Chapter CLXX

THIRTIETH CONGRESS: FIRST SESSION: LIST OF MEMBERS: PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE.

_Senate._

MAINE.--Hannibal Hamlin, J. W. Bradbury.

NEW HAMPSHIRE.--Charles G. Atherton, John P. Hale.

VERMONT.--William Upham, Samuel S. Phelps.

MASSACHUSETTS.--Daniel Webster, John Davis.

RHODE ISLAND.--Albert C. Greene, John H. Clarke.

CONNECTICUT.--John M. Niles, Roger S. Baldwin.

NEW YORK.--John A. Dix, Daniel S. Dickinson.

NEW JERSEY.--William L. Dayton, Jacob W. Miller.

PENNSYLVANIA.--Simon Cameron, Daniel Sturgeon.

DELAWARE.--John M. Clayton, Presley Spruance.

MARYLAND.--James A. Pearce, Reverdy Johnson.

VIRGINIA.--James M. Mason, R. M. T. Hunter.

NORTH CAROLINA.--George. E. Badger, Willie P. Mangum.

SOUTH CAROLINA.--A. P. Butler, John C. Calhoun.

GEORGIA.--Herschell V. Johnson, John M. Berrien.

ALABAMA.--William R. King, Arthur P. Bagley.

MISSISSIPPI.--Jefferson Davis, Henry Stuart Foote.

LOUISIANA.--Henry Johnson, S. U. Downs.

TENNESSEE.--Hopkins L. Turney, John Bell.

KENTUCKY.--Thomas Metcalfe, Joseph R. Underwood.

OHIO.--William Allen, Thomas Corwin.

INDIANA.--Edward A. Hannegan, Jesse D. Bright.

ILLINOIS.--Sidney Breese, Stephen A. Douglass.

MISSOURI.--David R. Atchison, Thomas H. Benton.

ARKANSAS.--Solon Borland, William K. Sebastian.

MICHIGAN.--Thomas Fitzgerald, Alpheus Felch.

FLORIDA.--J. D. Westcott, Jr., David Yulee.

TEXAS.--Thomas J. Rusk, Samuel Houston.

IOWA.--Augustus C. Dodge, George W. Jones.

WISCONSIN.--Henry Dodge, I. P. Walker.

_House of Representatives._

MAINE.--David Hammonds, Asa W. H. Clapp, Hiram Belcher, Franklin Clark, E. K. Smart, James S. Wiley, Hezekiah Williams.

NEW HAMPSHIRE.--Amos Tuck, Charles H. Peaslee, James Wilson, James H. Johnson.

MASSACHUSETTS.--Rob't C. Winthrop, Daniel P. King, Amos Abbott, John G. Palfrey, Chas. Hudson, George Ashmun, Julius Rockwell, Horace Mann, Artemas Hale, Joseph Grinnell.

RHODE ISLAND.--R. B. Cranston, B. B. Thurston.

CONNECTICUT.--James Dixon, S. D. Hilliard, J. A. Rockwell, Truman Smith.

VERMONT.--William Henry, Jacob Collamer, George P. Marsh, Lucius B. Peck.

NEW YORK.--Frederick W. Lloyd, H. C. Murphy, Henry Nicoll, W. B. Maclay, Horace Greeley, William Nelson, Cornelius Warren, Daniel B. St. John, Eliakim Sherrill, P. H. Sylvester, Gideon Reynolds, J. I. Slingerland, Orlando Kellogg, S. Lawrence, Hugh White, George Petrie, Joseph Mullin, William Collins, Timothy Jenkins, G. A. Starkweather, Ausburn Birdsall, William Duer, Daniel Gott, Harmon S. Conger, William T. Lawrence, Ebon Blackman, Elias B. Holmes, Robert L. Rose, David Ramsay, Dudly Marvin, Nathan K. Hall, Harvey Putnam, Washington Hunt.

NEW JERSEY.--James G. Hampton, William A. Newell, Joseph Edsall, J. Van Dyke, D. S. Gregory.

PENNSYLVANIA.--Lewis C. Levin, J. R. Ingersoll, Charles Brown, C. J. Ingersoll, John Freedly, Samuel A. Bridges, A. R. McIlvaine, John Strohm, William Strong, R. Brodhead, Chester Butler, David Wilmot, James Pollock, George N. Eckert, Henry Nes, Jasper E. Brady, John Blanchard, Andrew Stewart, Job Mann, John Dickey, Moses Hampton, J. W. Farrelly, James Thompson, Alexander Irvine.

DELAWARE.--John W. Houston.

MARYLAND.--J. G. Chapman, J. Dixon Roman, T. Watkins Ligon, R. M. McLane, Alexander Evans, John W. Crisfield.

VIRGINIA.--Archibald Atkinson, Richard K. Meade, Thomas S. Flournoy, Thomas S. Bocock, William L. Goggin, John M. Botts, Thomas H. Bayly, R. T. L. Beale, J. S. Pendleton, Henry Bedinger, James McDowell, William B. Preston, Andrew S. Fulton, R. A. Thompson, William G. Brown.

NORTH CAROLINA.--Thomas S. Clingman, Nathaniel Boyden, D. M. Berringer, Aug. H. Shepherd, Abm. W. Venable, James J. McKay, J. R. J. Daniel, Richard S. Donnell, David Outlaw.

SOUTH CAROLINA.--Daniel Wallace, Richard F. Simpson, J. A. Woodward, Artemas Burt, Isaac E. Holmes, R. Barnwell Rhett.

GEORGIA.--T. Butler King, Alfred Iverson, John W. Jones, H. A. Harralson, J. A. Lumpkin, Howell Cobb, A. H. Stephens, Robert Toombs.

ALABAMA.--John Gayle, H. W. Hilliard, S. W. Harris, William M. Inge, G. S. Houston, W. R. W. Cobb, F. W. Bowdon.

MISSISSIPPI.--Jacob Thompson, W. S. Featherston, Patrick W. Tompkins, Albert G. Brown.

LOUISIANA.--Emile La Sere, B. G. Thibodeaux, J. M. Harmansan, Isaac E. Morse.

FLORIDA.--Edward C. Cabell.

OHIO.--James J. Faran, David Fisher, Robert C. Schenck, Richard S. Canby, William Sawyer, R. Dickinson, Jonathan D. Morris, J. L. Taylor, T. O. Edwards, Daniel Duncan, John K. Miller, Samuel F. Vinton, Thomas Richey, Nathan Evans, William Kennon, Jr., J. D. Cummins, George Fries, Samuel Lahm, John Crowell, J. R. Giddings, Joseph M. Root.

INDIANA.--Elisha Embree, Thomas J. Henley, J. L. Robinson, Caleb B. Smith, William W. Wick, George G. Dunn, R. W. Thompson, John Pettit, C. W. Cathcart, William Rockhill.

MICHIGAN.--R. McClelland, Cha's E. Stewart, Kinsley S. Bingham.

ILLINOIS.--Robert Smith, J. A. McClernand, O. B. Ficklin, John Wentworth, W. A. Richardson, Thomas J. Turner, A. Lincoln.

IOWA.--William Thompson, Shepherd Leffler.

KENTUCKY.--Linn Boyd, Samuel O. Peyton, B. L. Clark, Aylett Buckner, J. B. Thompson, Green Adams, Garnett Duncan, Charles S. Morehead, Richard French, John P. Gaines.

TENNESSEE.--Andrew Johnson, William M. Cocke, John H. Crozier, H. L. W. Hill, George W. Jones, James H. Thomas, Meredith P. Gentry, Washington Barrow, Lucien B. Chase, Frederick P. Stanton, William T. Haskell.

MISSOURI.--James B. Bowlin, John Jamieson, James S. Green, Willard P. Hall, John S. Phelps.

ARKANSAS.--Robert W. Johnson.

TEXAS.--David S. Kaufman, Timothy Pillsbury.

WISCONSIN.--Mason C. Darling, William Pitt Lynde.

Robert C. Winthrop, Esq., of Massachusetts, was elected Speaker of the House, and Benjamin B. French, Esq., clerk, and soon after the President's message was delivered, a quorum of the Senate having appeared the first day. The election of Speaker had decided the question of the political character of the House, and showed the administration to be in a minority:--a bad omen for the popularity of the Mexican war. The President had gratifying events to communicate to Congress--the victories of Cerro Gordo, Contreras and Churubusco, the storming of Chepultepec, and the capture of the City of Mexico: and exulted over these exploits with the pride of an American, although all these advantages had to be gained over the man whom he handed back into Mexico under the belief that he was to make peace. He also informed Congress that a commissioner had been sent to the head-quarters of the American army to take advantage of events to treat for peace; and that he had carried out with him the draught of the treaty, already prepared, which contained the terms on which alone the war was to be terminated. This commissioner was Nicholas P. Trist, Esq., principal clerk in the Department of State, a man of mind and integrity, well acquainted with the state of parties in Mexico, subject to none at home, and anxious to establish peace between the countries. Upon the capture of the city, and the downfall of Santa Anna, commissioners were appointed to meet Mr. Trist; but the Mexican government, far from accepting the treaty as drawn up and sent to them, submitted other terms still more objectionable to us than ours to them; and the two parties remained without prospect of agreement. The American commissioner was recalled, "_under the belief_," said the message, "_that his continued presence with the army could do no good_." This recall was despatched from the United States the 6th of October, immediately after information had been received of the failure of the attempted negotiations; but, as will be seen hereafter, the notice of the recall arriving when negotiations had been resumed with good prospect of success, Mr. Trist remained at his post to finish his work.

In the course of the summer a "_female_," fresh from Mexico, and with a masculine stomach for war and politics, arrived at Washington, had interviews with members of the administration, and infected some of them with the contagion of a large project--nothing less than the absorption into our Union of all Mexico, and the assumption of all her debts (many tens of millions _in esse_, and more _in posse_), and all to be assumed at par, though the best were at 25 cents in the dollar, and the mass ranging down to five cents. This project was given out, and greatly applauded in some of the administration papers--condemned by the public feeling, and greatly denounced in a large opposition meeting in Lexington, Kentucky, at which Mr. Clay came forth from his retirement to speak wisely and patriotically against it. The "_female_" had gone back to Mexico, with high letters from some members of the cabinet to the commanding general, and to the plenipotentiary negotiator; both of whom, however, eschewed the proffered aid. A party in Mexico developed itself for this total absorption, and total assumption of debts, and the scheme acquired so much notoriety, and gained such consistency of detail, and stuck so close to some members of the administration, that the President deemed it necessary to clear himself from the suspicion; which he did in a decisive paragraph of his message:

"It has never been contemplated by me, as an object of the
war, to make a permanent conquest of the republic of Mexico,
or to annihilate her separate existence as an independent
nation. On the contrary, it has ever been my desire that she
should maintain her nationality, and, under a good government
adapted to her condition, be a free, independent, and prosperous
republic. The United States were the first among the nations
to recognize her independence, and have always desired to be
on terms of amity and good neighborhood with her. This she
would not suffer. By her own conduct we have been compelled
to engage in the present war. In its prosecution, we seek not
her overthrow as a nation, but, in vindicating our national
honor, we seek to obtain redress for the wrongs she has done us,
and indemnity for our just demands against her. We demand an
honorable peace; and that peace must bring with it indemnity for
the past, and security for the future."

While some were for total absorption, others were for half; and for taking a line (provisionally during the war), preparatory to its becoming permanent at its close, and giving to the United States the northern States of Mexico from gulf to gulf. This project the President also repulsed in a paragraph of his message:

"To retire to a line, and simply hold and defend it, would not
terminate the war. On the contrary, it would encourage Mexico to
persevere, and tend to protract it indefinitely. It is not to be
expected that Mexico, after refusing to establish such a line as
a permanent boundary when our victorious army are in possession
of her capital, and in the heart of her country, would permit us
to hold it without resistance. That she would continue the war,
and in the most harassing and annoying forms, there can be no
doubt. A border warfare of the most savage character, extending
over a long line, would be unceasingly waged. It would require
a large army to be kept constantly in the field stationed at
posts and garrisons along such a line, to protect and defend
it. The enemy, relieved from the pressure of our arms on his
coasts and in the populous parts of the interior, would direct
his attention to this line, and selecting an isolated post for
attack, would concentrate his forces upon it. This would be a
condition of affairs which the Mexicans, pursuing their favorite
system of guerilla warfare, would probably prefer to any other.
Were we to assume a defensive attitude on such a line, all the
advantages of such a state of war would be on the side of the
enemy. We could levy no contributions upon him, or in any other
way make him feel the pressure of the war; but must remain
inactive, and wait his approach, being in constant uncertainty
at what point on the line, or at what time, he might make an
assault. He may assemble and organize an overwhelming force
in the interior, on his own side of the line, and, concealing
his purpose, make a sudden assault on some one of our posts so
distant from any other as to prevent the possibility of timely
succor or reinforcements; and in this way our gallant army would
be exposed to the danger of being cut off in detail; or if by
their unequalled bravery and prowess every where exhibited
during this war, they should repulse the enemy, their number
stationed at any one post may be too small to pursue him. If the
enemy be repulsed in one attack, he would have nothing to do but
to retreat to his own side of the line, and being in no fear of
a pursuing army, may reinforce himself at leisure, for another
attack on the same or some other post. He may, too, cross the
line between our posts, make rapid incursions into the country
which we hold, murder the inhabitants, commit depredations on
them, and then retreat to the interior before a sufficient
force can be concentrated to pursue him. Such would probably be
the harassing character of a mere defensive war on our part.
If our forces, when attacked, or threatened with attack, be
permitted to cross the line, drive back the enemy, and conquer
him, this would be again to invade the enemy's country, after
having lost all the advantages of the conquests we have already
made by having voluntarily abandoned them. To hold such a line
successfully and in security, it is far from being certain that
it would not require as large an army as would be necessary to
hold all the conquests we have already made, and to continue the
prosecution of the war in the heart of the enemy's country. It
is also far from being certain that the expense of the war would
be diminished by such a policy."

These were the same arguments which Senator Benton had addressed to the President the year before, when the recommendation of this line of occupation had gone into the draught of his message, as a cabinet measure, and was with such difficulty got out of it; but without getting it out of the head of Mr. Calhoun and his political friends. To return to the argument against such a line, in this subsequent message, bespoke an adherence to it on the part of some formidable interest, which required to be authoritatively combated: and such was the fact. The formidable interest which wished a separation of the slave from the free States, wished also as an extension of their Southern territory, to obtain a broad slice from Mexico, embracing Tampico as a port on the east, Guaymas as a port on the Gulf of California, and Monterey and Saltillo in the middle. Mr. Polk did not sympathize with that interest, and publicly repulsed their plan--without, however, extinguishing their scheme--which survives, and still labors at its consummation in a different form, and with more success.

The expenses of the government during that season of war, were the next interesting head of the message, and were presented, all heads of expenditure included, at some fifty-eight millions of dollars; or a quarter less than those same expenses now are in a state of peace The message says:

"It is estimated that the receipts into the Treasury for the
fiscal year ending on the 30th of June, 1848, including the
balance in the Treasury on the 1st of July last, will amount
to forty-two millions eight hundred and eighty-six thousand
five hundred and forty-five dollars and eighty cents; of which
thirty-one millions, it is estimated, will be derived from
customs; three millions five hundred thousand from the sale of
the public lands; four hundred thousand from incidental sources;
including sales made by the solicitor of the Treasury; and six
millions two hundred and eighty-five thousand two hundred and
ninety-four dollars and fifty-five cents from loans already
authorized by law, which, together with the balance in the
Treasury on the 1st of July last, make the sum estimated. The
expenditures for the same period, if peace with Mexico shall not
be concluded, and the army shall be increased as is proposed,
will amount, including the necessary payments on account of
principal and interest of the public debt and Treasury notes, to
fifty-eight millions six hundred and fifteen thousand and sixty
dollars and seven cents."

An encomium upon the good working of the independent treasury system, and the perpetual repulse of paper money from the federal Treasury, concluded the heads of this message which retain a surviving interest:

"The financial system established by the constitutional Treasury
has been, thus far, eminently successful in its operations; and
I recommend an adherence to all its essential provisions; and
especially to that vital provision, which wholly separates the
government from all connection with banks, and excludes bank
paper from all revenue receipts."

An earnest exhortation to a vigorous prosecution of the war concluded the message.