Chapter XIX: Part III: The Brief (6)

And as a final step in the examination let us imagine that Caiaphas and his colleagues had stated to Jesus that they were satisfied, from the authorities cited, that Jehovah had, in ancient days, appeared upon the earth in human form and had exhibited human attributes; that Jehovah had begotten a Son who was equal in power and majesty with Himself; that this Son had been begotten of a woman and possessed, therefore, human form and attributes; that this Jehovah had sent an angel messenger to the earth with a commission to pardon sins. Let us imagine further that the judges had demanded of the prisoner that He present and prove His credentials as the divine ambassador of God from heaven to men on earth; that He conform His personal claims to heavenly Messiahship to ancient prophecy by producing evidence before them in court. What facts, we may ask, could Jesus have shown to establish His claims to Messiahship and to Sonship of the Father?

To attempt to originate a defense for Jesus would be unnecessary, if not actually impertinent and sacrilegious. We are fully justified, however, in assuming that if called upon to prove His claims to Messiahship He would have made the same reply to the Sanhedrin that He had already made to the Jews out of court who asked Him: "What sign shewest thou, then, that we may see, and believe thee? what dost thou work?"[335] "How long dost thou make us to doubt? If thou be the Christ, tell us plainly. Jesus answered them, I told you, and ye believed not: _the works that I do in my Father's name, they bear witness of me_."[336] Again, He would have doubtless made the same reply to Caiaphas that He did to the embassy from John the Baptist who came to inquire if He was really the Messiah. "Jesus answered and said unto them, Go and shew John again those things which ye do hear and see: The blind receive their sight, and the lame walk, the lepers are cleansed, and the deaf hear, the dead are raised up, and the poor have the gospel preached to them."[337]

Under a fair trial, in daylight, with full freedom of defense to the accused, abundant evidence could have been secured of the miraculous powers of Jesus and of the truthfulness of His pretensions to a divine origin. Testimony could have been introduced that would have been not only competent but entirely satisfactory. The New Testament narratives tell us of about forty miracles that Jesus performed during His life. The closing verse of St. John intimates that He performed many that were never reported. The circumstances surrounding the working of these wonders were such as to make them peculiarly competent as evidence and to carry conviction of their genuineness, when they were once introduced.

In the first place, miracles were entirely capable of being proved by testimony. If those persons who had known Lazarus intimately during his lifetime saw him dead on one day, and on the fourth day afterwards saw him alive and walking the streets, the senses would be perfectly competent to decide and the fact that a miracle had been performed would be conclusively proved. And it may be added that a dozen witnesses who were entirely competent to testify could have been summoned to the defense of Jesus in the matter of raising Lazarus from the dead.

Again, we must remember that the miracles of Jesus were performed in the most public manner, in the street, on the highway, in far-away Galilee, and at the very gates of Jerusalem. Both His friends and enemies, men and women, were witnesses of their performance. The number and publicity of these wonder-working performances rendered it possible for the Sanhedrin to call before them hundreds and thousands of competent witnesses who had seen and felt the manifestation of the divine power of the prisoner in their presence.

Again, the miracles of Jesus were such as to render them subject to the test of the senses, when submitted to examination. If Caiaphas and his fellow-judges had decided that there was fraud in the matter of the alleged raising of Lazarus from the dead, because the brother of Martha and Mary was not really dead, but simply swooned or slept; if they had decided that the man sick of the palsy was not cured by miracle, but by faith; nevertheless, they could not have charged fraud and faith cure in the matter of the stilling of the tempest or the feeding of the five thousand or the walking on the sea. They would have been forced to conclude that the witnesses had lied or that miracles had been wrought. In the case of the feeding of the five thousand, the witnesses would have been too numerous to brand with falsehood.

But, we may ask, was the performance of miracles by Jesus, if believed by the Sanhedrin, sufficient evidence of the divine origin of Jesus? This question we are not prepared to answer positively, either yes or no. We can only venture the personal opinion that the act of raising a person indisputably dead, to life again, would be an astounding miracle, an achievement that could be wrought by the hand of a God alone. The trouble with the question is that men like Elijah raised the dead.[338] It is true that there is no pretension that Elijah was divine or that he wrought the miracle by virtue of any peculiar power within himself. The Scriptures plainly state that he asked God to raise the dead to life through him. The same is true of the raising of Lazarus by Jesus.[339] But Christ seems to have raised the daughter of Jairus[340] and the son of the widow of Nain[341] from the dead by virtue of the strength of His own divinity; for there is no suggestion that the power of God was either previously invoked or subsequently acknowledged.

As to the weight which the testimony of the miracles of Jesus should have had with Caiaphas and the other members of the court, we have a valuable indication in the opinion expressed by Nicodemus, who was himself a member of the Sanhedrin, when he said to Jesus: "We know that thou art a teacher come from God: for no man can do these miracles that thou doest, except God be with him."[342] If Nicodemus, "a ruler of the Jews" and one of the leading members of their highest tribunal, believed that Jesus was divine because of the wonders that He had wrought, why should not a knowledge of these miracles by the other members of the Sanhedrin have produced the same impression? Nicodemus, it is true, was a friend of Jesus, but he was not a disciple. And the very timidity with which he expressed his friendship, having come at night to pay his compliments to the Master, demonstrates the deep impression that the miraculous powers of the Christ had made upon him.

But the judges of Jesus were not limited to the evidence of miracles as a proof of the divinity of the prisoner in their midst. They should have weighed "in the sincerity of their conscience" the fact that Jesus was born in Bethlehem in fulfillment of the prophecy contained in Micah v. 2; that He was sprung from the House of David in conformity with the teachings in Jeremiah xxiii. 5, 6; that John the Baptist was His forerunner like unto Elijah, who had come to prepare the way according to the prophecy in Malachi iii. 1; that He had begun to preach in Galilee, as foretold in Isaiah ix. 1, 2; that the scepter had departed from Judah and the lawgiver from between his feet, as prophesied in Genesis xlix. 10, which fact it was believed would herald the approach of the Messiah; that He had made His public entry into Jerusalem riding upon an ass, as foretold in Zechariah ix. 9; and that He had been betrayed into their hands by one of His own friends, in fulfillment of prophecies contained in Psalms xli. 9 and Zechariah xi. 12, 13.

This cumulative evidence, this collective proof, must have carried overwhelming conviction to the minds and the hearts of fair and impartial judges. More than one Nicodemus would have arisen to plead the cause of Jesus if this testimony had been adduced before a free-minded, open-hearted, disinterested tribunal. More than one Joseph of Arimathea would have refused assent in a hostile verdict against a prisoner in whose favor the record of fact was so pronounced.

In determining the weight that this evidence should have had in affecting the decision of the judges we must not forget that a Jewish prisoner was not required to prove his innocence. It was incumbent upon the Commonwealth of Israel to establish guilt beyond all doubt. We should also remember that the peculiar tendency of the Hebrew system of criminal procedure was in the direction of complete protection to the accused. Not reasonable doubt merely, but all doubt was resolved in his favor. It was a maxim of the Hebrew law that "the Sanhedrin was to save, not to destroy life." Pretext after pretext was sought to acquit. "The primary object of the Hebrew judicial system," says Benny, "was to render the conviction of an innocent person impossible. All the ingenuity of the Jewish legists was directed to the attainment of this end." If this generous and merciful tendency of Hebrew law had been duly observed, would not the production of the evidence above noted have resulted in the acquittal of Jesus?

But, at this point, let us return to the consideration of the real meaning of the objection urged in Point XII. The irregularity therein alleged is that the Sanhedrin paid no attention whatever to the defense of Jesus. And herein was the real error. The members of that court might have rejected as false the claims of the Nazarene to Messiahship. They might have denounced as fraudulent his pretensions to miraculous powers. They could not for this reason have been charged with judicial unfairness, if they had first heard his defense and had then "weighed it in the sincerity of their conscience." Infallibility of judgment cannot be demanded of judicial officers.

In closing the discussion of errors committed at the night trial in the palace of Caiaphas, the reader should be reminded that the twelve Points above mentioned are not exhaustive of the irregularities. Others might be mentioned. It seems that Jesus, being the accused, should not have been put under oath.[343] On the days on which capital verdicts were pronounced Hebrew judges were required to mourn and fast.[344] But there was evidently no mourning and fasting by Caiaphas and his colleagues at the time of the condemnation of Jesus. Again, there is no evidence that Antecedent Warning was properly administered. Still other errors might be noted, if a legal presumption in favor of the correctness of the record did not prevent. The irregularities which we have heretofore discussed, it is believed, exhaust all the material errors committed at the first session of the Sanhedrin. At least, no others are revealed by the Gospel records.

_The Morning Session of the Sanhedrin._--About three hours after the close of the night session in the palace of Caiaphas, that is about six o'clock in the morning, the Sanhedrin reconvened in a second session. In the interval between these sittings Jesus was brutalized by His keepers. Exactly what the priests were doing we do not know. They were probably busily engaged in perfecting plans for the destruction of the prisoner in their charge.

The daylight meeting is thus reported in Matthew xxvii. 1: "When the morning was come, all the chief priests and elders of the people took counsel against Jesus to put him to death." In Mark xv. 1 the same session is thus recorded: "And straightway in the morning the chief priests held a consultation with the elders and scribes and the whole council, and bound Jesus, and carried him away, and delivered him to Pilate."

The exact nature of this morning sitting, whether a regular trial or an informal gathering, is not certainly known. Meyer, Ellicott, and Lichtenstein maintain that this second session was nothing more than a prolongation of the night trial, perhaps with a brief recess, and that its special object was to convene for consultation concerning the carrying out of the sentence which had already been pronounced against Jesus.[345] But this view is entirely exceptional. It is maintained by the greater number of reputable authorities that the second sitting was in the nature of a second trial. The solution of the difficulty seems to turn upon the account given by St. Luke, for St. John records the details of neither the night nor the morning session. St. Luke describes a regular trial, but it is not positively known whether his account refers to the night or to the morning meeting. If his report refers to the same trial as that described in Matthew xxvi. 57-68 and in Mark xiv. 53-65, then we have only the brief notices in Matthew xxvii. 1 and in Mark xv. 1 concerning the morning session, which indicate only a very brief and informal meeting of the Sanhedrin at daybreak. On the other hand, if the report of St. Luke refers to the daylight meeting of the Sanhedrin referred to by St. Matthew and St. Mark then we have received from the third Evangelist a description of a regular trial at the second session of the Sanhedrin. Andrews has thus expressed himself very cogently concerning this matter:

Our decision as to a second and distinct session of the Sanhedrin
will mainly depend upon the place we give to the account in Luke
xxii. 66-71. Is this examination of Jesus identical with that first
session of Matthew xxvi. 57-68, and of Mark xiv. 53-65? Against
this identity are some strong objections: First, The mention of
time by Luke: "As soon as it was day." This corresponds well to the
time of the morning session of Matthew and Mark, but not to the
time when Jesus was first led before the Sanhedrin, which must have
been two or three hours before day. Second, The place of the
meeting: "They led Him into their council," [Greek: anêgagon auton
eis to synedrion heautôn]. This is rendered by some: "They led Him
up into their council chamber," or the place where they usually
held their sessions. Whether this council chamber was the room
Gazith at the east corner of the court of the temple, is not
certain. Lightfoot (on Matthew xxvi. 3) conjectures that the
Sanhedrin was driven from this its accustomed seat half a year or
thereabout before the death of Christ. But if this were so, still
the "Tabernæ," where it established its sessions, were shops near
the gate Shusan, and so connected with the temple. They went up to
that room where they usually met. Third, The dissimilarity of the
proceedings, as stated by Luke, which shows that this was no formal
trial. There is here no mention of witnesses--no charges brought to
be proved against Him. He is simply asked to tell them if He is the
Christ ("If thou art the Christ, tell us," R. V.); and this seems
plainly to point to the result of the former session. Then, having
confessed Himself to be the Christ, the Son of God, He was
condemned to death for blasphemy. It was only necessary now that He
repeat His confession, and hence this question is put directly to
Him: "Art thou the Christ? tell us." His reply, "If I tell you, ye
will not believe; and if I also ask you, ye will not answer me, nor
let me go," points backward to his former confession. To His reply
they only answer by asking, "Art thou then the Son of God?" The
renewed avowal that He is the Son of God, heard by them all from
His own lips, opens the way for His immediate delivery into
Pilate's hands. Fourth, The position which Luke gives (xxii. 63-65)
to the insults and abuse heaped upon Jesus. There can be no doubt
that they are the same mentioned by Matthew and Mark as occurring
immediately after the sentence had been first pronounced.

From all this it is a probable, though not a certain conclusion,
that Luke (xxii. 66-71) refers to the same meeting of the Sanhedrin
mentioned by Matthew (xxvii. 1) and Mark (xv. 1), and relates, in
part, what then took place. (Alford thinks that Luke has confused
things and relates as happening at the second session what really
happened at the first.) This meeting was, then, a morning session
convened to ratify formally what had been done before with haste
and informality. The circumstances under which its members had been
earlier convened, at the palace of Caiaphas, sufficiently show that
the legal forms, which they were so scrupulous in observing, had
not been complied with.[346]

If then the second session of the Sanhedrin was in the nature of a regular trial, what were the facts of the proceedings? St. Luke says: "And as soon as it was day, the elders of the people and the chief priests and the scribes came together, and led him into their council, saying, Art thou the Christ? tell us. And he said unto them, If I tell you, ye will not believe: And if I also ask you, ye will not answer me, nor let me go. Hereafter shall the Son of man sit on the right hand of the power of God. Then said they all, Art thou then the Son of God? And he said unto them, Ye say that I am. And they said, What need we any further witness? for we ourselves have heard of his own mouth."[347]

The reader will readily perceive the source of the difficulty which we have just discussed. This report of St. Luke points both ways, toward both the night and morning sessions. "_And as soon as it was day_" clearly indicates a daybreak meeting, but the remainder of the account bears a most striking resemblance to the reports of the night trial given by St. Matthew and St. Mark. This seeming discrepancy is very easily reconciled, however, when we reflect that the second trial required by Hebrew law to be held in every case where a verdict of guilt had been pronounced, was virtually a repetition of the first trial. Benny tells us that the second trial was a critical examination of the trial of the first day, in which the questions and answers originally asked and made were carefully reviewed and reëxamined.[348] Is it very strange, then, that at the morning trial described by St. Luke substantially the same questions are asked and answers given as are found in the reports of the night trial by St. Matthew and St. Mark?

We may now ask: What was the purpose of this second trial? Why did not the first trial suffice? According to the most reliable authorities, the answer to this question is to be found in that provision of the Hebrew law which required two trials instead of one, in every case where the prisoner had been found guilty at the first trial. Not only were there to be two trials, but they were to be held on different days. The morning session of the Sanhedrin was intended, therefore, to give a semblance of legality and regularity to this requirement of Hebrew law. But we shall see how completely the Sanhedrin failed in this design. "What legitimacy," says Keim, "might be lacking in the proceedings of the nocturnal sitting of the Sanhedrin, was to be completely made up by the morning sitting, without prejudice to the authority and the--in the main point--decisive action of the former.... There nevertheless was no lack of illegality. The most striking instance of this was the fact that though they wished to bring about an extension of the procedure over two days they had in fact only two sittings, and not two separate days. But contempt of the legal ordinances was much more seriously shown by the absence of any investigation into the circumstances of the case at the second sitting, although _both law and tradition demanded such an investigation_."[349]

If "both law and tradition demanded such an investigation," that is, if the second trial of the case on the second day of the proceedings was required to be formal and in the nature of an action _de novo_; if the second trial was required by law to be characterized by all the formality, solemnity, and legality of the first trial; what errors, we may ask, are disclosed by the reports of St. Luke, St. Matthew, and St. Mark in the proceedings against Jesus conducted by the Sanhedrin at the morning session? To be brief, reply may be made that the irregularities were virtually the same as those that occurred at the night trial. The same precipitancy that was forbidden by Hebrew law is apparent. This haste prevented, of course, that careful deliberation and painstaking investigation of the case which the Mosaic Code as well as the rules of the Mishna imperatively demanded. It is true that the second trial was not conducted at night. But the Passover Feast was still in progress, and no court could legally sit at such a time. The Sanhedrin at the second session seems to have been still sitting in the palace of Caiaphas instead of the Hall of Hewn Stones, the legal meeting place of the court. This we learn from a passage in St. John.[350] Again, no witnesses seem to have been summoned, and the accused was convicted upon his uncorroborated confession.

And finally, the verdict at the second trial, as was the case in that of the first, seems to have been unanimous, and therefore illegal. This unanimity is indicated by the combined reports of St. Matthew, St. Mark, and St. Luke. St. Matthew says: "When the morning was come, _all_ the chief priests and elders of the people took counsel against Jesus to put Him to death." St. Mark says: "And straightway in the morning, the chief priests held a consultation with the elders and scribes and the _whole council_, and bound Jesus, and carried him away, and delivered him to Pilate." These accounts of the first two Evangelists very clearly state that the full Sanhedrin was present at the morning trial. Then St. Luke very explicitly explains the nature and manner of the verdict: "Then said they _all_, Art thou then the Son of God? And he said unto them, Ye say that I am. And they said, What need we any further witness? for we ourselves have heard of his own mouth."

It may be objected that no formal verdict was pronounced at the second trial. Such a verdict would have been expressed in these words: "Thou, Jesus, art guilty."[351] While such words are not expressly reported by the Evangelists, the account of St. Luke taken in connection with the report of St. Mark of the night trial, which the morning session was intended to confirm, clearly indicates that such a verdict must have been pronounced. A reasonable inference from the whole context of the synoptic writers in describing both trials certainly justifies such a conclusion.

The question again arises: If the full Sanhedrin was present at the morning session and if all the members condemned Jesus, either with or without a formal verdict, is it not true that both Nicodemus and Joseph of Arimathea, who were doubtless members of the court, were arrayed against the Christ? If they were hostile in their attitude toward Him, either openly or by acquiescence at the morning session, does this fact not help to support the contention made under Point IX that they voted against Him at the night trial? We are well aware that there is much opposition to this view, but we are, nevertheless, compelled to agree rather reluctantly with Keim that "it is a pure supposition that members of the council who were secret friends of Jesus--whose existence, moreover, cannot be established--either raised an opposition in one of the sessions, or abstained from voting, or were not present."[352] The plain language of the Scriptures indicates: (1) That both Nicodemus[353] and Joseph of Arimathea[354] were members of the Great Sanhedrin; (2) that they were both present at both trials;[355] and (3) that they both either voted against Him or tacitly acquiesced in the judgments pronounced against Him.[356] We have already discussed under Point IX the passage in Luke xxiii. 51 referring to the fact that Joseph of Arimathea "had not consented to the counsel and deed of them," which seems to furnish refutation of the contention which we have made, as far as such contention relates to Joseph of Arimathea. Suffice it to note the opinion of Keim that "the passage in itself can be held to refer to absence or to dissent in voting."[357]

"And the whole multitude of them arose, and led him unto Pilate."

The reader may ask: Why did the Jews lead Jesus away to Pilate? When they had condemned Him to death on the charge of blasphemy, why did they themselves not put Him to death? Why did they invoke Roman interference in the matter? Why did they not stone Jesus to death, as Hebrew law required in the case of culprits convicted of blasphemy? Stephen was stoned to death for blasphemy.[358] What was the difference between his case and that of Jesus? Why was Jesus crucified instead of being put to death by stoning?

The stoning of Stephen as a blasphemer by the Jews has been explained as an irregular outbreak of fanatical priests, a sort of mob violence. It has also been contended that the case of Stephen was one of the rare instances in which Roman procurators permitted the Jews to execute the death sentence. In any event it was an exceptional proceeding. At the time of the crucifixion of Jesus and of the martyrdom of Stephen the Jews had lost the right of enforcing the death penalty. Judea was a subject province of the Roman empire. The Jews were permitted by the Romans to try capital cases. If an acquittal was the result, the Romans did not interfere. If a verdict of guilty was found, the Jews were compelled to lead the prisoner away to the Roman governor, who reviewed or retried the case as he saw fit. Accordingly, having condemned Him to death themselves, the Jews were compelled to lead Jesus away to the palace of Herod on the hill of Zion in which Pilate was stopping on the occasion of the Paschal Feast, to see what he had to say about the matter, whether he would reverse or affirm the sentence which they had pronounced.

The Roman trial of Jesus will be treated in the second volume of this work.

END OF VOL. I

FOOTNOTES:

[1] "Testimony of the Evangelists," pp. 7-11.

[2] "Testimony of the Evangelists," pp. 25, 26.

[3] I "Starkie on Evidence," pp. 480-545.

[4] John x. 30: "I and my Father are one."

[5] Matt. ix. 9.

[6] Col. iv. 14: "Luke, the beloved physician."

[7] Matt. xxvi. 70-72.

[8] Matt. xxvi. 46-50.

[9] Matt. xxvi. 56.

[10] Matt. xiv. 28-31.

[11] Mark x. 35-42; Matt. xx. 20-25.

[12] Matt. xi. 2, 3.

[13] Mark iii. 21.

[14] Luke iv. 28, 29.

[15] Mark xiv. 51, 52.

[16] "Intro. Vie de Jesus."

[17] Luke i. 2, 3.

[18] "Die synoptischen Evangelien," pp. 412-14.

[19] Marcus Dods, "The Bible, Its Origin and Nature," p. 184.

[20] An opposite doctrine seems to be taught in Luke xii. 11, 12; xxiv. 48, 49.

[21] "Evidences of Christianity," p. 319.

[22] Matt. xiv. 12-20; Mark vi. 34-43; Luke ix. 12-17; John vi. 5-13.

[23] Luke xxii. 64.

[24] Luke xxii. 51.

[25] Campbell's "Philosophy of Rhetoric," c. v. b. 1, Part III, p. 125.

[26] "Intro. Vie de Jesus," p. 62.

[27] D. L. Moody, "Sermon on the Resurrection of Jesus."

[28] See also I "Starkie on Evidence," pp. 496-99.

[29] "Ant.," XVIII. 3, I.

[30] See authorities cited in "The Brief."

[31] "De iis qui sero puniuntur," p. 554.

[32] P. 1080, edit. 45.

[33] P. 1247, edit. 24, Huds.

[34] P. 1327, edit. 43.

[35] "Productique omnes, virgisque cæsi, ac securi percussi," Lib. XI. c. 5.

[36] Domit. Cap. X. "Patremfamilias--canibus objecit, cum hoc _titulo_, Impie locutus, parmularius."

[37] Book LIV.

[38] "Aur. Vict. Ces.," Cap. XLI. "Eo pius, ut etiam vetus veterrimumque supplicium, patibulum, et cruribus suffringendis, primus removerit." Also see Paley's "Evidences of Christianity," pp. 266-68.

[39] Luke xxii. 44.

[40] Tissot, "Traité des Nerfs," pp. 279, 280.

[41] Joannes Schenck à Grafenberg, "Observ. Medic.," Lib. III. p. 458.

[42] Voltaire, "Oeuvres complètes," vol. xviii. pp. 531, 532.

[43] De Mezeray, "Histoire de France," vol. iii. p. 306.

[44] John xix. 34.

[45] John xix. 35.

[46] John xviii. 6.

[47] "Encyc. Brit.," vol. xv. p. 550.

[48] Mendelsohn, "Criminal Jurisprudence of the Ancient Hebrews," p. 191.

[49] Mendelsohn, p. 189, n. 1.

[50] "Jewish Encyc.," vol. xii. p. 1.

[51] Emanuel Deutsch, "The Talmud," p. 26.

[52] Farrar, "Hist. of Interpretation."

[53] Emanuel Deutsch, "The Talmud," p. 47.

[54] "Encyc. Brit.," vol. xxiii. p. 35.

[55] Emanuel Deutsch, "The Talmud," p. 58.

[56] Emanuel Deutsch, "The Talmud," p. 27.

[57] Emanuel Deutsch, "The Talmud," p. 27.

[58] Deut. xvi. 18.

[59] "Ant.," XIII. 10, 6.

[60] Horace.

[61] Emanuel Deutsch, "The Talmud," p. 12.

[62] "Jewish Encyc.," vol. xii. p. 22.

[63] Emanuel Deutsch, "Talmud," p. 12.

[64] Maimon., "H. Sanh." xv. 10-13.

[65] Mendelsohn, "Criminal Jurisprudence of the Ancient Hebrews," pp. 45-50.

[66] Mendelsohn, "Criminal Jurisprudence of the Ancient Hebrews," pp. 45-50.

[67] Mendelsohn, p. 43.

[68] Mendelsohn, pp. 39, 40.

[69] Mendelsohn, pp. 39, 40.

[70] Maimonides ("Yad"), "Sanhedrin" xix.

[71] Dr. Smith's "Hist. of Greece," p. 557.

[72] "Jewish Encyc.," vol. ii. p. 257.

[73] Ex. ii. 12-16.

[74] "Sanh." 52b; Maim., "H. Sanh." xv. 4.

[75] "H. Sanh." xv. 5.

[76] Benny, "Crim. Code of the Jews," p. 90.

[77] Mendelsohn, p. 159.

[78] Chap. I. 10; X. i, 2.

[79] Matt. xxvi. 59.

[80] "Ant.," XIV. Chap. V. 4; "Wars of the Jews," I. VIII. 5; "Talmud," "Sanhedrin."

[81] "Post Bibl. Hist.," vol. i. p. 106.

[82] Matt. xvi. 21.

[83] "Commentary on the Law," vol. ccclxvi. recto.

[84] "Sanhedrin" 32.

[85] Benny.

[86] Jose b. Halafta, I. c.

[87] R. Johanan, "Sanhedrin" 19a.

[88] Benny.

[89] Benny.

[90] "Sanhedrin" 17a; "Menahoth" 65a.

[91] Sifre, Num. 92 (ed. Friedmann, p. 25b).

[92] Yalkut, "Exodus," Sec. 167.

[93] Sotah 22b.

[94] "Const. of the Sanhedrin," Chap. I.

[95] Benny, "The Criminal Code of the Jews," p. 71.

[96] Saalschütz, "Das Mosaische Recht," p. 58; Deut. xx. 5, 6.

[97] Luke ii. 46-51.

[98] Jer. xxxvii., xxxviii.

[99] "Jesus of Nazara," vol. vi. p. 45.

[100] "The Life and Words of Christ," vol. ii. p. 517.

[101] "Archæol." 87.

[102] Acts xxiv. 1, 2.

[103] I Kings iii. 16-28.

[104] Mendelsohn, "Criminal Jurisprudence of the Ancient Hebrews," pp. 102, 103.

[105] Mendelsohn, pp. 96-98.

[106] "Sanhedrin," Chap. I. fol. 19.

[107] Mendelsohn, p. 97.

[108] Mishna, "Sanhedrin," Chap. IV. 1.

[109] Mendelsohn, p. 98.

[110] "Sanhedrin," 8b, 41a, _et al._

[111] Mendelsohn, p. 101.

[112] Schürer, "The Jewish People in the Time of Jesus Christ," 2d Div., 1.

[113] "Sanhedrin," IV. 4.

[114] "Sanhedrin," IV. 1.

[115] "Sanhedrin," 17a, p. 176.

[116] "Sanhedrin," Chap. I. 5.

[117] Benny.

[118] Benny.

[119] Benny.

[120] Mendelsohn, p. 140, n. 327.

[121] Montaigne, "Essays," III. C. XIII.

[122] "Un homme ne jugera jamais seul; cela n'appartient qu'a Dieu."

"Ne sis judex unus; non est enim unicus judex, nisi unus."--Salvador, "Institutions de Moïse," L. IV. Chap. II. p. 357.

[123] "But let not the testimony of women be admitted, on account of the levity and boldness of their sex."--Josephus, "Ant.," IV. 8, 15.

[124] "Nor let servants be admitted to give testimony, on account of the ignobility of their souls."--"Ant.," IV. 8, 15.

[125] "Ant.," IV. 8, 15.

[126] Maimonides, I. C. XI. 6, based on "Sanh." 26b.

[127] Mendelsohn, p. 118.

[128] "Talmud," B. B. 43a.

[129] Deut. xvii. 6.

[130] Num. xxxv. 30.

[131] "Hist. Nat.," Lib. VIII. Cap. XXII.

[132] L. 20, Dig. De quæstionibus, xlviii. 18.

[133] Blackstone, iv. 357.

[134] Con. U. S., Art. III, Sec. 3.

[135] "Les lois qui font périr un homme sur la déposition d'un seul témoin, sont fatales à la liberté. La raison en exige deux; parce qu'un témoin qui affirme, et un accusé qui nie, font un partage; et il faut un tiers pour le vider. Les Grecs and les Romains exigeaient une voix de plus pour condamner. Nos lois françaises en demandent deux. Les Grecs prétendaient que leur usage avait été établi par les dieux; mais c'est le notre."--"De L'Esprit Des Lois," L. XII. C. III.

[136] Mishna, "Sanhedrin," C. V. 2.

[137] Maimonides, "Sanhedrin," Chap. XX.

[138] "Jewish Encyc.," vol. v. p. 277.

[139] "Criminal Jurisprudence of the Ancient Hebrews," p. 29.

[140] Philo Judæus, "De Decalogo," III.

[141] Prov. xi. 10; Mishna, "Sanhedrin," IV. 5.

[142] Apocrypha.

[143] Benny.

[144] Mishna, "Sanhedrin," Chap. V. 1.

[145] Benny.

[146] Deut. xix. 18-21.

[147] Apocrypha.

[148] Maimonides, Mishna, "Sanhedrin," Chap. IV. 2.

[149] Münsterberg, "On the Witness Stand," "Untrue Confessions," pp. 137-171.

[150] Rosadi.

[151] Rabbi Wise, "Martyrdom of Jesus."

[152] "Yad," Edut, xvii. 1.

[153] "Jewish Encyc.," vol. v. p. 279.

[154] Num. xxxv. 30.

[155] Mishna, "Sanhedrin" V. 3, 4.

[156] Matt. xxvi. 60.

[157] Mark xiv. 56.

[158] Lev. xxii. 28.

[159] Deut. xvii. 5; "Sanhedrin" VII. 4.

[160] Num. vi. 2-4.

[161] "Jewish Encyc.," vol. vi. p. 260.

[162] "Einleitung in der Gesetzgebung," p. 4.

[163] "Jewish Encyc.," vol. vi. p. 260; Benny, "Criminal Code of the Jews," p. 97; Saalschütz, "Das Mosaische Recht," n. 560.

[164] Mishna, treatise Makhoth.

[165] Mishna, "Capita Patrum," I. 1.

[166] Salvador, "Institutions de Moïse."

[167] Mishna, "Sanhedrin," IV. 1.

[168] "Jesus Before the Sanhedrin," p. 109.

[169] "Talmud," Jerus., Sanh., C. I. fol. 19.

[170] Mishna, "Tamid," C. III.

[171] Geikie, vol. ii. p. 517.

[172] Lyman Abbott, "Jesus of Nazareth," pp. 446, 447.

[173] "Jewish Encyc.," vol. v. pp. 279, 280.

[174] Benny.

[175] Mendelsohn, p. 144.

[176] Josephus, "Ant.," XIV. 9, 4.

[177] Schürer, 2d div., vol. i. p. 175.

[178] Schürer, 2d div., vol. i. p. 184.

[179] "Life and Times of Jesus the Messiah," vol. ii. p. 556.

[180] "Jesus of Nazara," vol. vi. p. 37.

[181] "The Talmud," p. 32.

[182] "Ant.," xv. 6, 2.

[183] "History of the Jews," vol. ii. p. 163.

[184] "Tribus, pseudo-propheta, sacerdos magnus, non nisi a septuaginta et unius judicum consessu judicantur."--"Mishna, De Synedriis," i. 5.

[185] "Among the offenses of which it took cognizance were false claims to prophetic inspiration and blasphemy."--Andrews, "The Life of Our Lord," p. 510.

[186] "Gesch. d. Judenth." vol. i. pp. 402-409.

[187] "Life and Times of Jesus the Messiah," vol. ii. p. 553.

[188] "Vie de Jesus," pp. 303, 304.

[189] "Trial of Jesus Christ," p. 81.

[190] Matt. xxvi. 60, 61.

[191] Mark xiv. 57, 58.

[192] Matt. xxvi. 64-66.

[193] Mark xiv. 56.

[194] John ii. 20.

[195] John ii. 19.

[196] John ii. 21.

[197] "The Martyrdom of Jesus," pp. 75-77.

[198] Deut. xiii. 1-5.

[199] I Kings xxi. 10.

[200] Isa. lii, 5; Ezek. xxxv. 12.

[201] Luke xxii. 65; Acts xiii. 45; xviii. 6.

[202] Revelation xiii. 1-6.

[203] "Blackstone," vol. ii. pp. 75-84.

[204] Greenidge, "Legal Procedure of Cicero's Time," pp. 427, 507, 518.

[205] Deut. iv. 15, 16; Deut. xiii.

[206] Gen. xli. 16.

[207] Num. xx. 10-12.

[208] Num. xx. 20-24.

[209] Greenleaf, "Testimony of the Evangelists," p. 555.

[210] Matt. v. 17.

[211] John xi. 41.

[212] Matt. ix. 20-22; Mark v. 25-34; Luke viii. 43-48.

[213] Matt. viii. 24-26; Mark iv. 37-39; Luke viii. 23-25.

[214] Matt. viii. 28-32; Mark v. 1-13; Luke viii. 26-33.

[215] Matt. ix. 18-26; Mark v. 22-42; Luke viii. 41-55.

[216] Luke vii. 12-15.

[217] Matt. ix. 2, 3.

[218] Luke v. 21.

[219] John v. 18.

[220] John x. 30-33.

[221] John vi. 41.

[222] John viii. 58.

[223] "Testimony of the Evangelists," p. 562.

[224] Edersheim, "Life and Times of Jesus the Messiah," vol. ii. p. 629.

[225] John xiii.-xvii.

[226] Matt. xi. 3.

[227] Luke xxiv. 39-43; John xx. 24-28.

[228] John xiii. 33.

[229] John xviii. 9.

[230] "Jesus Devant Caïphe et Pilate."

[231] Acts iv. 3.

[232] "Life and Times of Jesus the Messiah," vol. ii. p. 494.

[233] See Cooley's "Blackstone," vol. ii. p. 330, n. 6; also Greenleaf, "On Evidence," vol. i. pp. 531-35 (10th edition).

[234] "Vie de Jesus," p. 303.

[235] John xviii. 13.

[236] Matt. xxvi. 57.

[237] Mark xiv. 53.

[238] Luke xxii. 54.

[239] John xviii. 19.

[240] Luke iii. 2; Acts iv. 6.

[241] "Life and Times of Jesus the Messiah," vol. i. p. 264.

[242] "The Life of Our Lord," p. 142.

[243] Luke iii. 2.

[244] Plummer, St. Luke, in "International Critical Commentary," pp. 84, 515.

[245] Josephus, "Ant.," XVIII. chap. ii. 2.

[246] John xviii. 19-23.

[247] Mark xiv. 58-61.

[248] Matt. xxvi. 60-63.

[249] Matt. xxvi. 63.

[250] Mark xiv. 59.

[251] Acts vi. 14.

[252] "Jewish Encyc.," vol. i. p. 163.

[253] Fiske, "Manual of Classical Literature," iii. Sec. 108; Smith, "Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities," 89a.

[254] See discussion of Point I.

[255] Luke xxii. 66.

[256] Luke xxii. 2.

[257] Mark xiv. 2.

[258] Mark xiv. i; Matt. xxvi. 4 (Consilium fecerunt ut Jesum dolo tenerent et occiderent).

[259] Maimonides, "Sanhedrin" II.

[260] John xviii. 28; Luke xxii. 1; Mark xiv. 1; Matt. xxvi. 2.

[261] Mishna, "Capita Patrum," I, 1.

[262] Mishna, "Treatise Makhoth."

[263] See Part II, Chap. V.

[264] Edmund Stapfer, "Life of Jesus."

[265] Matt. xxvi. 57-66.

[266] Mark xiv. 55-64.

[267] Matt. xxvii. 1.

[268] Mark xv. 1.

[269] Luke xxii. 66-71.

[270] "Martyrdom of Jesus," p. 74.

[271] "Criminal Jurisprudence of the Ancient Hebrews," p. 133, n. 311.

[272] See Part II, Chap. IV.

[273] Mark xiv. 56-65.

[274] Mark xiv. 62.

[275] Matt. xii. 14-16; Mark iii. 7; ix. 29, 30.

[276] Luke xiii. 31, 32.

[277] Matt. xxii. 15.

[278] John iv. 26.

[279] Mark i. 34.

[280] John x. 24.

[281] Matt. xvi. 20.

[282] Blackstone.

[283] Mendelsohn, p. 143.

[284] Mark xiv. 63, 64.

[285] "Martyrdom of Jesus," p. 74.

[286] "The Trial of Jesus," p. 200.

[287] Matt. xxvi. 59; Mark xiv. 55.

[288] Matt. xxvii. 1.

[289] Mark xv. 1.

[290] John iii. 1; vii. 50.

[291] Luke xxiii. 51.

[292] John vii. 51.

[293] John vii. 50; xix. 39.

[294] Luke xxiii. 51.

[295] Mendelsohn, p. 98.

[296] Deut. xvii. 7, 8.

[297] "It is important to notice that every time the necessities of the case required the Sanhedrin returned to the Hall Gazith, or of Hewn Stones, as in the case of Jesus and others."--"Thosephthoth, or Additions to the Talmud," Bab., "Sanhedrin," C. IV. fol. 37, recto.

[298] Edersheim, "Life and Times of Jesus the Messiah," vol. ii. p. 556, n. 1.

[299] John xviii. 28.

[300] MM. Lémann, "Jesus Before the Sanhedrin," p. 140.

[301] Mark xiv. 63, 64.

[302] Edersheim, "Life and Times of Jesus the Messiah," vol. ii. p. 561.

[303] Rabbi Wise, "Martyrdom of Jesus," p. 74.

[304] Benny, "Criminal Code of the Jews," p. 81.

[305] Matt. xxvi. 65.

[306] See Part II, Qualifications of Judges.

[307] "Talmud, Pesachim, or the Passover," fol. 57, verso; see also "Jesus Before the Sanhedrin," pp. 54, 55.

[308] Benny, "Criminal Code of the Jews," pp. 28-41.

[309] Matt. xxi. 31.

[310] Matt. xxiii. 14, 15.

[311] "Life and Times of Jesus the Messiah," vol. i. pp. 93, 94.

[312] Matt. xxiii. 27, 29-33.

[313] "Vie de Jesus," p. 267.

[314] John xi. 49, 50.

[315] John xi. 53.

[316] Luke xxii. 1-3.

[317] Matt. xxvi. 3-5.

[318] Benny, "Criminal Code of the Jews," p. 56.

[319] Geikie, "The Life and Words of Christ," vol. ii. p. 517.

[320] Deut. xix. 18-21.

[321] Mark xiv. 55.

[322] Mishna, Treatise "Makhoth."

[323]

"Afresh the mighty line of years unroll'd,
The Virgin now, now Saturn's sway returns;
Now the blest globe a heaven-sprung Child adorns,
Whose genial power shall whelm earth's iron race,
And plant once more the golden in its place."--Virgil, Eclogue IV.

[324] Gen. xlix. 8-10.

[325] "Sanhedrin," fol. 97, verso.

[326] "Martyrdom of Jesus," p. 76.

[327] John xi. 48-50.

[328] I Sam. xv. 29.

[329] Hosea xi. 9.

[330] Mark vii. 9-13.

[331] "Jewish Encyc.," vol. i. p. 583.

[332] Hodge, "Systematic Theology," vol. i. p. 485.

[333] Steenstra, "The Being of God as Unity and Trinity," pp. 192, 193.

[334] John ii. 15.

[335] John vi. 30.

[336] John x. 24, 25.

[337] Matt. xi. 4, 5.

[338] I Kings xvii. 17-22.

[339] John xi. 41.

[340] Matt. ix. 18-26; Mark v. 22-42; Luke viii. 41-55.

[341] Luke vii. 12-15.

[342] John iii. 2.

[343] See Friedlieb, Archæol., 87; Dupin, 75; Keim, vol. iii. 327.

[344] Bab. Sanh. f. 63, 1: "Cum synedrium quemquam moti adjudicavit, ne quidquam degustent illi isto die."

[345] Andrews, "The Life of Our Lord," p. 522.

[346] "The Life of Our Lord," pp. 523, 524.

[347] Luke xxii. 66-71.

[348] See Part II, Chap. V.; also Benny, "Crim. Code of the Jews," pp. 81-83.

[349] Keim, "Jesus of Nazara," vol. vi. pp. 63, 64.

[350] John xviii. 28.

[351] "Thou, Reuben, art guilty! Thou, Simon, art acquitted, art not guilty!" were stereotyped forms of verdicts under Hebrew criminal procedure. Sanh. in Friedl., p. 89.

[352] Keim, "Jesus of Nazara," vol. vi. p. 74.

[353] John iii. 1; vii. 50.

[354] Luke xxiii. 50, 51.

[355] Matt. xxvi. 59; Mark xiv. 55; Matt. xxvii. 1; Mark xv. 1.

[356] Mark xiv. 63, 64; Luke xxii. 70, 71.

[357] Keim, "Jesus of Nazara," vol. vi. p. 74, n. 2.

[358] Acts vi. 11; vii. 59.

INDEX

A

Abarbanel, Isaac, on the Sanhedrin, I, 106

Ab-beth-din, vice-president of the Sanhedrin, I, 112

Abbott, Lyman, on the scribes of the Sanhedrin, I, 158

Acts of Pilate, the Apocryphal,
modern criticism of, II, 327
discovery of, II, 327
Lardner on the authenticity of, II, 328 _seq._
Tischendorf on the authenticity of, II, 345 _seq._
antiquity of, II, 351
text of, II, 351 _seq._

Æbutius, Publius, part of, in the exposure of Bacchanalian orgies, II,
271 _seq._

Ædile, Roman, judicial powers of, II, 36

Æsculapius, Græco-Roman divinity, II, 198

Akiba, Jewish rabbi, Mishna systematized by, I, 79

Albanus, Roman governor, his deposition of Albanus, II, 296

Alcmene, myth of Zeus and, II, 265

Alexander, Jewish Alabarch, biographical note on, II, 299

Alexander III, pope, genuineness of "true cross" attested by bull of,
II, 63

Alexandrian MS. of the Bible, I, 67

Ananias ben Nebedeus, Jewish priest,
biographical note on, II, 299
family of, cursed in Talmud, II, 302

Ananos. See Annas

Ananus, son of Annas, Jewish high priest, biographical note on, II, 296

Anathemas, Jewish, against the Christians, II, 307, 308

Anaxagoras, Greek philosopher,
on the deification of natural forces, II, 225
his exposure of the divination of Lampon, II, 226

Annanias, author of "Acts of Pilate," II, 351

Annas (Ananos), Jewish high priest,
examination of Christ before, I, 238-247
deposition of, by Gratus, I, 244; II, 20
Christ examined in house of, I, 256
biographical note on, II, 295
legendary examination of Joseph of Arimathea, II, 374, 376

Antecedent Warning, peculiar provision of Hebrew Criminal Law
regarding, I, 147-152

Antistius, L., Roman tribune, impeachment of Julius Cæsar by, II, 46

Antoninus Pius, Roman emperor, persecution of Christians by, II, 78

Aphrodisia, rites of, II, 265

Aphrodite, Greek divinity, patroness of prostitutes, II, 265

Aquillius, Manlius, Roman governor, trial of, before the Comitia, II, 40

Antonius, Marcus, Roman advocate, defense of, of Manlius Aquillius, II,
40

Aristotle, Greek philosopher, on the licentiousness of Sparta, II, 241

Arnold, Matthew, on despair of Roman people, II, 286

Arnobius, Numidian writer,
on the familiar treatment of Roman gods, II, 218
on the lewdness of the Roman drama, II, 267

Art, effect of, in corruption of Roman and Greek morals, II, 268

Aspasia, mistress of Pericles, II, 242

Athens, domestic licentiousness of, II, 240, 241

Athronges, Jewish peasant, revolt of, II, 110

Atticus, Numerius, Roman senator, attests ascent of Augustus to heaven,
II, 234

Atys, myth of, represented on Greek and Roman stage, II, 267

Augurs,
Roman priests, II, 204
spectators at licentious dramas, II, 267

Augury, modes of, II, 211

Augustus Cæsar, Roman emperor,
reign and policy of, II, 25, 26
care of profligate daughter Julia, II, 83
belief of, in omens, II, 215
his chastisement of Neptune, II, 222
deification of, II, 233

Aurelius Antoninus, Marcus, Roman emperor and philosopher,
persecution of Christianity by, II, 78
adoration of Serapis by, II, 217
on suicide, II, 232

B

Bacchanalian orgies, Livy's account of, II, 270-283

Bacchus, Roman deity, licentious festivals of, II, 265

Barabbas (Bar Abbas) released by Pilate, II, 131, 138, 363

Baring-Gould, S., on the symbolism of the Cross, II, 66

Baths, Roman, splendor of, II, 247

Beheading of criminals under Hebrew Law, I, 91, 99

Benny,
on the Talmud, I, 75
on internment in Jewish Cities of Refuge, I, 98, 99

Bernhardt, Sarah, insulted in Quebec, II, 182

Bernice (Berenice), Jewish queen, a suppliant before Florus, II, 100

Bible,
the manuscripts of, I, 67
purity of text of, I, 69
anthropomorphism of, I, 336-338
influence of, II, 4, 5
"Birchath Hamminim" Jewish imprecation against Christians, II, 308

Blasphemy,
discussion of charge against Christ of, I, 193-209
Hebrew definition of, I, 199-201
classification of, I, 203

Boethus, family of, cursed in Talmud, II, 301. See also Simon

Bossuet, Jacques B., French divine, on the citizenship of Christ, II,
108

Brothels, Roman, dedication of, to Venus, II, 265

Burning of criminals under Hebrew Law, I, 92, 99

C

Cæsar, Caius Julius,
10th legion cowed by, II, 169
superstition of, II, 205
disbelief of, in immortality, II, 229
deification of, II, 233
divorces of, II, 238
profligacy of, II, 238, 239
unnatural practices attributed to, II, 263

Caiaphas, Jewish high priest,
accusation of, against Christ, before Sanhedrin, I, 190
erratic conduct of, at trial of Christ, I, 290
rôle of, in trial of Jesus before Pilate, II, 101
biographical note on, II, 295
legendary examination of Joseph of Arimathea by, II, 374, 376

Caligula, Roman emperor,
deifies his sister Drusilla, II, 234
depravity of, II, 234

Cantharus, family of, cursed in Talmud, II, 301

Capital Crimes under Hebrew Criminal Law, classification and
punishments of, I, 91-101

Carlyle, Thomas, on the life of Christ, II, 187

Cassius, Dion, on the labeling of Roman criminals, I, 57

Cato, Marcus Porcius,
contempt of, for the haruspices, II, 228
suicide of, II, 232
divorces of, II, 237
contempt of, for Lucullus, II, 246
merciless treatment of slaves, II, 251

Catulus, Quintus, dream of, presaging accession of Augustus, II, 214

Chanania, Jewish scribe, biographical note on, II, 314

Chanania ben Chiskia, Jewish scribe, biographical note on, II, 309

Charles IX, king of France, bloody sweat of, I, 59, 60

Christianity, conflict of, with Roman paganism, I, 16; II, 76-79

Chrysostom, St. John, on the legendary desire of Tiberius to deify
Christ, II, 344

Cicero, Marcus Tullius,
dream of, presaging accession of Augustus, II, 215
on Roman superstition, II, 221
on Roman skepticism, II, 227
his divorce of his wife, II, 237
witticism of, upon Cæsar's gallantries, II, 239

Cities of Refuge, Jewish, internment in, I, 96-99

Claudia, granddaughter of Augustus,
marriage of, to Pilate, II, 82
dream of, regarding Jesus, II, 133, 355

Claudius, Roman commander, throws sacred pullets into the sea, II, 222

Clement V, pope, and the Talmud, I, 88, 89

Coliseum, the, description of, II, 260

Comitia Centuriata,
public criminal trials in, II, 37-43
miscarriage of justice in, II, 38-42

Commodus, Roman emperor, deification of, II, 234

Consul, Roman, judicial powers of, II, 36

Coke, Sir Edward, contrast between Pilate and, II, 170-172

Cornelius, son of Ceron, the elder, biographical note on, II, 321

Cross, Roman instrument of death,
erroneous representations of, II, 56
forms of, II, 62
use of, by various races as religious symbol, II, 64-67

"Cross, the True," legends of, II, 62, 63

Crucifixion,
Plutarch on, I, 56
history of, II, 54, 55
mode of, II, 55
pathology of, II, 58, 59
Roman citizens exempt from, II, 54
of Jesus, II, 365

Cybele, Roman deity, importation of, from Phrygia, II, 199

D

Deification of Roman emperors, ceremony of, II, 234

Dembowski, Bishop, and the Talmud, I, 88

Demosthenes, on the women of Athens, II, 242

Dérembourg, Joseph, on the Jewish priestly families, II, 294

Deutsch, Emanuel,
on the Talmud, I, 74, 80
on the existence of the Great Sanhedrin at the time of Christ, I,
179, 181

Diocletian, Roman emperor, deification of, II, 233

Divination, Roman modes of, II, 211

Divorce,
among the Romans, II, 236-239
trivial pretexts for, II, 237, 238

Döllinger,
on the Roman view of Christianity and high treason, II, 77
on divorce, and the profligacy of Roman matrons, II, 236
on the effect of art in corrupting Greek and Roman manners, II, 268

Domitian, Roman emperor, self-deification of, II, 235

Doras, Jewish elder, biographical note on, II, 321

Dorotheas, son of Nathanael, Jewish elder, biographical note on, II,
321

Drama, the, licentiousness of, among Greeks and Romans, II, 266

Dreams, interpretation of, among Romans and Greeks, II, 213, 214

Druidism, annihilation of, II, 73

Drusilla, deified by Caligula, II, 234

Dysmas, legendary name of one of the thieves crucified with Jesus, II,
364

E

Edersheim, Alfred, on the existence of the Great Sanhedrin at the time
of Christ, I, 177

Elders, Jewish chamber of. See Sanhedrin

Eleazar ben Partah, Jewish scribe, biographical note on, II, 314

Eleazar, son of Annas, Jewish high priest, biographical note on, II,
295

Eleazar, son of Simon Boethus, Jewish high priest, biographical note
on, II, 297

Eliezer, Jewish rabbi, Mishna amplified by, I, 79

Ellicott, Dr., on the character of Pilate, II, 91

Epicurus, Greek philosopher, II, 229

Epicureanism, degradation of, among Romans, II, 230

Epitaphs, irreligious Roman, II, 222, 285

Epulos, Roman priests, II, 204

Etruria, importation of haruspices from, II, 210

Eusebius, reference of, to the "Acts of Pilate," II, 329, 333, 344

Evhemere, on the Greek gods, II, 225

Evangelists,
honesty of, I, 12
character of, I, 13, 14
motives of, I, 15
ability of, I, 18
candor of, I, 20-24
discrepancies of, I, 29-33
corroborative elements of narrative of, I, 34-39
impossibility of collusion among, I, 38
conformity of narrative of, with human experience, I, 39
coincidence of testimony of, with collateral circumstances, I, 52-67
narrative of, confirmed by profane historians, I, 56, 57

Evidence, rules of, under Hebrew Law, I, 144, 145

F

False swearing under Hebrew Criminal Law, I, 93

Fathers, Church, writings of the, I, 68

Fecenia, Hispala, part of, in exposure of Bacchanalian orgies, II,
271 _seq._

Felix, Minucius, Christian father, controversy of, with pagans on
adoration of the cross, II, 64

Flagellation, under Hebrew Criminal, I, 94

Flamens,
Roman priests, II, 204
spectators at licentious dramas, II, 267

G

Gallio, pro-consul of Achaia, attitude of, toward Jewish clamors, II,
107

Gamaliel, Jewish rabbi, biographical note on, II, 304

Ganymede, depraving influence of myth of rape of, II, 262

Gavazzi, Alessandro, sermons of, in Coliseum, II, 262

Geib, on the status of Judea, II, 16 on the courts of the Roman
Provinces, II, 32

Geikie, Cunningham,
on the non-existence of the Sanhedrin at the time of Christ, I, 181
on the character of the trial of Jesus before Sanhedrin, I, 184

Gemara,
the Jerusalem and Babylonian recensions of, I, 81
relation of, to Mishna, I, 83. See also Talmud and Mishna

Germanicus,
Cæsar temples profaned on death of, II, 222
exposure of children born on day of death of, II, 254

Gestas, legendary name of one of thieves crucified with Jesus, II, 364

Golden House of Nero, II, 246

Gibbon, Edward,
on the jurisdiction of the great Sanhedrin, I, 120
on the laws of the Twelve Tables, II, 53
on the extent of the Roman Empire, II, 196

Gladiatorial games,
origin of, II, 256
gigantic scale of, in Rome, II, 256, 257
conduct of, II, 258

Gospels, the, admissibility of, as legal evidence, I, 5-12

Governors, Roman,
powers of, II, 24, 27, 28, 29
forbidden to take wives to their provinces, II, 84, 85

Graetz, Heinrich, on the existence of the Sanhedrin at the time of
Christ, I, 181

Greeks,
superstition of, II, 223
philosophy of, II, 229
depraving effect on Romans of art, literature, and manners of, II,
240-244, 268, 284
Bacchanalian orgies introduced by, II, 270
invective of Juvenal against, II, 284

Greenidge, on the interpretation of native law by Roman proprætors, II,
31

Greenleaf, Simon, American jurist,
on the admissibility of the Scriptures as legal evidence, I, 6-9
on the testimony of the Evangelists, I, 10, 11
on the legal justice of the conviction of Christ for blasphemy, I,
209

H

Hacksab ben Tzitzith, Jewish elder, biographical note on, II, 320

"Hall of Hewn Stones," sessions of Sanhedrin in, I, 117

Haruspices, Roman, account of, II, 210

Helcias, Jewish treasurer, biographical note on, II, 300

Helena, Empress, legendary discovery of "true cross" by, II, 62

Hercules, Greek divinity, burning of, represented on Greek and Roman
stage, II, 267

Herder, Johann, on the character of Christ, II, 187

Herod Antipas,
character of, II, 120
his treatment of Jesus, II, 122-127