Chapter V: Part 5

ANNO 1016.—... Then befell it that King Ethelred died, before the ships [of the Danes] arrived. He ended his days on St. George’s mass day, and he held his kingdom with great toil and under great difficulties, the while that his life lasted. And then, after his end, all the nobles who were in London, and the citizens, chose Edmund to be king: and he strenuously defended his kingdom the while that his time lasted. Then came the ships to Greenwich at Rogation days. And within a little space they went to London, and then dug a great ditch on the south side, and dragged their ships to the west side of the bridge; and then afterwards they ditched the city around, so that no one could go either in or out: and they repeatedly fought against the city; but the citizens strenuously withstood them. Then had the King Edmund, before that, gone out; and then he overran Wessex, and all the people submitted to him. And soon after that he fought against the army at Pen, near Gillingham. And a second battle he fought, after midsummer, at Sherston; and there much slaughter was made on either side, and the armies of themselves separated. In that battle was Edric the ealdorman, and Ælmer Darling, helping the army against King Edmund. And then gathered he his forces for the third time, and went to London, all north of Thames, and so out through Clayhanger; and relieved the citizens, and drove the army in flight to their ships. And then, two days after, the king went over to Brentford, and there fought against the army, and put them to flight: and there were many of the English drowned, from their own carelessness; they who went before the forces, and would take booty. And after that the king went into Wessex, and collected his forces. Then went the army, soon, to London, and beset the city around, and strongly fought against it, as well by water as by land. But the Almighty God delivered it.

The enemy went then, after that, from London, with their ships, into the Orwell, and there went up, and proceeded into Mercia, and destroyed and burnt whatsoever they overran, as is their wont, and provided themselves with food; and they conducted as well their ships as their droves into the Medway. Then King Edmund assembled, for the fourth time, all his forces, and went over the Thames at Brentford, and went into Kent; and the army fled before him, with their horses, into Sheppey: and the king slew as many of them as he could overtake. And Edric the ealdorman went then to meet the king at Aylesford: than which no measure could be more ill-advised.

The army then went again up into Essex, and passed into Mercia, and destroyed whatever it overran.

When the king learned that the army was upward, then assembled he, for the fifth time, all the English nation, and followed after them, and overtook them in Essex at the down which is called Assingdon; and there they strenuously joined battle. Then did Edric the ealdorman, as he had oft before, begin the flight first with the Maisevethians, and so betrayed his royal lord and the whole people of the English race. There Canute had the victory; and all the English nation fought against him. There was slain Bishop Ednoth [of Dorchester], and Abbot Wulsy, and Elfric the ealdorman, and Godwin the ealdorman of Lindsey, and Ulfkytel of East Anglia, and Ethelward, son of Ethelwine the ealdorman; and all the nobility of the English race was there destroyed.

Then, after this battle, went King Canute up with his army into Gloucestershire, where he learned that King Edmund was.

Then advised Edric the ealdorman, and the counsellors who were there, that the kings should be mutually reconciled. And they delivered hostages mutually; and the kings came together at Olney near Deerhurst, and then confirmed their friendship as well by pledge as by oath, and settled the tribute for the army. And they then separated with this reconcilement: and Edmund obtained Wessex, and Canute Mercia and the northern district. The army then went to their ships with the things they had taken. And the men of London made a truce with the army, and bought themselves peace: and the army brought their ships to London, and took up their winter quarters therein. Then, at St. Andrew’s mass, died King Edmund; and his body lies at Glastonbury, with his grandfather Edgar....

ANNO 1017.—In this year King Canute obtained the whole realm of the English race, and divided it into four parts: Wessex to himself, and East Anglia to Thurkill, and Mercia to Edric, and Northumbria to Eric. And in this year was Edric the ealdorman slain in London, very justly, and Norman, son of Leofwin the ealdorman, and Ethelward, son of Ethelmar the Great, and Britric, son of Elphege, in Devonshire. And King Canute banished Edwy the Etheling, and afterwards commanded him to be slain, and Edwy, king of the Ceorls. And then, before the Kalends of August, the king commanded the widow of King Ethelred, Richard’s daughter, to be fetched for his wife; that was Elfgive in English, Emma in French.

PEOPLE’S DUTIES AND RIGHTS IN THE TIME OF CANUTE (c. 1025).

=Source.=—_Anglo-Saxon Rectitudines Singularum Personarum._ Thorpe,
_Ancient Laws and Institutes of England_. Translated by W.

THEGN’S law is that he be worthy of his book-right: and that he do three things for his estate, fyrd-expedition, repair of fortress walls, and bridge-work. Also on many estates more land-duty arises at the king’s behest; such is deer-hedge for royal demesne, and equipment for a war-ship, and seaward, and head-ward, and fyrd-ward, alms fee, and church-scot, and many other manifold things.

GENEAT’S duty is manifold according to the custom of the estate. On some he must furnish rent and a grass-swine every year, and must ride and carry, and lead loads, labour, and entertain his lord, and reap and mow, trim the deer-hedge, and keep it firm, build and hedge the burh, bring strange comers to the tun, pay church-scot and alms fee, keep watch by his lord, and horse-ward, go errands far or near, wherever he is ordered.

COTSETLA’S duty, according to the custom of the estate. On some he must every Monday of the year work for his lord, and 3 days every week at harvest, nor ought he to pay rent. It pertains to him to occupy 5 acres; more, if it be the custom on the estate; and it is too little, if it were any less in amount, since his work must be frequent. Let him pay his hearth-penny on Holy Thursday, as pertains to every freeman. And let him represent his lord’s demesne if he is ordered, in seaward, and at the king’s deer-hedge, and at such things as his position requires. And let him pay his church-scot at Martinmas.

GEBUR’S duties are manifold, in some places they are heavy, and in some places moderate. On some estates he must work at weekwork two days such work as is ordered for him every week of the year, and at harvest three days at week-work, and from Candlemas to Easter three. If he is carrying, he need not work while his horse is abroad. He must pay on Michaelmas day 10 rent-pennies, and on Martinmas day 24d., a sester of barley, and 2 hen-fowls; at Easter a young sheep or two pennies. And he must lie from Martinmas to Easter at the lord’s fold, as often as it falls to his share. And from the time of the first ploughing until Martinmas he must every week plough 1 acre, and himself get the seed from the lord’s barn. In addition to them 3 acres as a boon and 2 acres in return for hay; if he needs more hay, he must earn it by ploughing as he is allowed. He ploughs 3 acres as his rent-ploughing, and sows of his own barn, and pays his hearth-penny. Two and two feed one deerhound. And every gebur pays 6 loaves to the swineherd of the demesne when he drives his herd to mast-pasture. On the estate where this plan exists it pertains to the gebur that he is given for the stocking of his land 2 oxen and 1 cow and 6 sheep and 7 acres of sown land on his yard-land. And so after that year let him do all the duties that pertain to him, and let him be given tools for his work and utensils for his house. When he dies what he leaves pertains to the care of his lord.

This land-law exists on some estates. In some places it is, as I said before, heavier, and in some places lighter, since all land-customs are not alike. On some estates the gebur must pay honey-rent, on some food-rent, on some ale-rent. Let him who holds the office of steward take heed that he aye know what are the old land-customs and what the custom of the people.

To the BEE-KEEPER it pertains, if he hold a swarm by duty of rent, that he pay therefor according to the custom of the estate. With us the custom is that he pay 5 sesters of honey as rent; on some estates more rent is due. Sometimes also he must be ready for many labours at the lord’s will, besides boon-ploughing, and boon-harvesting, and meadow-mowing, and if he be well landed he must be horsed, that he may supply it for the lord’s horse-duty, or lead it himself, whichever he is ordered. And many things a man in such condition must do, all of which I cannot now enumerate. When he dies what he leaves pertains to his lord’s care, except what may be free.

To the SWINEHERD paying pig-rent it pertains that he furnish his slaughter-beasts according to the custom of the estate. On many estates the custom is that he furnish every year 15 swine for sticking, 10 old and 5 young: let him have himself what more he rears. On many estates the swineherd’s duty is heavier. And let the swineherd take care that after sticking them he prepare and singe well his slaughter-swine: then he is entitled to receive his due. And he must be, as I said above of the bee-keeper, always available for work between-times, and horsed for his lord’s need. The swineherd who is a slave, and the bee-keeper who is a slave, after their death are worthy of the same law.

To the SWINEHERD who is a chattel, who keeps the demesne herd, pertains the sty-pig, and the pluck is his when he has prepared the fat bacon, besides the rights which pertain to slaves.

To a SLAVE-LABOURER pertain for food 12 pounds of good corn and 2 sheep’s carcases and one good cow for killing: rights of wood according to the custom of the estate.

To a SLAVE-WOMAN 8 pounds of corn for food, 1 sheep or 3 pennies for winter-food: 1 sester of beans for fast-food: in summer whey or 1 penny.

To all SLAVES pertain a Midwinter’s feast, and an Easter feast, an acre for ploughing, and daily in harvest a handful of corn, besides their dues.

To a FOLLOWER it pertains that in 12 months he have 2 acres, one sown, the other unsown (let him sow it himself); and his food and shoes and gloves pertain to him: if he may earn more it is to his advantage.

To the SOWER pertains that he have of every kind of seed one basketful, when he has first sown all the seed well for a year.

The OXHERD may pasture 2 oxen or more with the lord’s herd in the common leas, with the knowledge of his overseer. Let him have for his work shoes and gloves for himself; and his cow for killing may go with the lord’s oxen.

To the COWHERD pertains that he have the milk of a grown cow for 7 nights after her calving, and the beestings of a young cow 14 nights, and let his cow for killing go with the lord’s cows.

The SHEPHERD’S due is that he have 12 nights’ manure at Midwinter, and 1 lamb of a year’s youth, and 1 bell-wether’s fleece, and the milk of his herd for 7 nights after autumnal equinox, and a bowlful of whey or buttermilk all the summer.

To the GOATHERD pertains the milk of his herd after Martinmas Day, and before then his share of whey and 1 kid of a year’s youth, if he care for his herd well.

To the CHEESEMAKER pertain a hundred cheeses and that she make butter for the lord’s board of milk that has dropped from the cheese-press, and have for herself all the whey except the shepherd’s share.

To the BARN-MAN pertains the fallen corn at the barn-door in harvest, if his overseer grant it him and he have earned it faithfully.

To the BEADLE it pertains that for his office he be freer of labour than other men, for he must be often available: and some piece of land pertains to him for his work.

To the WOODWARD pertains every tree felled by the wind.

To the HAYWARD it pertains that his work’s reward be acknowledged along the boundary which lies by the meadow-lea, for he may expect, if he does not guard this, that men will blame him for the damage: also if he is given a piece of land, it shall by folk-right lie next the meadow, because if he slothfully neglect his lord’s, his own is not well protected, if it be thus situate. But if he protect all well that he should guard, he is right well worth his pay. [This means that his land is to be the first to suffer by an incursion of the cattle due to his careless upkeep of the hedges.]

Estate-laws are manifold, as I said before, nor do we lay down as the rights over all places those which we before spoke of, but we proclaim what the custom is where it is known to us. If we learn better, we will gladly approve and hold by the folk-customs of the place where we then live: for a man must learn laws among the people gladly, if he does not want to lose honour among the people. Many are the rights of the folk. On some estates there pertain to the people winter-feast, Easter-feast, boon-feast for harvest, drinking-feast for ploughing, mowing-pay, rick-treat, at wood-carrying one tree from each cart, at corn-carrying rick-top-feast, and many things that I cannot enumerate. This is, however, the memorandum for a man’s food, as well as all that I before this set forth.

CANUTE’S LETTER FROM ROME (1027).

=Source.=—From William of Malmesbury’s _Gesta Regum_, book ii., c. xi.
Translated by J. A. Giles. Bohn’s Library.

Canute, King of all England, Denmark, Norway, and parts of the Swedes, to Ethelnoth, Metropolitan, and Elfric, Archbishop of York, and to all bishops, nobles, and to the whole nation of the English high and low, health. I notify to you that I have lately been to Rome, to pray for the forgiveness of my sins; for the safety of my dominions, and of the people under my government. I had long since vowed such a journey to God, but, hitherto hindered by the affairs of my kingdom, and other causes preventing, I was unable to accomplish it sooner. I now return thanks most humbly to my Almighty God, for suffering me, in my lifetime, to approach the holy apostles Peter and Paul, and all the holy saints within and without the city of Rome, wherever I could discover them, and there present, to worship and adore according to my desire. I have been the more diligent in the performance of this, because I have learned from the wise that St. Peter the Apostle has received from God great power in binding and in loosing: that he carries the key of the kingdom of heaven; and consequently I have judged it a matter of special importance to seek his influence with God. Be it known to you that at the solemnity of Easter, a great assembly of nobles was present with Pope John and the Emperor Conrad, that is to say, all the princes of the nations from Mount Garganus[3] to the neighbouring sea.[4] All these received me with honour and presented me with magnificent gifts. But more especially was I honoured by the Emperor with various gifts and offerings in gold and silver vessels and mantles and costly garments. Moreover, I spoke with the Emperor himself and the sovereign Pope and the nobles who were there, concerning the wants of all my people, English as well as Danes; observing that there ought to be granted to them more equitable regulations, and greater security on their passage to Rome; that they should not be impeded by so many barriers on the road, nor harassed with unjust exactions. The Emperor assented to my request, as did Rodolph the King,[5] who has the chief dominion over those passes; and all the princes confirmed by an edict that my subjects, traders as well as those who went on a religious account, should peaceably go and return from Rome without any molestation from warders of passes or tax-gatherers. Again I complained before the Pope and expressed my high displeasure that my archbishops were oppressed by the immense sum of money which is demanded from them when seeking, according to custom, the apostolical see to receive the pall: and it was determined that it should be so no longer. Moreover, all things which I requested for the advantage of my kingdom from the sovereign Pope and the Emperor and King Rodolph and the other princes through whose territory our road to Rome runs, they have freely granted and confirmed by oath under the attestation of four archbishops and twenty bishops and an innumerable multitude of dukes and nobles who were present. Wherefore I give most hearty thanks to God Almighty for having successfully completed all that I had wished in the manner I had designed, and fully satisfied my intentions. Be it known, then, that since I have vowed to God himself henceforward to reform my life in all things, and justly and piously to govern the kingdoms and the people subject to me, and to maintain equal justice in all things; and have determined through God’s assistance to rectify anything hitherto unjustly done, either through the intemperance of my youth or through negligence; therefore I call to witness and command my counsellors to whom I have entrusted the counsels of the kingdom that they by no means either through fear of myself or favour to any powerful person suffer henceforth any injustice, or cause such to be done in all my kingdom. Moreover I command all sheriffs or bailiffs throughout my whole kingdom, as they value my affection or their own safety not to commit injustice towards any man, rich or poor, but to allow all, noble and ignoble alike, to enjoy impartial law, from which they are never to deviate, either on account of royal favour, the person of any powerful man, or for the sake of amassing money for myself: for I have no need that money be accumulated for me by unjust exactions. Be it known to you therefore, that, returning by the same way that I went, I am now going to Denmark, through the advice of all the Danes, to make peace and firm treaty with those nations who were desirous, had it been possible, to deprive me both of life and of sovereignty: this, however, they were not able to perform, God, who by His kindness preserves me in my kingdom and in my honour and destroys the power of all my adversaries, bringing their strength to nought. Moreover, when I have established peace with the surrounding nations, and put all our sovereignty here in the East in tranquil order, so that there shall be no fear of war or enmity on any side, I intend coming to England, as early in the summer as I shall be able to get my fleet prepared. I have sent this letter before me in order that my people may rejoice at my prosperity; because, as you yourselves know, I have never spared, nor will I spare, either myself or my pains for the needful service of my whole people. I now therefore adjure all my bishops and governors throughout my kingdom by the fidelity they owe to God and me, to take care that before I come to England all dues owing by ancient custom [to the Church] be discharged; that is to say, the penny for every carucate ploughed, the tithe of the increase of your flocks and herds, the penny for St. Peter at Rome, whether from cities or villages, the tithe of corn in the middle of August, and the church-scot at the feast of St. Martin. If all these dues are not regularly paid, I shall on my return to England execute unpitying justice on the defaulter.

Footnote 3:

In Apulia.

Footnote 4:

The Tyrrhene Sea.

Footnote 5:

Of Burgundy.

RANKS AMONG THE ENGLISH (BETWEEN 1029 AND 1060).

=Source.=—Translated in Elizabeth’s reign by William Lambarde,
_Perambulation of Kent_, p. 500, quoted by Hakluyt, _Principal
Voyages_. For original, see Thorpe, _Ancient Laws and Institutes of
England_.

It was some time in English laws, that the people and the laws were in reputation; and then were the wisest of the people worship-worthy, every one after his degree: Earle, and Churle, Thein, and under-Thein. And if a churle thrived so, that he had fully five hides of his owne land, a Church and a Kitchin, a Belhouse, and a gate, a seate, and a severall office in the kings hall, then was he thenceforth the Theins right worthy. And if a Thein so thrived, that he served the king, and on his message rid in his household, if he then had a Thein that followed him, the which to the kings journey five hides had, and in the kings seate his Lord served, and thrise with his errand had gone to the king, he might afterward with his foreoth his lords part play at any great neede. And if a Thein did thrive so, that he became an Earle; then was he afterward an Earles right worthie. And if a Marchant so thrived, that he passed thrise over the wide seas, of his owne craft, he was thenceforth a Theins right worthie. And if a scholar so prospered thorow learning that he degree had and served Christ, he was then afterward of dignitie and peace so much worthie, as thereunto belonged: unlesse he forfaited so, that he the use of his degree use ne might.

SAXON AND NORMAN (1051).

=Source.=—_Anglo-Saxon Chronicle._ Translated by J. A. Giles. Bohn’s
Library.

ANNO 1048 [really 1051].—In this year King Edward appointed Robert, of London, archbishop of Canterbury, during Lent. And in the same Lent he went to Rome after his pall: and the King gave the bishopric of London to Sparhafoc, Abbot of Abingdon; and the King gave the abbacy of Abingdon to bishop Rodulf, his kinsman. Then came the archbishop from Rome one day before St. Peter’s mass-eve, and entered on his archiepiscopal see at Christ’s Church on St. Peter’s mass-day; and soon after went to the king. Then came abbot Sparhafoc to him with the king’s writ and seal, in order that he should consecrate him bishop of London. Then the archbishop refused, and said that the pope had forbidden it him. Then went the abbot to the archbishop again for that purpose, and there desired episcopal ordination; and the archbishop constantly refused him, and said that the pope had forbidden it him. Then went the abbot to London and occupied the bishopric which the king before had granted him, with his full leave, all the summer and the harvest. And then came Eustace [Earl of Boulogne] from beyond the sea soon after the bishop, and went to the king, and spoke with him that which he then would, and went then homeward. When he came to Canterbury, east, then took he refreshment there, and his men, and went to Dover. When he was some mile or more on this side of Dover, then he put on his breast-plate, and so did all his companions, and went to Dover. When they came thither, then would they lodge themselves where they chose. Then came one of his men, and would abide in the house of an householder against his will, and wounded the householder; and the householder slew the other. Then Eustace got upon his horse, and his companions upon theirs; and they went to the householder, and slew him within his own dwelling; and they went up towards the town, and slew, as well within as without, more than twenty men. And the townsmen slew nineteen men on the other side, and wounded they knew not how many. And Eustace escaped with a few men, and went again to the king, and made known to him, in part, how they had fared. And the king became very wroth with the townsmen. And the king sent off Godwin, the earl, and bade him go into Kent in a hostile manner to Dover: for Eustace had made it appear to the King, that it had been more the fault of the townsmen than his: but it was not so. And the earl would not consent to the inroad, because he was loath to injure his own people. Then the king sent after all his council, and bade them come to Gloucester, nigh the aftermass of St. Mary. Then had the Frenchmen erected a castle in Herefordshire among the people of Sweyn the earl, and wrought every kind of harm and disgrace to the king’s men thereabout which they could. Then came Godwin the earl, and Sweyn the earl, together at Beverstone, and many men with them, in order that they might go to their royal lord, and to all the peers who were assembled with him, in order that they might have the advice of the king and his aid, and of all this council, how they might avenge the king’s disgrace, and the whole nation’s. Then were the Frenchmen with the king beforehand, and accused the earls, so that they might not come within his eyes’ sight; because they said that they were coming thither in order to betray the king. Thither had come Siward the earl [of Northumbria], and Leofric the earl [of Mercia], and much people with them, from the north, to the king; and it was made known to the earl Godwin and his sons, that the king and the men who were with him were taking counsel concerning them: and they arrayed themselves on the other hand resolutely, though it were loathful to them that they should stand against their royal lord. Then the peers on either side decreed that every kind of evil should cease: and the king gave the peace of God and his full friendship to either side. Then the king and his peers decreed that a council of all the nobles should be held for the second time in London at the harvest equinox; and the king directed the army to be called out, as well south of the Thames as north, all that was in any way most eminent. Then declared they Sweyn the earl an outlaw, and summoned Godwin the earl and Harold the earl, to the council, as quickly as they could effect it. When they had come thither, then were they summoned into the council. Then required he safe conduct and hostages, so that he might come, unbetrayed, into the council and out of the council. Then the king demanded all the thegns whom the earls before had; and they granted them all into his hands. Then the king sent again to them, and commanded them that they should come with twelve men to the king’s council. Then the earl again required safe conduct and hostages, that he might defend himself against each of those things that were laid to him. Then were the hostages refused him; and he was allowed a safe conduct for five nights to go out of the land. And then Godwin the earl and Sweyn the earl went to Bosham, and shoved out their ships, and betook themselves beyond sea, and sought the protection of Baldwin [earl of Flanders], and abode there all the winter. And Harold the earl went west to Ireland, and was there all the winter with the king’s protection. And soon after this happened, then put away the king the lady [Editha, Godwin’s daughter] who had been consecrated his queen, and caused to be taken from her all which she possessed, in land, and in gold, and in silver, and in all things, and delivered her to his sister at Wherwell. And abbot Sparhafoc was then driven out of the bishopric of London, and William, the king’s priest, was ordained thereto. And then Odda was appointed earl over Devonshire, and over Somerset, and over Dorset, and over the Welsh [Cornish]. And Algar, the son of Leofric the earl, was appointed to the earldom which Harold before held.

CHARACTERISTICS OF THE ENGLISH BEFORE THE CONQUEST.

=Source.=—William of Malmesbury (died about 1142), _Gesta Regum_, book
iii. Translated by J. A. Giles. Bohn’s Library.

England had long since adopted the manners of the Angles which had been very various according to the times: for in the first years of their arrival, they were barbarians in their look and manners, warlike in their usages, heathens in their rites; but after embracing the faith of Christ, by degrees and in process of time, from the peace they enjoyed, regarding arms only in a secondary light, they gave their whole attention to religion. I say nothing of the poor, the meanness of whose fortune often restrains them from overstepping the bounds of justice: I omit men of ecclesiastical rank, whom sometimes respect to their profession, and sometimes the fear of shame, suffer not to deviate from the truth: I speak of princes, who from the greatness of their power might have full liberty to indulge in pleasure; some of whom in their own country, and others at Rome, changing their habit, obtained a heavenly kingdom and a saintly intercourse. Many during their whole lives in outward appearance only embraced the present world, in order that they might exhaust their treasures on the poor or divide them amongst monasteries. What shall I say of the multitudes of bishops, hermits, and abbots? Does not the whole island blaze with such numerous relics of its natives that you can scarcely pass a village of any consequence but you hear the name of some new saint, besides the numbers of whom all notices have perished through the want of records? Nevertheless, in process of time, the desire after literature and religion had decayed for several years before the arrival of the Normans. The clergy, contented with a very slight degree of learning, could scarcely stammer out the words of the Sacraments; and a person who understood grammar was an object of wonder and astonishment. The monks mocked the rule of their order by fine clothing, and the use of every kind of food. The nobility, given up to luxury and wantonness, went not to church in the morning after the manner of Christians, but merely in a careless manner heard mattins and masses from a hurrying priest in their chambers.... The commonalty, left unprotected, became a prey to the most powerful, who amassed fortunes by either seizing on their property or by selling their persons into foreign countries; although it be an innate quality of this people to be more inclined to revelling than to the accumulation of wealth.... Drinking in particular was a universal practice, in which occupation they passed entire nights as well as days. They consumed their whole substance in mean and despicable houses, unlike the Normans and French, who in noble and splendid mansions lived in frugality. The vices attendant on drunkenness, which enervate the human mind, followed; hence it arose that, engaging William more with rashness and precipitate fury than military skill, they doomed themselves and their country to slavery by one and that an easy victory. In fine, the English at that time wore short garments reaching to the mid-knee; they had their hair cropped, their beards shaven, their arms laden with golden bracelets, their skin adorned with punctured designs. They were accustomed to eat till they became surfeited, and to drink till they were sick. These latter qualities they imparted to their conquerors; as to the rest they adopted their manners. I would not, however, have these bad propensities universally ascribed to the English. I know that many of the clergy at that day trod the path of sanctity by a blameless life; I know that many of the laity of all ranks and conditions in this nation were pleasing to God. Be injustice far from this account; the accusation does not involve the whole indiscriminately.

A NORMAN ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLE OF HASTINGS (1066).

=Source.=—William of Malmesbury (died about 1142), _Gesta Regum_, book
iii. Translated by J. A. Giles. Bohn’s Library.

The courageous leaders mutually prepared for battle, each according to his national custom. The English, as we have heard, passed the night without sleep, in drinking and singing, and, in the morning, proceeded without delay towards the enemy; all were on foot, armed with battle-axes, and covering themselves in front by the junction of their shields, they formed an impenetrable body, which would have secured their safety that day, had not the Normans, by a feigned flight, induced them to open their ranks, which till that time, according to their custom, were closely compacted. The king himself on foot, stood, with his brother, near the standard, in order that, while all shared equal danger, none might think of retreating. This standard William sent after the victory to the Pope; it was sumptuously embroidered, with gold and precious stones, in the form of a man fighting. On the other side, the Normans passed the whole night in confessing their sins, and received the Sacrament in the morning. Their infantry, with bows and arrows, formed the vanguard, while their cavalry divided into wings, were thrown back. The earl, with serene countenance, declaring aloud that God would favour his, as being the righteous side, called for his arms; and presently when, through the hurry of his attendants, he had put on his hauberk the hind part before, he corrected the mistake with a laugh, saying: “My dukedom shall be turned into a kingdom.” Then beginning the song of Roland, that the warlike example of that man might stimulate the soldiers, and calling on God for assistance, the battle commenced on both sides. They fought with ardour, neither giving ground, for great part of the day. Finding this, William gave a signal to his party, that, by a feigned flight, they should retreat. Through this device the close body of the English, opening for the purpose of cutting down the straggling enemy, brought upon itself swift destruction; for the Normans, facing about, attacked them thus disordered, and compelled them to fly. In this manner, deceived by a stratagem, they met an honourable death in avenging their country; nor indeed were they at all wanting to their own revenge, as, by frequently making a stand, they slaughtered their pursuers in heaps: for, getting possession of an eminence, they drove down the Normans, when roused with indignation and anxiously striving to gain the higher ground, into the valley beneath, where easily hurling their javelins and rolling down stones on them as they stood below, they destroyed them to a man. Besides, by a short passage with which they were acquainted, avoiding a deep ditch, they trod underfoot such a multitude of their enemies in that place, that they made the hollow level with the plain by the heaps of carcases. This vicissitude of first one party conquering, and then the other, prevailed as long as the life of Harold continued; but when he fell, his brain pierced by an arrow, the flight of the English ceased not until night. The valour of both leaders was here eminently conspicuous. Harold, not merely content with the duty of a general in exhorting others, diligently entered into every soldier-like office; often would he strike the enemy when coming to close quarters, so that none could approach him with impunity; for immediately the same blow levelled both horse and rider. Wherefore, as I have related, receiving the fatal arrow from a distance, he yielded to death. One of the soldiers with a sword gashed his thigh as he lay prostrate; for which shameful and cowardly action, he was branded with ignominy by William, and dismissed the service. William, too, was equally ready to encourage by his voice and by his presence; to be the first to rush forward; to attack the thickest of the foe. Thus everywhere raging, everywhere furious, he lost three choice horses, which were that day pierced under him. The dauntless spirit and vigour of the intrepid general, however, still persisted, though often called back by the kind remonstrance of his bodyguard; he still persisted, I say, till approaching night crowned him with complete victory. And no doubt the hand of God so protected him that the enemy should draw no blood from his person, though they aimed so many javelins at him. This was a fatal day to England, a melancholy havoc of our dear country, through its change of masters.

THE LAST OF THE NORTHMEN AND OF THE ENGLISH (1066).

=Source.=—_Anglo-Saxon Chronicle._ Translated by J. A. Giles. Bohn’s
Library.

ANNO 1066.—In this year King Harold came from York to Westminster, at that Easter which was after the midwinter in which the king died.... Then was over all England such a token seen in the heavens as no man ever before saw. Some men said that it was Cometa the star, which some men call the haired star; and it appeared first on the eve Litania Major, the 8th before the Kalends of May, and so shone all the seven nights. And soon after came in Tostig the earl from beyond the sea into the Isle of Wight, with so great a fleet as he might procure; and there they yielded him as well money as food. And King Harold, his brother, gathered so great a ship force, and also a land force, as no king here in the land had before done; because it was made known to him that William the bastard would come hither and win this land; all as it afterwards happened. And the while, came Tostig the earl into Humber with sixty ships; and Edwin the earl came with a land force and drove him out. And the boatmen forsook him; and he went to Scotland with twelve vessels. And there met him Harold King of Norway with three hundred ships; and Tostig submitted to him and became his man. And they then went both into Humber until they came to York; and there fought against them Edwin the earl and Morcar the earl, his brother: but the Northmen had the victory. Then was it made known to Harold King of the Angles that this had thus happened: and this battle was on the vigil of St. Matthew. Then came Harold our king unawares on the Northmen, and met with them beyond York at Stamford Bridge with a great army of English people: and there during the day was a very severe fight on both sides. There was slain Harold the Fair-haired and Tostig the earl; and the Northmen who were there remaining were put to flight; and the English from behind hotly smote them, until they came, some, to their ships, some were drowned, and some also burnt; and thus in divers ways they perished, so that there were few left: and the English had possession of the place of carnage. The king then gave his protection to Olave, son of the king of the Norwegians, and to their bishop, and to the earl of Orkney, and to all those who were left in the ships: and they then went up to our king and swore oaths that they ever would observe peace and friendship towards this land; and the king let them go home with twenty-four ships. These two general battles were fought within five days. Then came William earl of Normandy into Pevensey, on the eve of St. Michael’s mass [28 September]: and as soon as his men were fit, they constructed a castle at Hastings-port. This was then made known to King Harold, and he then gathered a great force, and came to meet him at the estuary of Appledore; and William came against him unawares, before his people were assembled. But the king nevertheless strenuously fought against him with those men who would follow him; and there was great slaughter made on either hand. There was slain King Harold, and Leofwine the earl, his brother, and Gyrth the earl, his brother, and many good men; and the Frenchmen had possession of the place of carnage, all as God granted them for the people’s sins. Archbishop Aldred and the townsmen of London would then have child Edgar for king, all as was his true natural right: and Edwin and Morcar vowed to him that they would fight together with him. But in that degree that it ought ever to have been forwarder, so was it from day to day later and worse; so that at the end all passed away. This fight was done on the day of Calixtus the pope. And William the earl went afterwards again to Hastings, and there awaited to see whether the people would submit to him. But when he understood that they would not come to him, he went upwards with all his army which was left to him, and that which afterwards had come to him from oversea; and he plundered all that part which he overran, until he came to Berkhamsted. And there came to meet him Archbishop Aldred [of York], and child Edgar, and Edwin the earl, and Morcar the earl, and all the chief men of London; and then submitted for need, when the most harm had been done: and it was very unwise that they had not done so before; since God would not better it, for our sins. And they delivered hostages and swore oaths to him; and he vowed to them that he would be a loving lord to them: and nevertheless, during this, they plundered all that they overran. Then on midwinter’s day, Archbishop Aldred consecrated him king at Westminster; and he gave him a pledge upon Christ’s book, and also swore, before he would set the crown upon his head, that he would govern this nation as well as any king before him had at the best done, if they would be faithful to him.

NOTE ON THE CHIEF AUTHORITIES.

I. “449.”
1. CONTEMPORARY:—
Chronica Gallica, written up to 511.
Constantius: Life of St. Germanus, written about 480.
2. LATER:—
i. _British_: Gildas: Liber Querulus,[A] written between
540 and 560.
Nennius: Historia Brittonum,[A] written about 796.
ii. _English_: Bede: Historia Ecclesiastica,[A] finished
731.
The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle,[A] begun probably in Alfred’s
reign.
II. 597-731.
Bede: Historia Ecclesiastica,[A] Life and Miracles of St.
Cuthbert, Lives of the Holy Abbots of Wearmouth and Jarrow.
Eddius Stephanus: Life of Wilfrid, written soon after 710.
The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle.[A]
Laws, Land-bocs, etc.
III. 731-1066.
1. CONTEMPORARY:—
The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle.[A]
Letters of Boniface and Alcuin.
Asser: Life of King Alfred.[A]
B., a Saxon priest: Life of Dunstan, written between 995 and
1006.
Anonymous: Life of Oswald, written between 995 and 1005.
Ethelweard: Chronicle,[A] written at the end of the tenth
century.
Encomium Emmae, written about 1036.
Anonymous: Life of Edward the Confessor, nearly
contemporary.
Laws, Land-bocs, etc.
The Bayeux Tapestry.
2. LATER:—
William of Malmesbury: Gesta Regum[A] and Gesta Pontificum,
finished about 1142.
Florence of Worcester: Chronicle, written up to 1117.
Symeon of Durham: History of the Church of Durham, written
soon after 1104, and History of the Kings, written later.
Henry of Huntingdon: History of the English,[A] written
between 1130 and 1154.
Geoffrey Gaimar: Estorie des Engles, written before 1147.
Heimskringla Saga: Icelandic, put into shape at the end of
the eleventh century.
Roger de Hoveden: Annals,[A] written about 1200.

These are all written in Latin, except the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, Laws and some Land-bocs in Anglo-Saxon, Gaimar in French, Heimskringla in Icelandic.

Footnote A:

Translations of these works are published in Bohn’s Library (Messrs.
G. Bell and Sons).

BILLING AND SONS, LTD., PRINTERS, GUILDFORD

Transcriber’s Notes

Printed Corrected Page
499 449 vii “499.”
unlucky, unlucky. 3 nothing was ever so unlucky.
‘I “I 83 “I thank thee, O most High

A number of spelling irregularities have been retained as-is from the printed version.

End of Project Gutenberg's The Welding of the Race, by John E. W. Wallis