Chapter CLI

MR. BLAIR AND THE GLOBE SUPERSEDED AS THE ADMINISTRATION ORGAN: MR. THOMAS RITCHIE AND THE DAILY UNION SUBSTITUTED.

It was in the month of August, 1844, that a leading citizen of South Carolina, and a close friend of Mr. Calhoun--one who had been at the Baltimore presidential convention, but not in it--arrived at Mr. Polk's residence in Tennessee, had interviews with him, and made known the condition on which the vote of South Carolina for him might be dependent. That condition was to discontinue Mr. Blair as the organ of the administration if he should be elected. The electoral vote of the State being in the hands of the General Assembly, and not in the people, was disposable by the politicians, and had been habitually disposed of by them--and even twice thrown away in the space of a few years. Mr. Polk was certain of the vote of the State if he agreed to the required condition: and he did so. Mr. Blair was agreed to be given up. That was propitiation to Mr. Calhoun, to whom Mr. Blair was obnoxious on account of his inexorable opposition to nullification, and its author. Mr. Blair was also obnoxious to Mr. Tyler because of his determined opposition both to him, and to his administration. The Globe newspaper was a spear in his side, and would continue to be so; and to get it out had been one of the anxieties and labors of his presidential life. He had exhausted all the schemes to quiet, or to gain it, without success. A printing job of twenty thousand dollars had been at one time given to his office, with the evident design to soften him: to avoid that suspicion he struck the harder; and the job was taken away when partly executed. It now became the interest of Mr. Polk to assist Mr. Tyler in silencing, or punishing that paper; and it was done. Mr. Tyler had accepted the nomination of his convention for the presidency, and was in the field with an array of electoral candidates struggling for it. He stood no chance to obtain a single electoral vote: but Mr. Polk was in no condition to be able to lose any part of the popular vote. Mr. Tyler, now fully repudiated by the whigs, and carrying democratic colors, and with the power and patronage of the federal government in his hands, would take off some votes--enough in a closely contested State to turn the scale in favor of Mr. Clay. Hence it became essential to get Mr. Tyler out of the way of Mr. Polk; and to do that, the condition was, to get Mr. Blair out of the way of Mr. Tyler. Mr. Polk was anxious for this. A friend of his, who afterwards became a member of his cabinet, wrote to him in July, that the main obstacle to Mr. Tyler's withdrawal was the course of the Globe towards him and his friends. Another of those most interested in the result urged Mr. Polk to devise some mode of inducing Mr. Tyler to withdraw, and General Jackson was requested "_to ascertain the motives which actuated the course of the Globe towards Mr. Tyler and his friends_." These facts appear in a letter from Mr. Polk to General Jackson, in which he says to him: "_The main object in the way of Mr. Tyler's withdrawal, is the course of the Globe towards himself and his friends._" These communications took place in the month before the South Carolina gentleman visited Tennessee. Mr. Polk's letter to General Jackson is dated the 23d of July. In about as short time after that visit as information could come from Tennessee to Washington, Mr. Tyler publicly withdrew his presidential pretensions! and his official paper, the Madisonian, and his supporters, passed over to Mr. Polk. The inference is irresistible, that the consideration of receiving the vote of South Carolina, and of getting Mr. Tyler out of the way of Mr. Polk, was the agreement to displace Mr. Blair as government editor if he should be elected.

And now we come to another fact, in this connection, as the phrase is, about which also there is no dispute; and that fact is this: on the fourth day of November, 1844, being after Mr. Tyler had joined Mr. Polk, and when the near approach of the presidential election authorized reliable calculations to be made on its result, the sum of $50,000, by an order from the Treasury in Washington, was taken from a respectable bank in Philadelphia, where it was safe and convenient for public use, and transferred to a village bank in the interior of Pennsylvania, where there was no public use for it, and where its safety was questionable. This appears from the records of the Treasury. Authentic letters written in December following from the person who had control of this village bank (Simon Cameron, Esq., a senator in Congress), went to a gentleman in Tennessee, informing him that $50,000 was in his hands for the purpose of establishing a new government organ in Washington City, proposing to him to be its editor, and urging him to come on to Washington for the purpose. These letters were sent to Andrew Jackson Donelson, Esq., connection and ex-private Secretary of President Jackson, who immediately refused the proffered editorship, and turned over the letters to General Jackson. His (Jackson's) generous and high blood boiled with indignation at what seemed to be a sacrifice of Mr. Blair for some political consideration; for the letters were so written as to imply a cognizance on the part of Mr. Polk, and of two persons who were to be members of his cabinet; and that cognizance was strengthened by a fact unknown to General Jackson, _namely_, that Mr. Polk himself, in due season, proposed to Mr. Blair to yield to Mr. Donelson as actual editor--himself writing _sub rosa_; which Mr. Blair utterly refused. It was a contrivance of Mr. Polk to get rid of Mr. Blair in compliance with his engagement to Mr. Calhoun and Mr. Tyler, without breaking with Mr. Blair and his friends; but he had to deal with a man, and with men, who would have no such hugger-mugger work; and to whom an open breach was preferable to a simulated friendship: General Jackson wrote to Mr. Blair to apprise him of what was going on, and to assure him of his steadfast friendship, and to let him know that Mr. Ritchie, of the Richmond Enquirer, was the person to take place on the refusal of Andrew Jackson Donelson, and to foretell mischiefs to Mr. Polk and his party if he fell into these schemes, of which Mr. Robert J. Walker was believed to be the chief contriver, and others of the cabinet passive instruments. On the 14th of December, 1844, he (General Jackson) wrote to Mr. Blair:

"But there is another project on foot as void of good sense and
benefit to the democratic cause as the other, but not as wicked,
proceeding from weak and inexperienced minds. It is this: to
bring about a partnership between you and Mr. Ritchie, you to
continue proprietor, and Ritchie the editor. This, to me, is
a most extraordinary conception coming from any well-informed
mind or experienced politician. It is true, Mr. Ritchie is an
experienced editor, but sometimes goes off at half cock before
he sees the whole ground, and does the party great injury before
he sees his error, and then has great difficulty to get back
into the right track again. Witness his course on my removal
of the deposits, and how much injury he did us before he got
into the right track again. Another _faux pas_ he made when he
went off with Rives and the conservatives, and advocated for
the safe keeping of the public revenue special deposits in the
State banks, as if where the directory were corrupt there could
be any more security in special deposits in corrupt banks than
in general deposits, and it was some time before this great
absurdity could be beat out of his mind.

"These are visionary measures of what I call weak politicians
who suggest them, but who wish to become great by foolish
changes. Polk, I believe, will stick by you faithfully; should
he not, he is lost; but I have no fears but that he will, and
being informed confidentially of this movement, may have it in
his power to put it _all down_. There will be great intrigue
going on at Washington this winter."--(_Dec. 14, 1844._)

"I fear there are some of our democratic friends who are trying
to bring about a partnership of which I wrote you, which
shows a want of confidence, or something worse. Be on your
guard--no partnership; you have the confidence of the great
body of the democrats, and I have no confidence in shifting
politicians."--(_December, 21._)

"Another plan is to get Mr. Ritchie interested as editor of the
Globe--all of which I gave you an intimation of, and which I
thought had been put down. But that any leading Democrat here
had any thought of becoming interested in the Madisonian, to
make it the organ of the administration, was such a thing as
I could not believe; as common sense at once pointed out, as
a consequence that it would divide the democracy, and destroy
Polk's administration. Why, it would blow him up. The moment
I heard it, I adopted such measures as I trust have put an
end to it, as I know nothing could be so injurious to Polk
and his administration. The pretext for this movement will be
the Globe's support of Mr. Wright. _Let me know if there is
any truth in this rumor._ I guarded Colonel Polk against any
abandonment of the Globe. If true, it would place Colonel Polk
in the shoes of Mr. Tyler."--(_February 28, 1845._)

"I have written a long, candid, and friendly letter to Mr. Polk,
bringing to his view the dilemma into which he has got by some
bad advice, and which his good sense ought to have prevented.
I have assured him of your uniform declarations to me of your
firm support, and of the destruction of the democratic party if
he takes any one but you as the executive organ, until you do
something to violate that confidence which the democracy reposes
in you. I ask in emphatic terms, what cause can he assign for
not continuing your paper, the organ that was mine and Mr.
Van Buren's, whose administration he, Polk, and you hand to
hand supported, and those great fundamental principles you and
he have continued to support, and have told him frankly that
you will never degrade yourself or your paper by submitting
to the terms proposed. I am very sick, exhausted by writing
to Polk, and will write you again soon. I can only add, that,
although my letter to Mr. Polk is both friendly and frank, I
have done justice to you, and I hope he will say at once to
you, go on with my organ as you have been the organ of Jackson
and Van Buren. Should he not, I have told him his fate--a
divided democracy, and all the political cliques looking to the
succession, will annoy and crush him--the fairest prospects of
successful administration by folly and jealousy lost. I would
wish you to inform me which of the heads of the Departments,
if any, are hostile to you. If Polk does not look well to his
course, the divisions in New York and Pennsylvania will destroy
him."--(_April 4, 1845._)

I wrote you and the President, on the 4th instant, and was in
hopes that my views would open his eyes to his own interests
and union of the democratic party. But from the letters before
me, I suppose my letter to the President will not prevent
that evil to him and the democratic party that I have used
my voice to prevent. I am too unwell to write much to-day. I
have read your letter with care and much interest. I know you
would never degrade yourself by dividing the editorial chair
with any one for any cause. I well know that you never can or
will abandon your democratic principles. You cannot, under
existing circumstances, do any thing to save your character and
democratic principles, and your high standing with all classes
of the democracy, but by selling out your paper. When you sell,
have good security for the consideration money. Ritchie is
greatly involved, if not finally broke; and you know Cameron,
who boasts that he has $50,000 to invest in a newspaper. Under
all existing circumstances, I say to you, sell, and when you do,
I look to a split in the democratic ranks; which I will sorely
regret, and which might have been so easily avoided."--(_April
7._)

"I have been quite sick for several days. My mind, since ever
I heard of the attitude the President had assumed with you
as editor of the Globe,--which was the most unexpected thing
I ever met with,--my mind has been troubled, and it was not
only unexpected by me, but has shown less good common sense,
by the President, than any act of his life, and calculated to
divide instead of uniting the democracy; which appears to be
his reason for urging this useless and foolish measure at the
very threshold of his administration, and when every thing
appeared to augur well for, to him, a prosperous administration.
The President, here, before he set out for Washington, must
have been listening to the secret counsels of some political
cliques, such as Calhoun or Tyler cliques (for there are such
here); or after he reached Washington, some of the secret
friends of some of the aspirants must have gotten hold of his
ear, and spoiled his common sense, or he never would have made
such a movement, so uncalled for, and well calculated to sever
the democracy by calling down upon himself suspicions, by the
act of secretly favoring some of the political cliques who are
looking to the succession for some favorite. I wrote him a long
letter on the 4th, telling him there was but one safe course
to pursue--review his course, send for you, and direct you and
the _Globe_ to proceed as the organ of his administration, give
you all his confidence, and all would be well, and end well.
_This is the substance_; and I had a hope the receipt of this
letter, and some others written by mutual friends, would have
restored all things to harmony and confidence again. I rested
on this hope until the 7th, when I received yours of the 30th,
and two confidential letters from the President, directed to be
laid before me, from which it would seem that the purchase of
the _Globe_, and to get clear of you, its editor, is the great
absorbing question before the President. _Well, who is to be the
purchaser?_ Mr. Ritchie and Major A. J. Donelson its editors.
_Query as to the latter._ The above question I have asked the
President. Is that renegade politician, Cameron, who boasts of
his $50,000 to set up a new paper, to be one of them? Or is Knox
Walker to be the purchaser? Who is to purchase? and where is the
money to come from? Is Dr. M. Gwinn, the satellite of Calhoun,
the great friend of Robert J. Walker? a perfect bankrupt in
property. I would like to know what portion of the cabinet are
supporting and advising the President to this course, where
nothing but injury can result to him in the end, and division
in his cabinet, arising from jealousy. What political clique
is to be benefited? My dear friend, let me know all about the
cabinet, and their movements on this subject. How loathsome
it is to me to see an old friend laid aside, principles of
justice and friendship forgotten, and all for the sake of
_policy_--and the great democratic party divided or endangered
for _policy_--I cannot reflect upon it with any calmness; every
point of it, upon scrutiny, turns to harm and disunion, and not
one beneficial result can be expected from it. I will be anxious
to know the result. If harmony is restored, and the _Globe_ the
organ, I will rejoice; if sold to whom, and for what. _Have,
if you sell, the purchase money well secured._ This may be the
last letter I may be able to write you; but live or die, I am
your friend (and never deserted one from _policy_), and leave my
papers and reputation in your keeping."--(_April 9._)

From these letters it will be seen that General Jackson, after going through an agony of indignation and amazement at the idea of shoving Mr. Blair from his editorial chair and placing Mr. Ritchie in it (and which would have been greater if he had known the arrangement for the South Carolina vote and the withdrawal of Mr. Tyler), advised Mr. Blair to sell his Globe establishment, cautioning him to get good security; for, knowing nothing of the money taken from the Treasury, and well knowing the insolvency of all who were ostensible payers, he did not at all confide in their promises to make payment. Mr. Blair and his partner, Mr. John C. Rives, were of the same mind. Other friends whom they consulted (Governor Wright and Colonel Benton) were of the same opinion; and the Globe was promptly sold to Mr. Ritchie, and in a way to imply rather an abandonment of it than a sale--the materials of the office being offered at valuation, and the "name and good will" of the paper left out of the transaction. The materials were valued at $35,000, and the metamorphosed paper took the name of the "Daily Union;" and, in fact, some change of name was necessary, as the new paper was the reverse of the old one.--In all these schemes, from first to last, to get rid of Mr. Blair, the design was to retain Mr. Rives, not as any part editor (for which he was far more fit than either himself or the public knew), but for his extraordinary business qualities, and to manage the machinery and fiscals of the establishment. Accustomed to trafficking and trading politicians, and fortune being sure to the government editor, it was not suspicioned by those who conducted the intrigue that Mr. Rives would refuse to be saved at the expense of his partner. He scorned it! and the two went out together.--The letters from General Jackson show his appreciation of the services of the Globe to the country and the democratic party during the eight eventful years of his presidency: Mr. Van Buren, on learning what was going on, wrote to Mr. Rives to show his opinion of the same services during the four years of his arduous administration; and that letter also belongs to the history of the extinction of the Globe newspaper--that paper which, for twelve years, had fought the battle of the country, and of the democracy, in the spirit of Jackson: that is to say, victoriously and honorably. This letter was written to Mr. Rives, who, in spite of his modest estimate of himself, was classed by General Jackson, Mr. Van Buren, and all their friends, among the wisest, purest, and safest of the party.

"The Globe has run its career at too critical a period in our
political history--has borne the democratic flag too steadily in
the face of assaults upon popular sovereignty, more violent and
powerful than any which had ever preceded them in this or any
other country, not to have made impressions upon our history and
our institutions, which are destined to be remembered when those
who witnessed its discontinuance shall be no more. The manner
in which it demeaned itself through those perilous periods, and
the repeated triumphs which crowned its labors, will when the
passions of the day have spent their force, be matters of just
exultation to you and to your children. _None have had better
opportunities to witness, nor more interest in observing your
course, than General Jackson and myself; and I am very sure
that I could not, if I were to attempt it, express myself more
strongly in favor of the constancy, fidelity, and ability with
which it was conducted, than he would sanction with his whole
heart._ He would, I have no doubt, readily admit that it would
have been exceedingly difficult, if not impossible, for his
administration to have sustained itself in its contest with a
money power (a term as well understood as that of democrat,
and much better than that of whig at the present day), if the
corruptions which were in those days spread broadcast through
the length and breadth of the land, had been able to subvert
the integrity of the Globe; and I am very certain that the one
over which I had the honor to preside, could never, in such
an event, have succeeded in obtaining the institution of an
independent treasury, without the establishment of which, the
advantages to be derived from the overthrow of the Bank of the
United States will very soon prove to be wholly illusory. The
Bank of the United States first, and afterwards those of the
States, succeeded in obtaining majorities in both branches of
the national legislature favorable to their views; but they
could never move the Globe from the course which has since
been so extensively sanctioned by the democracy of the nation.
You gave to the country (and when I say you, I desire to be
understood as alluding to Mr. Blair and yourself) at those
momentous periods, the invaluable advantages of a press at
the seat of the general government, not only devoted, root
and branch, to the support of democratic principles, but
independent in fact and in feeling, as well of bank influences
as of corrupting pecuniary influences of any description. The
vital importance of such an establishment to the success of
our cause is incapable of exaggeration. Experience will show,
if an opportunity is ever afforded to test the opinion, that,
without it, the principles of our party can never be upheld in
their purity in the administration of the federal government.
Administrations professedly their supporters may be formed,
but they will prove to be but whited sepulchres, appearing
beautiful outward, but within full of dead men's bones, and all
uncleanness--Administrations which, instead of directing their
best efforts to advance the welfare and promote the happiness of
the toiling millions, will be ever ready to lend a favorable ear
to the advancement of the selfish few."

The Globe was sold, and was paid for, and how? becomes a question of public concern to answer; for it was paid for out of public money--those same $50,000 which were removed to the village bank in the interior of Pennsylvania by a Treasury order on the fourth day of November, 1844. Three annual instalments made the payment, and the Treasury did not reclaim the money for these three years; and, though travelling through tortuous channels, the sharpsighted Mr. Rives traced the money back to its starting point from that deposit. Besides, Mr. Cameron admitted before a committee of Congress, that he had furnished money for the payments--an admission which the obliging committee, on request, left out of their report. Mr. Robert J. Walker was Secretary of the Treasury during these three years, and the conviction was absolute, among the close observers of the course of things, that he was the prime contriver and zealous manager of the arrangements which displaced Mr. Blair and installed Mr. Ritchie.

In the opinions which he expressed of the consequences of that change of editors, General Jackson was prophetic. The new paper brought division and distraction into the party--filled it with dissensions, which eventually induced the withdrawal of Mr. Ritchie; but not until he had produced the mischiefs which abler men cannot repair.