Chapter XX: Introduction (18)

The southeastern Chinese army was composed of the Amoor frontier forces, under General I. It was moved down under direct orders from the throne, the strategical idea being to strike swiftly and secretly at Marshal Yamagata’s weak point, namely, his long line of communications between the Yalu River and his outposts, fifty miles north of Feng-hwang. Thus General I's operations ultimately resolved themselves into an attempt to recover Feng-hwang. He marched against it from three directions, the main northerly road, and two easterly roads. The Japanese did not wait to receive his attack. On December 10, Major-General Techimi, who commanded the van of the Japanese right wing, launched his battalion at I's van of three thousand men on the main road, and by consecutive onsets cut the enemy in two, driving a part of his force into the mountains eastward, and a part along the main road northward. Two days later a reconnoissance sent eastward from Feng-hwang found the main body of I's forces on the Aiyang-pien road, and the following morning a battalion moved out to attack him. But it having been seen that he mustered fully six thousand, and that advancing along two roads his front extended over a distance of more than three miles, the Japanese plan was modified so as to deliver the chief assault against his left wing, orders being also forwarded to Techimi, then operating north of Feng-hwang to move east and south with the object of taking I's right wing in the rear. December 14 saw the attack on the Tartar general’s left wing. It was completely rolled back and broken, the Japanese pursuing its remnants far into the mountains. The Chinese lost one hundred and fifty killed and sixteen prisoners, and abandoned four Krupp guns, a number of horses, and a quantity of war material. The Japanese had twelve killed and sixty-three wounded. I's right wing made no attempt to hold its ground after the defeat of the left. It retired in a northeasterly direction and its retreat was subsequently changed into a route by collision with a Japanese pursuing column sent out from Techimi’s position.

The northerly army of China consisted of that portion of General Sung’s troops that retreated along the main road towards Mukden after the fall of Chiu-lien and Feng-hwang, together with the Mukden garrison. They held the pass of Mo-thien-ling against several attacks of the Japanese, and remained there in force after severe winter set in. They had several collisions with Techimi’s outposts, but none of importance to the general conduct of the war.

The western Chinese army consisted partly of troops originally engaged in the defense of Chiu-lien and Feng-hwang, partly of the Niuchwang garrison, and partly of a Mongolian force that had come down to join them from the northwest. This was the largest force and aggregated nearly sixty thousand. After the battles around the lower Yalu, these troops had been driven inland by the Japanese, taking Hai-tcheng as their objective point, but halting on the way at Siu-Yen. They were driven out of here by the Japanese, and moved westward to Simu-tcheng, a town eighteen miles southeast of Hai-tcheng. On December 11, the Japanese troops under Osako, moving northward from Siu-Yan, reached the advance posts of the enemy and made an attack. The Chinese force consisting of three thousand infantry and four hundred cavalry, with eight guns, was driven back after a brief resistance, and the next day another body four thousand five hundred strong, with six guns, was dislodged from a position three or four miles further on. The Japanese, following up their advantage, took possession of the Simu-tcheng the same afternoon. This division and the co-operating division which had taken another road, entered the place almost simultaneously after two days of unbroken success. They advanced together on the following day, and at 11:00 A.M. Hai-tcheng was in their possession. Its garrison was found to consist of only one thousand five hundred men, who after a show of resistance retired northeastward in the direction of Liao-Yang. The occupation of Hai-tcheng placed the Japanese on the high road from Niuchwang to Mukden, some twenty miles from Niuchwang and eighty from Mukden. This was a position of considerable strategical importance. For the moment however, Japanese troops turned southward a few miles in the direction of Kao-Khan, a fortified town not far from the mouth of the Liao River. This movement was connected with the march of the second army up the Laio-Tung peninsula, to which reference must now be made.

After the capture of Port Arthur and the completion of arrangements relating to the occupation of that place, Marshal Oyama returned to Kinchow and made preparations to advance northward against Foochow, an important walled town of twenty-five thousand inhabitants fifty-three miles to the northward. General Sung, with some six thousand men held Foochow, and a vigorous resistance was anticipated. But on December 5, the Japanese van entered the town unopposed. The advance was then resumed to Kai-phing, a city of still greater importance sixty-three miles distant. And as this army moved northward, the left wing of the first army moved southward from Hai-tcheng, as has just been said, threatening Kai-phing from the other side and cutting off the garrison’s direct line of retreat. It is interesting to note that wherever Japanese troops took possession of a city or district, an officer was immediately appointed to be military governor, the inhabitants were kindly treated, and every effort was made to preserve peace and free the natives from annoyance or oppression.

On the 17th and 18th of December the scouts of General Katsura’s division brought word to him of important movements of the enemy, who appeared to be advancing in strong force. All this proved to be nothing more formidable than the flight of General Sung’s army northward. On the night of the 18th the Chinese army was ascertained to be passing within a few miles of the Japanese camp, and Katsura therefore moved against them with his full strength. The Chinese were overtaken on the following morning. Osako’s brigade was the first to be engaged. The enemy made a stand at the village of Kungwasai and severe fighting ensued. While this was proceeding Oshima’s brigade coming from Hai-tcheng entered the field and joined hands with Osako. The combined force consisted of four complete regiments, five batteries of artillery, besides other troops. The Japanese artillery, which was well placed, played havoc with the Chinese, who stubbornly stood their ground. The Japanese infantry charged splendidly and cut their way through the Chinese army, but the enemy rallied and fired steadily. A desperate hand-to-hand struggle took place. After five hours’ fighting, the Chinese began to falter and soon they were in full and disorderly flight, some to the westward and others north. The Chinese lost probably five hundred killed and wounded and the Japanese loss, too, was very severe. This was probably the most obstinate engagement yet fought by the armies in Manchooria. The Chinese had strongly entrenched themselves at the little village of Kung-wasai, near Hai-tcheng, and they defended their position most vigorously. The ground was thick with snow, and the battle was a desperate one. Charge after charge made by the Japanese was faced and the assaulting troops driven back. But with a fourth charge the battle ended, the Japanese rushing into the Chinese works and carrying everything before them.

The constant succession of defeats of the Chinese forces, made imperial circles in Peking a nest of nervous uncertainty. Factional fights existed among the officials, and no one knew when his position or his head was safe. The empress dowager remained firm in her confidence in Li Hung Chang, and this fact served to retain him the title of viceroy. All of his decorative honors had however by this time been stripped from him, and only the queen’s favor and the fact that it was not wise to make of him an open enemy saved him from losing his last title. Early in December Prince Kung was appointed president of the Grand Council. He lost no time in moving towards severe punishment the military and naval officers who for being defeated were adjudged traitors. An imperial decree imperatively ordered the arrest of Taotai Kung the civil commandant and the four generals who commanded at Port Arthur in order that they should be sent to Peking to be tried and punished for the loss of the fortress. Admiral Ting was also arrested for failing to defend the dockyard. Generals Yeh and Wei of Ping-Yang fame were handed over to the same board of punishment. The foreign officers serving in the Chinese fleet sent to Prince Kung a unanimous protest against the infliction of punishment upon Admiral Ting, declaring that the charges made against him were unjust and that they would resign if he was punished. In response to this protest therefore an edict was issued continuing the admiral in command of the fleet.

The late viceroy of Nanking, Liu-kun-yi, was now appointed to the chief command of all the Chinese forces in the field, thus superseding Li Hung Chang and Prince Kung so far as military command was concerned. He had made an impression at the palace by his energy and by his plans for resisting invaders. Immediately upon his appointment Liu petitioned to be relieved from the office, pleading indisposition, but his request was refused at the palace. His desire was taken as an indication that he felt himself incapable of successfully carrying out the arduous task imposed upon him. In the face of the emperor’s imperative orders Liu could not avoid accepting the command, and he therefore began making appointments to his staff and preparing for his immediate departure to the front.

At last on December 21, it was given out to the world that peace negotiations with Japan were to be begun in earnest, in the hope that the crowning humiliation of a Japanese occupation of Peking might be averted. The emperor selected Chang Yen Hoon, vice-president of the Tsung-li Yamen as his peace envoy and, it was said, invested him with the fullest powers to treat. It was announced that he would proceed immediately to Japan with an adequate suite and ample credentials. He was a man of great ability, and great confidence was expressed in the success of his mission. Mr. Dun, United States minister at Tokio, learned that the Japanese government would receive the Chinese envoy with every consideration due to his rank, and with an honest desire to help him to bring his mission to a successful conclusion. But from the very beginning there was strong evidence to indicate that China was not acting in the best of faith, for no authoritative statement was made by the government at Peking of the appointment of such a plenipotentiary. This suspicion was only too well corroborated a few weeks later.

The Chinese government, after deciding to send an envoy to Japan, addressed a formal request to President Cleveland for the assistance of a recognized statesman in connection with the forthcoming peace negotiations in Tokio. The president lost no time in replying. It was officially announced in Washington December 27, that the Hon. John W. Foster, Secretary of State in the cabinet of President Harrison, after the death of secretary Blaine, had been appointed legal adviser to the Chinese peace plenipotentiary who was about to be sent to the government of Japan. Before entering President Harrison’s cabinet Mr. Foster had represented the United States as minister at Madrid and he acted as agent of the United States in the court of arbitration of the Bering Sea question at Paris. He was one of the foremost among international lawyers in the United States, with large experience in Chinese affairs. His selection by President Cleveland was not an official one, but was merely in response to a request from China for friendly assistance. Mr. Foster had no official standing from the United States, but acted simply as an adviser to the Chinese envoy.

A curious incident comes well substantiated regarding Mr. Foster’s preparations for his trip. Shortly before he sailed for China, it is said, a party of Wall street men went to see him on the subject of the Chinese indemnity. This indemnity was destined to have an important bearing upon American politics. Should the indemnity be paid in gold, our own treasury reserve would be drawn upon rather seriously. Should it be paid in silver the demand for the white metal would undoubtedly create an enormous demand for the product of western mines to the great advantage of the silver producing states. The Wall street men visited Mr. Foster in a body and urged him to favor a gold settlement. The diplomat became very much incensed at this. He declared that the representations of the bankers were a gross violation of diplomatic ethics, and that he would act as he thought best in the interests of China. From that time forward the prospective treaty was anticipated with great interest by American bankers.

The eighth session of the Japanese parliament was opened at Tokio, December 24. In the absence of the emperor at Hiroshima his speech was read by one of the ministers. It took occasion to congratulate the country for the success of the Japanese arms and declared the need of further persistence towards the successful conclusion of the war. Political sentiment, so far as party spirit was concerned, did not run high in Japan, for nearly all parties were united in support of the war. The session of parliament therefore awakened no marked interest.

The collossal nature of the task that devolved upon Japan when she undertook to reform the Corean administration was becoming daily more apparent. The first difficulty presenting itself was the fact that all the high offices of state were occupied by proteges of the queen, members of the Ming family. The queen was a woman of considerable and large ambition. She exercised great influence over the king and employed it to secure preferment and appointment for her own relatives. But the queen and her friends were indefatigable supporters of China. The Chinese resident always worked in their interests; they firmly believed that Chinese supremacy would be re-established sooner or later; and they were wedded to Chinese systems as affording the widest scope for self-aggrandizement. Thus they stood in the very forefront of the opponents of reform. That was recognized from the outset, and the device was adopted of entrusting the chief powers to the Tai-wen Kun, an inveterate enemy of the Ming family. But the old prince whose political record was written in blood cared not one jot for reform. His one idea was the Tai-wen Kun. Moreover, he too believed in the restoration of Chinese influence and wishing to enlist it in his own behalf he opened secret correspondence with the Chinese generals, promising them that the appearance of their troops before Seoul should be the signal for a widespread insurrection of the Tonghaks to attack the Japanese simultaneously. These letters were discovered and placed in the hands of Count Inouye. He invited the Tai-wen Kun to the Japanese legation and quietly showed him the incriminating documents. Of course there was no imperative reason why any Corean subject should prefer Japan to China. The Tai-wen Kun had a right to choose between the two, but he had no right to hold the regency under pretext of furthering reforms which he was secretly working to defeat. It was not difficult to induce him to resign the regency. He saw that the game was lost and consented to efface himself from the political arena. At the demand of the Japanese minister, the Corean king formed a new cabinet more satisfactory to Japanese influence and the crisis was passed. The revolts of the Tonghaks, however, seemed to be almost continuous and every day brought news of a riot engendered by them.

The Japanese armies which we left in Manchooria near Kai-phing, were posted on a curve extending from that city near the sea, to Hai-tcheng, which was strongly fortified, and posts also extended from there to the Mo-thien-ling hills. They thus occupied a strong position for defensive and offensive purposes. Very severe weather had set in early in January and hundreds of Japanese soldiers were suffering from frostbite. The Chinese forces had withdrawn to Kao-khan near Niuchwang, although the force occupying Liao-Yang had advanced some distance towards Hai-tcheng, which the Japanese were occupying.

Early on the morning of January 10, a brigade under General Nogi marched against a Chinese force encamped in the vicinity of Kai-phing. The attack was made at dawn, but the deep snow rendered military movements, especially the bringing up of guns, a matter of great difficulty. The Chinese had twelve fieldpieces and two gatlings which were well handled. Their force numbered about three thousand. The fight lasted four hours, and consisted mainly of an exchange of shot and shell until the Japanese were in position on the Chinese flank, when an infantry charge was ordered and the Chinese fell back before the heavy fire. The final attack upon the center was splendidly made and by 9:00 o’clock the Chinese were well beaten. There was some stiff fighting at the last, but by 10:00 o’clock the Japanese were in full possession of the town. Two hundred Chinese were found dead in the positions which they had held, and one hundred and fifty were taken prisoners. The Chinese force was commanded by General Seh, who expected to be strongly reinforced before the Japanese attack could be made. On learning this, General Nogi sent out scouting parties towards Yo-chow. They reported that a Chinese army estimated to number ten thousand men had been marching upon Kai-phing but having heard of the defeat of General Seh this large force had immediately retired towards Ying-tsu, the port of Niuchwang.

Either confidence or desperation of the Chinese was exemplified in the vicinity of Niuchwang a few days later when two Chinese corps marched against the Japanese advanced lines, and opened an attack. One of these corps advanced from Liao-Yang, whilst the other marched from the direction of Niuchwang. They were estimated at from twelve to fourteen thousand men and they had with them several fieldpieces and gatling guns. They came in sight of the Japanese lines before noon and continued their advance until within less than two miles. Then they halted and a consultation was held amongst their staff. They made no further advance, much to Japanese disappointment, but simply began a heavy fire from their artillery. At 2:00 o’clock in the afternoon, General Katsura ordered the Japanese to reply, and a concentrated fire was opened upon the Chinese ranks. The total Japanese force concentrated to receive the Chinese attack consisted of four battalions of infantry and one battalion of artillery with twelve guns. The artillery fire continued for an hour, when seeing that the Chinese were being thrown into confusion by the bursting shells, General Katsura ordered a charge upon the enemy’s right wing. It proved to be entirely successful. Five guns which protected the enemy’s right were captured at once, and the whole force immediately retreated. Another charge upon the center scattered the Chinese. The majority fled to the north, whilst a portion retreated in the direction of Niuchwang. The Chinese losses were roughly estimated at nine hundred, and the Japanese scarcely one-tenth of that number.

The first army, finding the country in the direction of Mukden wasted and deserted while guerilla troops harassed them continually, now virtually abandoned the march to Mukden and formed a junction with the second army drawing together at the acute angle to which they had been so long converging. Oyama and Nodzu met and from that time worked with their forces conjointly. The Chinese were becoming bolder in the vicinity of Hai-tcheng which made the necessity greater for a union of forces. At the same time Mukden itself was in a state of riotous disorder, the Manchoo and Chinese troops continually at conflict with one another and therefore scarcely needing the attention of the Japanese to attack either side. Military operations in Manchooria were now exceedingly difficult owing to the depth of snow and the bitter cold weather. Both armies were suffering from the rigors of the season, and neither regretted the opportunity for a cessation of active hostilities. General Nogi moved forward his headquarters to Huntsai. Cavalry skirmishes between scouting parties between Niuchwang and Kai-phing, and between Niuchwang and Hai-tcheng were of daily occurrence and with them we will consider the season’s campaign of the armies in Manchooria closed.

The raising of Li Hung Chang’s enemy, Liu-kun-yi, to the chief military command in China stirred up more and more trouble for military and naval officers as the time went by. Half of the generals of the army and the admirals and commanders of the navy were arrested, charged with various degrees of guilt, and many of them were sentenced to death. As a matter of fact, however, not many of these sentences were carried out, although General Wei was beheaded in Peking, January 16. The influence of Li Hung Chang could not, however, be destroyed, even though he had been relieved of all his functions except that of governor-general of his province. His connections with prominent officials in China had been too intimate and his strength too great that all could be taken away from him even by imperial edict. The old viceroy, the Bismarck of Asia quietly bided his time and waited the results that he felt sure would come. The Chinese envoy and his suite of fifty-six lingered at Shanghai day after day delaying their start to Japan with the avowed explanation that further instructions were expected, but with the understanding frankly held by every one except themselves that they were really detained in the hope that something would turn up, that some special providence would interfere to relieve them of the necessity of presenting China’s suit for peace to her ancient enemy.

And now the third Japanese army was ready for its descent upon the Chinese coasts and another invasion of the Celestial Empire was impending.

THE EXPEDITION TO CAPTURE WEI-HAI-WEI AND
ITS SUCCESS.

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Plans for the Third Japanese Army—Description of Wei-hai-wei and its Defenses—Arrival of the Japanese Troops—Landing of the Forces at Yung-tcheng Bay—Bombardment of Tengchow—Capture of Ning-Hai—Wei-hai-wei Forts Taken—Severity of the Weather—Action of the Fleets—The Torpedo Boats—Continuing the Bombardment—A White Flag From the Chinese—Surrender—Admiral Ting’s Suicide—After the Surrender.

The command of the sea definitely gained by the Japanese at the battle of the Yalu, now enabled another expeditionary force to be landed on the shores of China, this time on the Shantung peninsula, which juts out between the Gulf of Pechili and the Yellow Sea on the south, as the Liao-Tung peninsula does between the Gulf of Laio-Tung and Corea Bay on the north. Since that eventful action, the Chinese fleet had remained in port, and the Japanese had been free to use the water-ways of the east, as if no enemy’s ships existed. To undertake a new enterprise was merely a question of men and means. The transports employed at Port Arthur were available, and a third army twenty-five thousand strong was mobilized at Hiroshima in December. These troops were embarked for an expeditionary force to threaten Wei-hai-wei. There were fifty Japanese transports in the squadron, convoyed by a few war ships, and the fleet sailed away from Japan just before the middle of January.

Wei-hai-wei is about twenty-five miles west of the extreme northeastern point of the Shantung promontory, and fifty miles east of Chefoo, which was the nearest treaty port. Wei-hai-wei consists of an island some two miles long, and the adjacent mainland, running in a semi-circle around the bay. Between the island and the shore is a large and safe harbor, with an entrance at either end. At both entrances, two rows of submarine torpedo mines furnished protection against invading squadrons, and on the island stood the naval and gunnery school of China, and the houses of the foreign instructors. The island was defended by three forts, one at the east end, one at the west, and the third on a little island connected with it. On the hills which rise from the island also six small batteries with quick firing guns. In one of the forts were four heavy Krupp guns, in another three, while in the third were two Armstrong disappearing guns of twenty-five tons, on revolving planes. On the mainland was a small village, while three forts commanded the eastern entrance to the harbor, and three the western, armed in the same way as the forts on the island. Seven men-of-war remaining to the Chinese fleet were at anchor in the harbor, and would be useful in defense of the place, though not enough for battle at sea against a fleet. The fortifications were built under the direction of Captain Von Hannecken, and several foreigners in the Chinese service had remained there throughout the war as artillerists and in other capacities. The Chinese Admiral Ting was also there, against whom the Chinese censors had been speaking so bitterly. There were strongly equipped forts, a beautiful harbor, a good naval school, and all was ready to be captured by the Japanese.

The Japanese transports touched at Talien-wan Bay on the way to the Shantung promontory, and took on board some of the officers who had been with the army around Port Arthur. Except for these however, the troops moving on Wei-hai-wei were all new in the field. On the 18th of January a small reconnoitering party of Japanese naval officers landed from a boat in Yung-tcheng Bay, having left their ship out of sight around the eastern headland. They arrived in the night, cut the telegraph lines connecting Shantung promontory lighthouse with Wei-hai-wei, and afterward, being of course in disguise and familiar with the Chinese language, made inquiries of the peasantry. They discovered that the commander of Wei-hai-wei, having heard of warships off the promontory, had sent some five hundred troops to defend Yung-tcheng. The Japanese then decided to land at dawn on the 20th. Yung-tcheng Bay is about four miles southwest of the northeast promontory lighthouse, and faces nearly due south. On the east is a bold headland connected by low hills with a chain of abrupt heights running west. The west headland, enclosing the bay, is not so high and ends in a spit of sand and rocks, beyond which are two smaller shallow bays, and Yung-tcheng town about seven miles away due west. Nestling close under the west slope of the strip is a small village. Yung-tcheng Bay is about a mile wide, and hemispherical. The anchorage is good for large vessels to within one hundred yards of the beach, and the large fleet assembled there for hostile purposes was well protected.

The Japanese flotilla was led by five war ships which were two or three hours ahead of the rest—twenty transports carrying one division of infantry, with an escort of four war ships. Other war ships were on patrol duty, with torpedo boats blockading Wei-hai-wei completely. The transports which came on the 22nd contained another brigade of infantry, a strong force of artillery, some cavalry, and the large and important commissariat and transport sections.

The Chinese troops first took up a position on the sand spit and opened fire on the ships with four fieldpieces, without effect. Meantime some two hundred Japanese marines were being landed on the beach under the eastern bluff. As the boats drew near the shore a few shots came in their direction, but the Chinese marksmanship was utterly useless. The Japanese succeeded in getting ashore without any mishaps whatever by 7:00 A.M., while daylight was still faint. The ground was covered with snow a few inches deep. A shell from one of the war ships set fire to a small cottage where the Chinese were, and they were forced to retire to the village behind the knoll. Here planting their guns, four Krupp fieldpieces, on rising ground, with infantry in the broken ground about the village, they tried their best to make a stand; but the guns of the war ship were making the position untenable, and a bayonet charge of marines put an end to their resistance. They fled to Yung-tcheng, leaving their cannon. The losses on either side were slight. By eight o’clock the transports had arrived, and the landing of troops began, finishing before dusk. The disembarkation of the rear guard, which came on the second fleet of transports, was also carried on expeditiously on the 23rd.

During the afternoon of the 20th a battalion of the newly landed soldiers pushed on without delay or rest to Yung-tcheng. The Chinese force of about five hundred made slight resistance; there was a little firing, but no casualty on either side, and the place was taken. A detachment of Japanese followed westward in pursuit of the enemy. A quantity of arms, ammunition, and stores fell into the victor’s hands at Yung-tcheng.

The first thing done by the Japanese on landing was to make a small floating jetty of sampans and planks, from the sandy beach to water deep enough for launches. Rough sheds were also erected rapidly, so as to make the place a convenient depot as a subsidiary base of operations. Here the troops were sheltered as they landed, moving over to Yung-tcheng as rapidly as possible, so that within a few days they were almost all quartered in the town and surrounding villages. The inhabitants went about their business as usual, evincing only a little timid curiosity towards the invaders.

Japanese strategy was to be credited, to considerable extent, with the easy landing granted to their troops in Yung-tcheng Bay. War ships had been cruising back and forth along the north shore of the promontory, keeping the commanders of various posts nervously expectant of an attack. Finally on Saturday, January 19, war vessels drew near to Tengchow, some thirty miles northwest of Chefoo, and began a bombardment which lasted throughout the day. The Chinese worked their guns well, but were not equal to the Japanese gunners either in rapidity or precision of fire. Many of the Chinese guns were dismounted by the Japanese fire, and others were rendered useless through absence of sufficient ammunition. By nightfall all the forts were silenced and the city was at the mercy of the invaders. Two thousand Japanese landed and kept up an incessant fire from fieldpieces upon the land side, while the ships were bombarding the water front. This demonstration was only for the purpose of creating a diversion, and attracting Chinese attention to Tengchow, while averting it from Yung-tcheng.

On January 23, a Japanese force landed at Ning-Hai, midway between Wei-hai-wei and Chefoo, and the former city was therefore surrounded. The landing was covered by the guns of a dozen war ships, but there was no opposition. The troops at once marched upon the city of Ning-Hai, situated near the point of landing, and the place fell into their hands after a very feeble resistance. The occupation of Ning-Hai isolated Wei-hai-wei from Chefoo. The Chinese arsenal was almost exactly half way between the two Japanese landing places, and the coast road being in occupation of the Japanese, news from the threatened garrison had to be carried over mountain paths with considerable difficulty.

The strong Japanese fleet of war ships, transports, and torpedo boats was now assured of safety from any possible attack in Yung-tcheng Bay, and the war ships patrolled back and forth between the two landing places in constant threat of Wei-hai-wei, and forbidding the exit of the Chinese vessels which were penned in that harbor. The expeditionary force had landed all the necessary heavy guns and ammunition, beside forage, food, and other necessaries. The British and German flagships were in Yung-tcheng Bay, besides several American war vessels. The two land forces now moved upon Wei-hai-wei, one from the east and one from the west.

The forts on the mainland at Wei-hai-wei were captured by the Japanese on January 30. The taking of the Chinese stronghold was due to skillful combined movements on the part of the Japanese land and naval forces, the main attack, however, being made by the troops on shore. The resistance, considering the strength of the place, was feeble. Some of the forts, however, were stubbornly defended, and the loss was heavy on both sides. The Japanese troops of the sixth division were under arms at two o’clock in the morning, and the advance was at once ordered. As soon as it was daylight the assault on the enemy’s defensive lines began, and by nine o’clock the outlying batteries and intrenchments were almost all in the hands of the Japanese.

Meanwhile the second division was delivering a direct assault from the southwest on the Pai-chih-yaiso line of forts, a position of great strength, with precipitous sides about one hundred feet in height. The attack was made under cover of a furious bombardment from the Japanese men-of-war. The main point of Chinese resistance was here. After the fighting on this side had been going on for some hours, the sixth division, having driven in the enemy before it, made a detour, and advancing behind Mount Ku which concealed the movement, made a strong attack from that side on the Pai-chih-yaiso forts. By half past twelve these forts were in possession of the Japanese. By preconcerted arrangement the signal was at once given to the Japanese fleet, which proceeded without delay to take possession of the eastern entrance of the harbor.

The Japanese fleet had been keeping well off the shore, throwing a few shots occasionally into the batteries upon Leu-kung-tau island, but the main attack was upon the eastern forts. The ironclads dropped their long distance shots into the Chinese position with fair accuracy, but eight of the smaller Japanese vessels steamed along the shore within easy range and worked their guns steadily and well. One well placed shell caused a terrific explosion in Fort Number One, pointing to the eastward, and that fort took no further part in the fighting. A few minutes later Japanese troops rushed in and their flag went up. At half past twelve another deafening roar proclaimed that an explosion had taken place in Fort Number Two. Whether this was due to Japanese fire, or whether the Chinese deliberately blew it up, was not known, but the fort was destroyed. The Chinese firing flagged after this. At last only one gun in Fort Number Three could be worked, the Chinese fled, and the Japanese swarmed in. This action evidently discouraged the men in Fort Number Four for the garrison abandoned the place and joined their retreating countrymen, while the fort fell into the hands of the Japanese intact.

The Chinese fleet had been busy throughout the fight, but kept well under shelter of the island. Their shell fire was mainly directed upon the masses of Japanese infantry, advancing against the land forts, and the batteries upon the island were similarly employed. With the capture of Number Four fort the Japanese were in a position to turn the guns upon their enemies, a fact of which they were not slow to take advantage. They opened fire upon the Chinese fleet and upon the land batteries, doing more damage in a short time than their fleet had been able to accomplish during the day. This was too much for the Chinamen, and abandoning their former tactics, the battleship Ting-Yuen steamed out from her island shelter, and coming in close to Fort Number Four, hammered away vigorously for a full half hour. By that time every gun in the fort had been silenced, and the Japanese were fairly shelled out of it.

The resumption of the fight on Thursday, January 31, by the Japanese fleet was rendered impossible by a severe northerly gale accompanied by a blinding snowstorm. The decks of the ships, and also the guns were covered with ice. Seeing that the position was becoming dangerous for his ships, Admiral Ito ran to Yung-tcheng Bay for shelter and safe anchorage, leaving a small squadron to keep watch at the entrance to Wei-hai-wei harbor. On shore the Japanese made great efforts to strengthen their position, and for the next few days there was desultory firing, but no continuous bombardment.

The hardest day’s fighting for the Japanese fleet was Sunday, February 3. The tempestuous weather which prevailed during Friday and Saturday kept the main squadron in shelter, and while the other ships were watching the two entrances to the harbor, their work gave greater opportunities for seamanship than for gunnery. They engaged the island forts occasionally and exchanged shots with the Chinese war ships, but the land batteries did most of the firing. Sunday, however, was the navy’s day although the land batteries were not idle. Almost with daybreak the fleet opened fire upon the forts of Leu-kung-tau island which replied vigorously. The bombardment soon became terrific. The flagship and several other large vessels were in possession outside the bay, and concentrated their fire upon the eastern island batteries. The second division rained shell upon Fort Zhih. The bombardment had scarcely begun when the Chinese fleet joined in very gallantly. The Ting-Yuen used her thirty-seven ton guns without effect, but succeeded in drawing some of the Japanese fire to herself. The Lai-Yuen, the smaller ship, stood towards the Japanese and fought well, suffering considerable damage and many casualties. Two of the Chinese gunboats also took an active part in the defense and were not badly damaged. These four vessels fought with great determination until darkness set in when the firing ceased on both sides. The bombardment had caused great damage to the Chinese works, particularly at Zhih, where many men had been killed and wounded. Several guns were dismounted and towards the close of the fight the fire from the Chinese batteries slackened in a marked manner.

The sea was still rough on Sunday night, but the Japanese ships did not seek shelter. It was confidently expected that some of the Chinese ships would endeavor to escape during the night, and the harbor exits were therefore blocked by the Japanese fleet. Admiral Ting however made no move, and when morning broke his squadron was seen in its old position, under the shelter of the island. It was learned from a prisoner taken on shore that Admiral Ting had issued a general order to his captains that even if the defenses on the mainland should fall into the enemy’s hands, the war ships must remain inside the harbor and help the island forts to destroy the Japanese fleet. Every officer was ordered to remain at his post until the last, under pain of dishonor and death.

Monday morning the bombardment was resumed. The Japanese fleet engaged both forts and ships, and the land batteries bombarded the Chinese squadron. The fire from Fort Zhih continued weak, and the Chinese battleships were so repeatedly and so seriously hit that their guns were handled with difficulty and with less spirit. Finally, towards the close of the fight, the Ting-Yuen was disabled. It gradually settled down, and at length foundered amid loud shouts of triumph from the Japanese on land and sea. The Chen-Yuen, too, was badly damaged.

When the remaining vessels of the Chinese fleet were captured, they were in serviceable condition, but badly damaged. The torpedo boats of the fleet made a rush through the western entrance, of the harbor, to escape capture. The Japanese flying squadron immediately gave chase, and for hours maintained a most exciting pursuit. Some of the torpedo boats were sunk almost before they cleared the harbor, but others managed to get past the Japanese squadron. They were not however in a condition to make their best speed, and one by one they were overtaken and either sunk, driven ashore or captured. The Japanese fleet, on the other hand did not escape unscathed. The torpedo boat which sank the Ting-Yuen was destroyed by a hail of shot, eight of her crew being drowned. Another Japanese torpedo boat had her engineer and all her stokers killed by a shell bursting in the engine-room, and indeed it was a much damaged flotilla that returned to Admiral Ito. Only one boat escaped entirely uninjured. So severe was the cold that on one of the torpedo boats during the stealthy approach to the bay, a lieutenant and his two lookout-men were frozen to death at their posts.

Monday on shore was as busy as on sea and the fighting continued without cessation throughout the day. The guns in the eastern and western forts that could be brought to bear upon the Chinese fleet and the forts on the island were worked all day by Japanese gunners and the Chinese artillery men fought their guns well in reply. On the land side the infantry of the sixth division moved against some minor lines to the west still held by the Chinese. The latter did not wait for the Japanese onslaught, but fled away westward leaving arms and stores behind them. By noon there was not a single fortress or battery on the mainland around Wei-hai-wei that the Japanese had not captured.

Marshal Oyama meantime had ordered the fourth division to attack the town of Wei-hai-wei itself. The place however surrendered without a shot being fired. The Chinese garrison had fled in the early morning, and the citizens opened the gates to the Japanese forces. No injury was sustained by the town or inhabitants. As fast as was practicable, fresh guns were mounted in place of the disabled ones in the captured forts, and every hour added to the weight of metal thrown against the Chinese fleet and island forts. But night set in, and the Chinese fleet fought with as much determination as ever. Search-lights were kept playing by both belligerents throughout the night. An occasional shot was fired by one or the other, but the fierce cannonade of Sunday was not resumed until dawn. Then the large Chinese war ships, sheltering themselves as much as possible under the island, shelled the various forts in turn. The smaller Chinese vessels were scattered about the bay, taking little part in the fighting, and escaping the attention of the Japanese gunners. The Chinese had burnt or sunk every junk and boat in the harbor in order to prevent their being used by any large body of Japanese to make an effectual landing upon the island. The roar of the big guns during Monday was incessant. Shells were dropped repeatedly into the island forts, and the Chinese battleships were hit again and again, but there was no sign of the fleet giving in or of their ammunition giving out. At night the firing ceased, and again the search-lights illuminated land and sea.

On the night of Monday, February 4, the Japanese after many hours’ exertions succeeded in clearing the entrance to the harbor of Wei-hai-wei of all the torpedoes and submarine mines that had been laid. And under cover of the darkness torpedo boats stole in and launched their projectiles at one of the great Chinese ironclads. The torpedoes took effect, and the vessel sank.

Day after day the shore forts at Wei-hai-wei, aided by the Japanese fleet, continued their bombardment of the Chinese war ships and the forts on the island, getting a reply which gradually diminished in strength. The fleet could not escape from the harbor, owing to the presence of the Japanese flotilla just outside, so they fought on bravely, doing much damage indeed to the Japanese, but accomplishing no final results. The timber obstructions at the eastern entrance to the bay were destroyed by the Japanese to admit their torpedo boats to that side, as they had already been admitted to the other entrance. With the Chinese torpedo fleet escaped and destroyed, there was no adequate defense against this threat. Finally it seemed that there was no use in further resistance.

On February 12, a Chinese gunboat flying a white flag came to the Japanese fleet with a message from Admiral Ting. He proposed to the Japanese commander-in-chief to surrender all his ships remaining afloat and all arms and ammunition, and to give possession of the forts still holding out, upon the sole condition that Admiral Ito would guarantee the lives of the Chinese sailors and soldiers, and of the European officers serving under the Chinese flag in the fleet and in the island forts. Admiral Ito, in reply to the offer, acceded to the terms and demanded that the naval station should be thrown open. On the morning of the 13th however, the Chinese messenger returned and informed the Japanese Admiral that Admiral Ting had committed suicide on the previous evening, and that his responsibility was transferred to Admiral McClure. The news was even more startling than that of a single suicide, for Admiral Ting’s commodore, the general in command of the island forts, and Captains Liu and Chang had all taken their own lives through grief and shame at having to surrender. Admiral Ting before committing suicide wrote a politely worded letter addressed to the Japanese commander-in-chief explaining his reasons for taking his life and enclosing letters which he requested might be forwarded to their destination.

The only officer of high rank left on the Chinese war ships was Admiral McClure, the Scotchman who had been recently appointed to act as second in command to Admiral Ting. Admiral McClure sent word by the staff officer that having succeeded to the command by the death of Admiral Ting, he was prepared to carry out the surrender and to consult Admiral Ito’s convenience in the matter. He suggested that Admiral Ito should give his guarantee to the British Admiral or to some other neutral naval officer, that as soon as the Chinese war ships and island forts had been handed over, the soldiers and sailors and the Chinese, and foreign officers should be set free. Admiral Ito replied that no guarantee was necessary beyond the Japanese word and he peremptorily declined to furnish one. This decision was accepted without further demur, the Chinese flags were everywhere lowered and the transfer of ships and forts was at once proceeded with.

The soldiers who had held the island first gave up their arms, and then were put on board Chinese and Japanese boats and taken on shore. Escorted by Japanese troops, they were marched through the Japanese lines, out into the open country and there set free. They were treated with every respect and seemed surprised that their lives were spared. On the morning of February 15, the officers and sailors of the Chinese ships were disposed of in similar fashion. The foreign officers, about a dozen all together waited for a neutral ship to take them away.

During the progress of Chinese reverses at Wei-hai-wei, the excitement in other Chinese cities was intense, increasing as the distance from Wei-hai-wei decreased. Chefoo, the nearest treaty port and the home of many foreigners, was in a tremor of fear. A bombardment or an invasion of the city was dreaded from the victorious troops to the eastward, and not the least danger was that from the Chinese troops who had been disarmed and turned loose to make their way to Chefoo after the surrender. The emperor was so incensed at the loss of Wei-hai-wei that he took the unusual course of authorizing the governor of the Shantung province to behead all fugitives without previously reporting to the throne.

Wei-hai-wei will be remembered in the history of this war as the only spot at which the progress of the Japanese was interrupted by serious and prolonged resistance on the part of the enemy. Admiral Ting’s bravery could scarcely be questioned, though his strategy might be. His action in surrendering property was gravely censured, the general opinion being that if he could no longer hold out he should have found means to destroy the valuable stores in his control, instead of giving them up to the conqueror. As a material result of the surrender other than the strategic and moral effect, the Japanese acquired four large ships left in serviceable condition, several gunboats and torpedo crafts, fort artillery, and great stores of ammunition, food and coal.

The work of taking over the arsenal, island forts, and war ships was completed by the Japanese without the least confusion. The ships which needed repairs, including the ironclad Chen-Yuen, were temporarily repaired at Wei-hai-wei, and then sailed for Japan with Japanese crews, to go into dockyards for refitting. Marshal Oyama and his staff occupied the Chinese government building. All of the foreigners who took part in the defense of Wei-hai-wei, except the American Howie, were paroled and sent to Chefoo in the steamship Kang Chi. This vessel also carried the bodies of Admiral Ting and his fellow officers who committed suicide. The Japanese fleet paid a touching tribute to the memory of their brave opponents. As the Kang Chi steamed out of the harbor all the vessels had their flags at half mast, and from Count Ito’s flag ship minute guns were fired for some time after the vessel sailed. The European war ships at Wei-hai-wei also lowered their flags, as a testimony to the bravery exhibited by the late admiral.

Several junks arrived at Chefoo bringing soldiers from Wei-hai-wei. The men all expressed astonishment at the consideration which the Japanese had shown for them, and the tribute which their enemies paid to Admiral Ting’s body had created a great impression on them.

It will be remembered that Howie was one of the Americans arrested early in the war by the Japanese officials at Kobe. He was on his way to China, under contract to destroy Japanese ships by means of a new explosive whose secret he possessed. He was released at Kobe at the intercession of the American minister to Japan, under the promise that he would not assist the Chinese in the present war. He was detained at Wei-hai-wei for a trial by court-martial, and it was believed that unless his government interfered his punishment might be a severe one.

After the capture of Wei-hai-wei all efforts were directed by the Japanese towards strengthening the land defenses and those on the island. Fresh guns were mounted in many places. The island forts were still manned by marines, while the mainland forts were each held by a battalion of infantry, as well as by artillery men. The amount of stores seized was so great that the troops had a superabundance of supplies. The roads were patrolled for miles around. A civil commissioner was appointed, and Marshal Oyama issued a proclamation assuring the inhabitants of kind treatment and of his protection so long as they followed peaceful pursuits. Inasmuch as no atrocities had been committed and the Japanese did little looting, the confidence of the people was retained and they continued their usual vocations. The Japanese withdrew from the advanced positions east and west of Wei-hai-wei, evacuating the town of Ning-Hai. A large part of the army then left for Talien-wan Bay.

THE END OF HOSTILE OPERATIONS.

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The Armies in Manchooria and their Actions in the Cold of January—Skirmish and Battle—Assault on Niuchwang and Capture of the City—Desperate Fighting in the Streets—Taking of Ying-kow—A Threat Towards Formosa—Attack on the Pescadore Islands—Capture of Hai-chow—The Island of Thao-hua—Peking thought to Be in Danger From the Japanese.

We left the Chinese and Japanese troops in Manchooria centered about the region around Niuchwang, trying to pass the cold weather with the least suffering possible. There was no considerable interruption of time between hostile encounters, possibly on the supposition that they could keep warmer by fighting than by remaining idle. On the morning of the 17th of January the Chinese under General Chang and General Twi began aggressive movements. Some twelve thousand strong they attacked Hai-tcheng, but were repulsed after a short struggle. Five days later, on the morning of the 22nd, the Chinese again attacked the Japanese position, but were repulsed by two o’clock in the afternoon with heavy loss. This was rather a long distance battle, with a good deal of artillery practice in it. The Chinese worked their guns fairly well, but could not compete with the Japanese gunners, who were the better protected and suffered little. When the Chinese began the retreat, the Japanese guns were moved forward and played upon the retiring enemy. The Chinese then became demoralized, and made speedy retreat towards Niuchwang. The Japanese loss was very slight.

On the same day as the last battle, simultaneously with the attack on Hai-tcheng, General Seh with ten thousand men and a strong force of artillery advanced from the port of Niuchwang against Kai-phing. An artillery engagement ensued on the 24th of January, which ended in a precipitate retreat of the Chinese.