

Robert Sieger[203] attempts to explain the history and policies of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy “aus ihren geographischen Grundlagen.”[204]

Ellsworth Huntington, in _The Pulse of Asia_,[205] illustrates the geographic basis of history.[206]

The Columbia School of sociological historians, and others, interpret history partly in terms of the milieu: physical (economic and geographic) and social.[207]

Human geography, and political geography, have long been divided into fragmentary parts, contended for by economics, history, and sociology.[208] Yet the discipline of anthropo-geography has now become “eine mächtige Hilfswissenschaft der geschichtlichen Auffassung.”[209] So that, today, it has become a custom to include in textbooks of history one or more chapters on the relation of geography to history, to show the dependence of history on environment.[210] The study of the latter is a part of Kulturgeschichte or History of Civilization which is defined as embracing the non-political aspects of civilization such as the influence of nature, the pressure of economic factors, the origin and transformation of ideas, the contribution of science and art, religion and philosophy, literature and law, the material conditions of life, the fortunes of the masses.[211] Likewise, only on a broader scale, the milieu is being examined in a new branch of study, which is one resultant of anthropo-geographical research. This new branch of study is economic geography, which, according to John McFarlane,[212] “may be defined as the study of the influence exerted upon the economic activities of man by his physical environment, and more especially by the form and structure of the surface of the land, the climatic conditions which prevail upon it, and the place relations in which its different regions stand to one another.” Seligman says that the modern study of economic geography is but an expansion of the study of the influence of milieu.[213]

Indeed, geography itself, _i.e._, the new geography, is conceived of as the science or study of the responses of organisms to inorganic, and to a certain extent organic, environmental control.[214] Professor William Morris Davis, of Harvard University, is one of the chief exponents of this theory in the United States. Very recently, Rollin D. Salisbury said:[215] “By common consent, Geography (as distinct from physical geography) is the science which deals with the relations of physical environment to life and its activities. In this sense, geography is a connecting link between geology, physiography, and climatology, on the one hand, and zoölogy, botany, sociology, economics, and history on the other. Its subject-matter is in process of formulation....”[216]

_More Recent Anthropo-geographical Treatises_

James Bryce offers the most excellent general survey of man’s relation to his physical environment.[217]

Herbertson’s very useful and readable introductory book gives “concrete pictures of human life under these very different conditions [typical environments]. They show, in the first place, how the occupation of different groups of mankind depends on their geographical surroundings, and how these occupations in turn affect not only the material life, the houses, food, clothing, etc., but also family life, notions of property, progress in trade and manufactures, power of expansion, and ideals of government. All these are classified, not according to race, which is often an accident, but according to those permanent influences by which all races are affected.”[218]

Robert DeCourcy Ward, in his standard work on _Climate Considered Especially in Relation to Man_,[219] presents “typical illustrations” of environmental action on the life of man in the tropics (Ch. 8, pp. 220–71), in the temperate zones (Ch. 9 pp. 272–321), and in the polar zones (Ch. 10, pp. 322–37).[220] In a chapter on the hygiene of the zones (Ch. 7, pp. 178–219), Ward also surveys “some of the relations between weather and climate and a few of the more important diseases.”[221]

R. R. Marett’s chapter on “Environment” in his _Anthropology_[222] presents, beside a number of valuable general and critical remarks, chiefly a regional survey of the world showing the general effect of geographical environment on man.

Camille Vallaux, in _Géographie Sociale, Le Sol et L’État_,[223] beginning with the sixth chapter, also discusses some phases of what would in E. C. Hayes’ classification[224] be called the technical milieu.

The most recent German essay, Willy Hellpach’s[225] _Die Geopsychischen Erscheinungen: Wetter, Klima und Landschaft in ihrem Einfluß auf das Seelenleben_,[226] deals with the _direct_ effects of the surrounding _atmosphere_ and soil on the human psyche.[227] Hellpach seems primarily interested in “Psycho-Pathologie”;[228] he lays most stress on _das Pathologische_, particularly in the main—first two—parts of his essay: “Wetter und Seelenleben,” and “Klima und Seelenleben,” where the pathological effect is strongly emphasized. Hellpach’s valuable summary of what we know today of this phase of the milieu,[229] revealing as it does by the meager number of the facts assembled the crying need for many more such facts, may be, in its results, somewhat disappointing[230] for the present day, but it augurs well for future investigation.

The latest extensive presentation of general anthropo-geography,[231] Jean Brunhes’ _La géographie humaine_,[232] pays more attention to present than to historical conditions,[233] and thus fittingly complements Ellen C. Semple’s _Influences of Geographic Environment_,[234] which “may be regarded as superseding Ratzel’s great work on Anthropo-geography.”[235]

_Primitive Peoples and Environment_

Karl Ritter, in the essay “Über das historische Element in der geographischen Wissenschaft” (1833), declares that the forces of nature which at the commencement of human history exerted a very decisive influence were bound to recede more and more, and their action had to diminish, in proportion to man’s progress. Civilized mankind extricates itself gradually, like single man, from the immediately conditioning fetters of nature and of its place of abode.[236] This opinion of Ritter’s was adopted by many.[237]

Theodor Waitz regards primitive man both as purely a product of, and as being completely at the mercy of, circumambient nature: “Denken wir uns vom Menschen Alles hinweg, was an ihm Wirkung der Kultur ist, so steht er da als bloßes Produkt der Macht, die ihn in’s Leben rief, ... Das Erste, was an ihm charakteristisch für uns hervorträte, würde die sehr vollständige Abhängigkeit sein, in der er sich von seiner Naturumgebung befände: der gesammte Inhalt, den sein inneres Leben zunächst gewönne, würde ein ziemlich reines Produkt dieser letzteren sein. Der Naturmensch wird zunächst nur das, wozu die Naturverhältnisse ihn machen, unter die er sich gestellt findet; wovon er sich nährt, das werden diese ihm darbieten, auf welche Weise und durch welche Mittel er seine Nahrung gewinnt, dazu werden diese ihm Anleitung geben müssen; ob er Kleidung und sonstigen Schutz gegen äußere Schädlichkeiten bedarf, und wie er diesem Bedürfnis abzuhelfen strebt, werden sie ihn lehren und die Erfindungen, die hierzu nötig sind, ihm an die Hand geben müssen; sie werden mit einem Wort seine ganze Lebenseinrichtung bestimmen ...”[238]

G. Gerland holds that man developed from and upon nature, on which he is very closely dependent and of which he is a small part, and that the higher he rises the more he frees himself from the compelling influence of the earth, which, however, he can never wholly escape.[239]

In the opinion of Herbert Spencer, the earlier stages of social evolution are far more dependent on local conditions than the later stages. They are more at the mercy of their surroundings.[240] Both Spencer and Benjamin Kidd believe that primitive man is at the mercy of the milieu.[241] The “remotely ancient representatives of the human species ... were in their then wild state much more plastic than now to external nature,” according to Wallace.[242] Historical and statistical geography show us “die Menschen, wie sie in ihre aktive Rolle eingetreten sind und durch Arbeit die Überlegenheit über das Milieu gewinnen, das sie umgibt ... Nachdem der Mensch ganz den Einfluß des Milieu über sich ergehen ließ, hat er denselben zu seinem Nutzen umgestaltet ...”[243] The intimate connection of first civilizations with physical environment slackens with subsequent advance.[244] This apparently deep-rooted view is controverted by Ratzel who flatly contradicts it. Distinguishing between the direct and the indirect effects of milieu, he argues in straight opposition that with progressing civilization we are increasingly dependent on environment, that the degree of such dependence has not lessened with advancement in civilization, and that only the manner of the relation has changed.[245] Environment affects even the highest civilization, says Ripley.[246] G. Elliot Smith maintains that “Environment, however it may act, whether directly or indirectly, is still helping to shape the human form, and is affecting the development of Man’s customs and achievements at least as powerfully as, if not more so than, ever before.”[247]

_Society and Physical Milieu_

The social evolution proceeds amidst the entire system of exterior conditions (chemical, physical, astronomical), by which its rate of progress is determined. Social phenomena can no more be understood apart from their environment than those of individual life.[248] The study of social evolution presupposes a relation to the physical milieu: “Das Studium der sozialen Entwicklung setzt eine Beziehung zwischen der Menschheit, welche den Vorgang vollführt, und der Gesamtheit der äußeren Einflüsse voraus, welche letztere man auch die sogenannte Umgebung heißen könnte.”[249]

John Stuart Mill asserts that “All phenomena of society are phenomena of human nature, generated by the action of outward circumstances upon masses of human beings.”[250]

To Schäffle, in the analysis of the structure and functions of human society there exist as influential factors the external surroundings, on the one hand, and the active elements of the social body (the individual and the population), on the other; for, as Schäffle emphasizes, not only economics, but all social science must take into consideration not only Society, but also Nature, _i.e._, the natural fund or stock, designated by soil and climate, of the immediate world-surroundings of the social body as the external sphere embracing societary life, and that, not only as a sum total of free possessions, but also as a multiplicity of free, _i.e._, unsubjugated resistances.[251]

As “the result of a survey of social organizations, considered as machinery in motion, [Hermann] Post[252] points out very justly that it is useless to attempt to explain social phenomena on the basis of the psychological activities of individuals, as is too commonly assumed, because all individuals whose conduct we can possibly observe have themselves been educated in some society or other, and presume in all their social acts the assumptions on which that society itself proceeds.... It [Post’s method] is the same method, of course, which had already yielded such remarkable results to Montesquieu, and even to Locke. The point of view is no longer that of a Maine or a McLennan.... It is that of a spectator of human society as a whole.... And its immediate outcome has been to throw into the strongest possible relief the dependence of the form and, still more, of the actual content of all human societies on something which is not in the human mind at all, but is the infinite variety of that external Nature which Society exists to fend off from Man, and also to let Man dominate if he can.”[253]

_Government, War, Progress, and Climate_

James Bryce “has recently clearly set forth the climatic control of government in an essay on ‘British Experience in the Government of Colonies’ (_Century_, March, 1899, 718–729).”[254] Vallaux, however, is sceptical as to the influence of physical environment upon the State.[255] William Ridgeway avers that political and legal institutions are the result of environment.[256]

Far-reaching and weighty historical consequences “have followed from special conditions of climate or weather. Maguire’s ‘Outlines of Military Geography’ (Cambridge, 1899) contains a chapter on the influence of climate on military operations, but this subject has hitherto received little attention. More recently, Bentley, in a presidential address before the Royal Meteorological Society, London, considered the matter.”[257] Still more recently, the relation of climate or weather to war has been scrutinized, among others, by F. Lampe in “Der erdkundliche Unterricht,”[258] by Otto Baschin in “Der Krieg und das Wetter,”[259] and by E. Alt in “Krieg und Witterung.”[260]

Hellwald, “the well-known traveller and geographer,” compiled his “History of Civilization in its Natural Development” in 1874, according to the findings of which, cultural development is “a natural process, conditioned by race, geography, and climate. Civilisation means the mastering of nature and the taming of man.... Hellwald’s standpoint is shared, though less aggressively displayed by Henne-am-Rhyn.”[261]

To the late meteorologist Cleveland Abbe, “Everything seems to combine to prove that the existing order of events both material and intellectual has been brought about by a slow process of change, due to the interaction of the atoms and masses that constitute the material world around us.”[262]

The great diversity of existent civilizations, declares Auguste Matteuzzi, is due to the diversity of the milieus where they developed. In order to discover why any civilization becomes more heterogeneous and more perfect, one must study the geographic milieu where it evolved. The organic and inorganic milieu of evolving ethnic groups constrains human societies to an incessant process of adaptation, and these societies in their turn react upon the milieu and modify it.[263]

In short, says Auguste Comte, “all human progress, political, moral, or intellectual, is inseparable from material progression, in virtue of the close interconnection which, as we have seen, characterizes the natural course of social phenomena.”[264]

That civilization is a result of adaptation to environment, physical as well as political, is the view entertained by Bryce, Strachey, and Geikie.[265]

_Climate and Man’s Characteristics_

There are “certain broad, distinguishing characteristics of man in the temperate and tropical zones, in determining which it is reasonable to believe that climate has played a part. Similarly, there has been a natural tendency to attribute certain differences between northerners and southerners in the temperate zones to a difference in climate.... These national differences are proverbial between northern and southern Germans, French, Spanish, Russians, Italians, Arabs, and other peoples. The influence of climate has likewise been traced in the sad, even pessimistic tone of much of the northern literature, and in the gravity and melancholy of modern northern music, as well as of the older northern folk-songs ... even racial distinctions are more or less directly traceable, in many instances, to climate.... Sir Archibald Geikie, in his _Scottish Reminiscences_, has emphasized the climatic influence in producing the grim character of the Scot....”[266]

Tacitus, in the 29th chapter of the _Germania_, assures us that the soil and climate of the land of the Mattiaci caused them to be more bellicose than their neighbors.[267]

Daudet, “who has written an entire novel (‘Numa Roumestan’) to depict the great influence of the climate of southern Europe upon conduct, says: ‘The Southerner does not love strong drinks; he is intoxicated by nature. Sun and wind distil in him a terrible natural alcohol to whose influence every one born under this sky is subject. Some have only the mild fever which sets their speech and gesture free, redoubles their audacity, makes everything seem rosy-hued, and drives them on to boasting; others live in a blind delirium. And what Southerner has not felt the sudden giving way, the exhaustion of his whole being, that follows an outburst of rage or enthusiasm?’”[268]

Draper “emphasized the important historical consequences of the difference in the characteristics of northerners and southerners in the United States, which he attributed largely to climate, and which found expression in the Civil War.... The Boers in Africa have developed along lines different from those of the Dutch in the United States.”[269]

_Man’s Intellect and Physical Environment_

Auguste Comte, who “was very slightly affected by German thought,” and who, in early youth, came under the influence of the philosophy that had become prevalent in France before the Revolution, “read the works of most of its leading representatives. He accepted its cardinal principle that ‘thought depends on sense, or, more broadly, on the environment.’”[270]

Adolf Bastian worked unceasingly “among the conceptions of the Naturvölker—the ‘cryptograms of mankind,’ as he called them—..., demonstrating first the surprising uniformity of outlook on the part of the more primitive peoples, and secondly the correlation of differences of conceptions with differences in material surroundings, varying with geographical conditions. This second doctrine he elaborated in his _Zur Lehre von den geographischen Provinzen_, in 1886.”[271]

Physiology and statistics “show that most human functions are subject to the influence of heat (Lombroso, ‘Pensiero e Meteore,’ Milan, 1878). It is to be expected, then, that excessive heat will have its effect upon the human mind.”[272]

The physiographer, “... looking back over the history of life upon the earth’s surface, ... is forced to the conclusion that its highest estate embodied in the moral and intellectual qualities of man has been, in the main, secured by the geographic variations which have slowly developed through the geological ages.”[273]

Benno Erdmann, in his “Gedächtnisrede auf Wilhelm Dilthey,” observes that in ripe old age Dilthey in the last of his larger works declared that man finds himself determined by the physical world in which mental occurrences appear only as interpolations.[274]

_Religion and Physical Milieu_

As physical characteristics “are in the main the result of environment, social institutions and religious ideas are no less the product of that environment.... We might just as well ask the Ethiopian to change his skin as to change radically his social and religious ideas. It has been shown by experience that Christianity can make but little headway amongst many peoples in Africa or Asia, where on the other hand Muhammadanism has made and is steadily making progress, ... This is probably due to the fact that Muhammadanism is a religion evolved ... in latitudes bordering on the aboriginal races of Africa and Asia, and that it is far more akin in its social ideas to those of the Negro or Malay than are those of Christianity, ...”[275]

Ernest Renan “points out that the desert is monotheistic, its uniformity suggesting a belief in the unity of God.... In his _Seas and Skies in Many Latitudes_ (London, 1888, pp. 42–43), Abercromby gives two maps, showing respectively the areas of Mohammedanism and the districts in Asia and Africa with a mean annual rainfall of less than ten inches. The maps are strikingly similar. The author adds: ‘Whether this distribution of a great creed is the result of chance, or of some deep connection between the tenets of that religion and climatic influences, I can not say;—but still the relation is so remarkable that I have thought it well to bring the matter forward.’”[276]

_Climate and Conduct_

The “frequent and sudden weather changes of the temperate zones affect man in many ways, as do the larger seasonal changes. The relations between weather and conduct have frequently been investigated. Professor E. G. Dexter has made an extended empirical study of the effects of the weather ... Bertillon has collected data on suicides and seasons in France, ...”[277] Dexter studies empirically by means of statistics—plotting certain curves—the relation between temperature, barometric pressure, humidity, wind, character of the day, precipitation, on the one hand, and the child in school—work, deportment, attendance—, crime, insanity, health—sickness and death—, suicide, drunkenness, attention—errors in calculation made by clerks in banks—, on the other.[278] Of his general conclusions[279] the first is: “Varying meteorological conditions affect directly, though in different ways, the metabolism of life”; the second: “The ‘reserve energy’ capable of being utilized for intellectual processes and activities other than those of the vital organs is affected [_effected_, in the original] most by meteorological changes”; the third: “The quality of the emotional state is plainly influenced by the weather states”; the fourth: “Although meteorological conditions affect the emotional states, which without doubt have weight in the determination of conduct in its broadest sense, it would seem that their effects upon that portion of the reserve energy which is available for action are of the greatest import.”[280]

The nervous effects of the weather including cyclonic winds have also been noted. Among the Eskimos, “Marriages take place at an early age, especially among the women, and the return of the sun after the long winter has a stimulating effect on the animal passions which leads to sexual excesses of all kinds.”[281]

Albert Leffingwell investigates _The Influence of Seasons Upon Conduct_[282] in Great Britain and elsewhere. He formulates the underlying assumption of his inquiry in the following manner: “It is not a new theory, though I propose to carry it somewhat further than it has been pushed hitherto. Over half a century ago, Quetelet in his great work “On Man,” suggested the hypothesis.... The hypothesis toward which all the facts point is simply this: that upon the nervous organization of human bodies (perhaps specially upon dwellers in the temperate zones) there is exerted during the procession of the seasons, from winter’s close till midsummer, some undefined, specific influence, which in some manner tends to increase the excitability of emotion and passion, and thus also to increase all actions arising therefrom.”[283] To mention only one of Leffingwell’s illustrations, he brings together in a statistical table the total number of all crimes against persons in England for ten years (1878–87), the same facts for Ireland during the same decade, and for France during forty years (1830–69), and in conjunction therewith says: “Here, again, we find that all crimes, even those arising from personal antipathy or hatred, seem specially prevalent in the warmer half of the year. In England, 55 per cent of all such acts of violence during the ten years 1878–1887 happened in spring and summer, and in France during a period of forty years the average was the same. Ireland, indeed, shows a more even distribution of such crimes; but the tendency is seen even there.”[284]

Cesare Lombroso, who is claimed to be the first to have essayed to portray the effect of physical environment on the human psyche,[285] states in his _Criminal Man_,[286] referring to Ferri and Holzendorf, that with high temperature there is an increase in crimes of violence, while low temperature has the effect of increasing the number of crimes against property. In “comparing statistics of criminality in France with those of the variations in temperature, Ferri noted an increase in crimes of violence during the warmer years.”[287]

Lombroso, in his _Crime, Its Causes and Remedies_,[288] citing the conclusions of the relevant statistical evidence, establishes that in England and France and Italy the crimes of rape and of murder occur in greatest number in the hottest months; that the maximum number of all rebellions in the whole world between 1791 and 1880 falls everywhere in the hottest month, while its minimum number comes in the coldest months; and that crimes against property markedly increase in the winter.[289]

In the southern parts of Italy and France “there occur many more crimes against persons than in the central and northern portions.... Guerry has shown that crimes against persons are twice as numerous in southern France (4.9) as in central and northern France (2.7 and 2.9). _Vice versa_, crimes against property are more frequent in the north (4.9), than in the central and southern regions (2.3).”[290] According to Buckle,[291] climate makes men’s habits regular or irregular.

_Climatic Control of Food and Drink_

William Ridgeway, summarizing his argument in “The Application of Zoölogical Laws to Man,”[292] says: “We have seen that environment is a powerful factor in the differentiation of the various races of man, alike in physique, institutions, and religion. It is probable that the food supply at hand in each region may be an important element in these variations, whilst the nature of the food and drink preferred there may itself be due in no small degree to climatic conditions.... The aboriginal of the tropics is distinctly a vegetarian, whilst the Eskimo within the arctic circle is practically wholly carnivorous. In each case the taste is almost certainly due to the necessities of their environment.... It is probable that the more northward man advanced the more carnivorous he became in order to support the rigours of the northern climate. The same holds equally true in the case of drink.... All across Northern Europe and Asia there is a universal love of strong drink, which is not the mere outcome of vicious desires, but of climatic law.... This view derives additional support from the well-authenticated fact that one of the chief characteristics of the descendants of British settlers in Australia is their strong teetotalism. This cannot be set down to their having a higher moral standard than their ancestors, but rather, as in the case of Spaniards and Italians (temperance reformers point to the sobriety of the Spaniards, Italians, and other South Europeans), to the circumstance that they live in a country much warmer and drier than the British Isles. We must therefore, no matter how reluctantly, come to the conclusion that no attempt to eradicate this tendency to alcohol in these latitudes can be successful....”[293]

-----

Footnote 83:

This paper will carry the discussion through anthropo-geography.

Footnote 84:

The whole question, including Herder’s own idea thereof and his
indebtedness to preceding authors, both German and foreign, as well as
his influence upon succeeding writers at home and abroad, his relation
to his contemporaries, etc., will be essayed more fully in a series of
papers, to be published soon, dealing with “Herder’s Conception of
Milieu,” “Herder’s Relations to France,” “Herder’s Relations to
England,” and “Herder in His Own Milieu.”

Footnote 85:

The term “anthropo-geography” derives from the title of Fr. Ratzel’s
main work.—“... le domaine si intéressant, mais à peine défriché, de
l’_anthropogéographie_, semble avoir acquis à ce mot le droit de cité
dans le langage scientifique.”—L. Metchnikoff, _La Civilisation et Les
Grands Fleuves Historiques_ (Paris, 1889), p. 70 and n.—In England,
and in America, it is commonly called human geography, after the
French “la géographie humaine.” Various names have been proposed for
this subject. See also W. Z. Ripley, “Geography and Sociology.” The
Viennese Erwin Hanslick, I believe, denominates it “Kulturgeographie.”

Footnote 86:

Walther May, “Herders Anschauung der organischen Natur,” _Archiv f. d.
Geschichte der Naturwissenschaften u. d. Technik_, etc., Leipzig, Bd.
4 (1913, S. 8–39, 89–113), p. 91.

Footnote 87:

_Ferd. v. Richthofen’s Vorlesungen üb. Allgem. Siedlungs- u.
Verkehrsgeographie_, bearb. u. hg. v. O. Schlüter (Berlin, 1908), p.
11.

Footnote 88:

“... Ritter selbst hat keine methodische Darstellung, kein Lehrgebäude
gegeben; sondern nur Andeutungen, die anregend sind. Daher blieb
Ritters Grundidee fast ohne Einfluß auf die Geographie; nur die
Historiker haben sie sich angeeignet und haben seitdem größeres
Gewicht auf die Landesnatur gelegt.”—_Ibid._, p. 11.

Footnote 89:

_Cosmos, a Sketch of a Physical Description of the Universe_,
translated by E. C. Otté (5 vols., New York: Harper, 1875–77), p. 48.

Footnote 90:

_Die Erdkunde im Verhältnis zur Natur und zur Geschichte des Menschen
oder eine allgemeine, vergleichende Geographie_ was published in two
volumes at Berlin in 1817–18; the second edition, completely revised,
appeared in nineteen volumes from 1822 to 1859, the year of his death.
Neither edition is finished; the second deals only with Africa (vol.
1) and Asia (vols. 2–19).

Footnote 91:

_Die Naturkunde_, etc.—See Th. Achelis, _Moderne Völkerkunde_
(Stuttgart, 1896), p. 71.

Footnote 92:

_Ibid._, see Achelis, _l.c._, pp. 72 f.

Footnote 93:

In Felix Lampe’s book, _Große Geographen, Bilder aus der Geschichte
der Erdkunde_ (Leipzig u. Berlin: B. G. Teubner, 1915, 288 S. [Band 28
der v. B. Schmid in Zwickau herausgegebenen “Naturwissenschaftlichen
Bibliothek”]), neither the chapter on Ritter (pp. 227–33), nor that on
“Die wissenschaftliche Geographie der Gegenwart” (pp. 281–87) is very
full.

Footnote 94:

Stuttgart & Tübingen, 1808.

Footnote 95:

_Views of Nature_ (London, 1850), Author’s Preface, p. X.

Footnote 96:

p. 382. See Achelis, _Moderne Völkerkunde_, pp. 88 f.—The relation of
man to environment is also referred to in _Cosmos_ (English
translation by Otté), I, pp. 351–9.—_Kosmos_ was originally published
as follows: vols. 1 and 2 in 1845–7; vols. 3 and 4 in 1850–8; vol. 5
in 1862.

Footnote 97:

Leipzig, 1841.

Footnote 98:

Kohl, _Der Verkehr_, etc., p. 111. See Achelis, _l.c._, pp. 80 f.

Footnote 99:

Ibid.

Footnote 100:

Kohl, _l.c._, p. 537. See Achelis, _l.c._, pp. 81 f.

Footnote 101:

Kohl, _Ibid._,—See Achelis, _l.c._, pp. 82 f.—The manifold influences
of nature are also exemplified in Kohl’s _Die geographische Lage der
Hauptstädte Europas_, 1874, and _L. Felix, Der Einfluß der Natur auf
die Entwicklung des Eigentums_, 1893.

Footnote 102:

_Über den Einfluß der äußeren Natur auf die sozialen Verhältnisse der
einzelnen Völker und die Geschichte der Menschheit überhaupt, 1848_;
later published in _Studien aus dem Gebiete der Naturwissenschaft_, I,
1876.

Footnote 103:

_Deutschlands Boden, sein geologischer Bau und dessen Einwirkungen auf
das Leben der Menschen_, 2 Bde., Leipzig, 1854.

Footnote 104:

501 pp., Breslau: F. Hirt, 1855.

Footnote 105:

Kutzen himself says in the _Vorwort_ that he “leans on” Cotta; he
cites the latter, for instance, on p. 466.

Footnote 106:

_Die Naturgeschichte des Volkes als Grundlage einer deutschen
Sozialpolitik_, vol. 1 (11th ed., Stuttgart: Cotta, 1908): Land und
Leute.

Footnote 107:

_Vide_ the first Preface, written in 1853, to volume one, pp. VI-VII.

Footnote 108:

_Die Naturgeschichte_, etc., I, p. 42.

Footnote 109:

_Ibid._, Vorwort zur achten Auflage, 1883, p. X.

Footnote 110:

_Die Naturgeschichte, etc., Vierter Band, “Wanderbuch,” als zweiter
Teil zu “Land und Leute.”_ Vierte Aufl., 1903, p. 32.

Footnote 111:

G. P. Gooch, _History and Historians in the Nineteenth Century_
(London & N. Y.; Longmans, Green & Co., 1913), p. 576.

Footnote 112:

Gooch, _ibid._, p. 575.

Footnote 113:

For Riehl’s view of milieu in a scheme of sciences, cf. _Die
Naturgeschichte_, etc., I, pp. 40–2.

Footnote 114:

164 pp., Meyers Volksbücher, Leipzig u. Wien: Bibliographisches
Institut, _s.a._—This essay forms the second chapter in Hans Meyer’s
_Das deutsche Volkstum_ (2. Aufl., 1903), pp. 41–122.

Footnote 115:

_Moderne Völkerkunde_, p. 81, n.

Footnote 116:

2. Aufl., 1905 (_Aus Natur und Geisteswelt_, 31. Bändchen, Leipzig: B.
G. Teubner), 127 pp.—It has been translated into English under the
title _Man and Earth_ (London & N. Y., 1906. Reprinted 1914, 223 pp.)
by A. S. “from the second amended German edition,” in which are
intercalated two chapters: Chapter V, on _The British Isles and
Britons_, by the author; and Chapter VI, on _America and the
Americans_, by the translator.—The first four chapters of a general
nature—features of the globe, sea, steppes and deserts, in their
influence on civilization, the influence of man on landscape—are
followed by four chapters on _The British Isles and Britons, America
and the Americans, Germany and the Germans, China and the Chinese_.

Footnote 117:

_Vorlesungen_, etc., delivered at Berlin in 1891 and 1897/8.

Footnote 118:

“... Es ist mehr unsere Aufgabe gewesen, in dem großen Getriebe der
Siedlung und des Verkehrs der _allmählichen Entwicklung_ nachzugehen,
das steigende Maß der Überwindung von Widerständen durch den Menschen
zu zeigen, die Kräfte zu untersuchen, welche in der Entwicklung
wirksam sind,—als bei der großen Fülle des Tatsächlichen der heutigen
Zeit zu verweilen.” _Vorlesungen_, p. 351.

Footnote 119:

It will be noted that Herder is not mentioned here.

Footnote 120:

Ellen C. Semple, _Influences of Geographic Environment_ (N. Y., 1911),
p. V.

Footnote 121:

“In Germany the exponents of these theories [of environmental
influence] were Cotta and Kohl, and later Peschel, Kirchhof, Bastian,
and Gerland; but the greatest name of all is that of Fr. Ratzel, who
has written the standard work on _Anthropogeographie_.”—Haddon and
Quiggin, _Hist. of Anthropology_ (London, 1910), p. 152.—The first
vol. of Ratzel’s _Anthropogeographie_ was published in 1882, 2nd ed.
in 1899, the second vol. in 1897.

Footnote 122:

As further illustration, it might be instructive to compare here the
chapter headings of Semple’s _Influences of Geographic Environment_,
which book was written “On the Basis of Ratzel’s System of
Anthropo-geography.” They are as follows: I—Operation of Geographic
Factors in History (1–31); II—Classes of Geographic Influences
(22–50); III—Society and State in Relation to the Land (51–73);
IV—Movements of Peoples in Their Geographical Significance (74–128);
V—Geographical Location (129–67); VI—Geographical Area (168–203);
VII—Geographical Boundaries (204–41); VIII—Coast Peoples (242–91);
IX—Oceans and Enclosed Seas (292–317); X—Man’s Relation to the Water
(318–35); XI—The Anthropo-geography of Rivers (336–80); XII—Continents
and Their Peninsulas (380–408); XIII—Island Peoples (409–72);
XIV—Plains, Steppes and Deserts (473–523); XV—Mountain Barriers and
Their Passes (524–56); XVI—Influences of a Mountain Environment
(557–606); XVII—The Influences of Climate upon Man (607–37).

Footnote 123:

_Richthofen’s Vorlesungen_, p. 13.

Footnote 124:

1897; 2. Aufl. 1903.

Footnote 125:

“Diese [die enge Erdgebundenheit] in ihrer ganzen tiefgreifenden
Bedeutung für das staatliche Leben erkannt und dargelegt zu haben,
bleibt freilich für immer ein großes Verdienst der ‘Politischen
Geographie’ ...”—O. Schlüter, “Die leitenden Gesichtspunkte d.
Anthropogeogr.,” _Arch. f. Sozialwiss._, Bd. IV, p. 620.

Footnote 126:

_Vide_ Richthofen, _l.c._, p. 12.

Footnote 127:

2 vols., München, 1893; see vol. 2, 2nd ed.: _Politische Geographie
der Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika, unter besonderer Berücksichtigung
der natürlichen Bedingungen u. wirtschaftlichen Verhältnisse_ (763
pp.), esp. pp. 1–176.

Footnote 128:

London, 1896 (this is a translation of his _Völkerkunde_, 1887/8), cf.
the opening pp. of vol. 1.

Footnote 129:

In Helmolt, _The History of the World_ (N. Y., 1902), vol. 1, pp.
62–103, where Ratzel discusses in turn The Coherence of Countries, The
Relation of Man to the Collective Life of the Earth, Races and States
as Organisms, Historical Movement, Natural Regions, Climate and
Location, Geographical Situation, Area, Population, The Water-Oceans,
Seas, and Rivers, Conformation of the Earth’s Surface.

Footnote 130:

London & N. Y.: Longmans, 1915.

Footnote 131:

See _The Nation_, N. Y., March 18, 1915, p. 310.

Footnote 132:

Paris, 1911, 420 pp.

Footnote 133:

Semple, _l.c._, p. VI; cf. also Ratzel, _Anthropogeogr._, I,^2 p. XII.

Footnote 134:

_Archiv f. Sozialwissenschaft_, Bd. IV (1906), pp. 581–630.

Footnote 135:

For Ratzel, cf. also Paul Barth, _Die Philosophie der Geschichte als
Soziologie_, I (Leipzig: Reisland, 1897), pp. 227–30; Jean Brunhes,
_La Géographie Humaine_, 2^e éd. (Paris: Alcan, 1912), pp. 39–47.

Footnote 136:

Buckle, History of Civilization (1867), p. 32 n.

Footnote 137:

Robertson, _Buckle and his Critics_ (London, 1895), p. 8 n.

Footnote 138:

4. vols., 1822–3.

Footnote 139:

Flint, _l.c._, pp. 577–9. See also p. 576.

Footnote 140:

_Vide supra_ my note no. 84.

Footnote 141:

Flint, _l.c._, p. 467.

Footnote 142:

_The History of Civilization from the Fall of the Roman Empire to the
French Revolution_ (4 vols., translated by Wm. Hazlitt, N. Y.: D.
Appleton & Co., 1867—the lectures were delivered in the years 1828,
1829, and 1830), vol. 2, pp. 109 f.

Footnote 143:

“Gothein had attracted attention by a study of the civilisation of
Southern Italy, which he had traversed on foot as Riehl had traversed
the Palatinate.”—Gooch, _l.c._, p. 587.

Footnote 144: