Chapter XXIX: Appendix (3)

[95] At the distance of twenty leagues or more from Recife, there resided formerly the Padre Pedro, upon the sugar plantation of Agua Azul, or the blue water. He had obtained a grant from the Crown, of the surrounding lands, of one square league in extent, and had fixed his dwelling upon a high hill, the summit of which was only to be reached by a serpentine road which he had made with great labour. The sugar works were likewise upon the hill, and the field around the eminence was inclosed by a deep and broad ditch, and a thick hedge on the outside. The situation was remote, and the adjoining country was in a very wild state; the woods were extensive, and almost impenetrable. The disposition of the priest was as wild as the country in which he delighted to reside. All deserters from the regiments of the line, and all persons who had committed crimes in supporting the insulted honour of their families, in quarrels and provocations exciting momentary violence of passion, were received by him; but he did not afford protection to the thief. The fellows who were harboured by him inhabited the woods around the field, and some of them had erected their huts upon the sides of the hill, thus forming a line of communication; so that with a whistle or a conch, soon were assembled at his door forty or fifty men, who were prepared to perform any service of whatever description he might name; because they well knew that if they were bereft of his protection, his aid would be given in the law’s support. To injure the priest or any of his satellites, was followed by destruction to the offending person. He was, however, in the habit of sending many presents to the chief persons in office, that no notice might be taken of his proceedings; for although the government might not be able to destroy his feudal independence, still it might have shaken his power. The priest was once sent for by a late governor of the province; he obeyed, and brought with him a considerable number of his determined followers; he dismounted, and ascended the steps of the palace, leaving directions to his people, who remained below, that no person should be permitted to enter after him. The governor complained to him of his avowed practice of harbouring deserters; to which the priest replied, that he thought his Excellency was aware of the inutility of speaking to him upon that subject; and having said this he immediately left the room, mounted his horse, and proceeded homewards without molestation.

Another anecdote of this strange man was communicated to me by a person who had witnessed the transaction. Two officers of justice or bailiffs, arrived at Agua Azul, and served a writ for debt upon him; the priest received them with great calmness, but shortly afterwards he ordered some of his people to take these two men and harness them in the mill (which was then at work) in the places of two of the horses, (eight of these are employed at the same time). He then ordered that the works should go on, and that a negro boy should sit above and make these unfortunate fellows assist in its movement; there they remained for some minutes, until half dead with fatigue and fear, he turned them loose, and told them to relate to their employer the manner in which they had been treated, threatening to do the same to him, if he could obtain possession of his person. The priest had a considerable number of blood hounds, which were usually unchained, and were lying about the house; thus rendering dangerous an approach to his dwelling. The animals were well trained, for a call from their master was sufficient to make them lie still, and allow of the advance of a stranger. This person died only a few years ago; but as I have already elsewhere said, the time for such characters in Brazil is fast going by.

[96] “Zacharias nam he ninguem.”

[97] Labat, in speaking of the Indians of Guyana, says, “_Leurs plus grandes richesses consistent dans les colliers de pierres vertes qui leur viennent de la riviére des Amazones. C’est un limon qu’on peche dans le fond de quelques endroits de ce grand fleuve_.” He continues his description of them, and then says, “_ces pierres sont spécifiques pour guêrir l’épilepsie ou le mal caduc, ou du moins pour en ôter et suspendre tous les accidens tout autant de tems qu’on les porte sur soi, et qu’elles touchent la peau_.”—_Voyage du Chevalier des Marchais en Guinée, isles voisines et a Cayenne_, tom. iv. p. 65 and 66.

The lower orders in Brazil make use of an iron ring round the wrist for this purpose.

I was informed that the _Contas Verdes_ came from Africa, but some may have found their way from the Orellana, and been put into requisition by the _Mandingueiros_.

I refer the reader to the History of Brazil, vol. i. p. 607, for a farther account of the green stones of the Amazons.

[98] A man of large property being much provoked at some outrage which had been committed by one of these _Valentoens_, (who was a white man,) had said at his own home, that when he met the man he would horsewhip him. This was repeated to the outlaw, and shortly afterwards they met accidentally in one of the narrow-paths in the neighbourhood. The _Valentam_ was well-armed with musket, sword, and knife; he requested the gentleman to stop, as he had something to say to him. The outlaw asked him for a pinch of snuff, and then offered his own box, from which a pinch was in like manner taken. He then mentioned the injurious words which had been repeated to him. The unfortunate offender directly imagined what would follow, and therefore set spurs to his horse, but the road was without any bend for some distance; the _Valentam_ knelt down upon one knee, and fired with the effect which he wished for. He quietly walked on along the same road, telling the whole story of his meeting, at the first village through which he passed. This man was at last taken, tried, and hanged at Bahia, through the very great exertions of the brother of the person whom he had murdered. He could not be executed at Pernambuco because he was a white man. The transaction occurred at a short distance from Jaguaribe, about fifteen years ago.

[99] Labat speaks of a tree, of which the fruit is a perfect cure for the bite of the most dangerous snakes. He says that it comes from the isthmus of Darien; that the buccaniers were informed of its virtue by the Indians who accompanied them in their expeditions across the isthmus. He does not give the name of the tree; but says “_sans nous embarasser du nom de l’arbre nous nous contentons d’appeller son fruit noix de serpent_.” In his time there were three of these trees at Martinique, which were of the size of apricot trees in France. He says that he witnessed the success of the fruit. The account of the plant and its virtues is too long to be inserted here. It is to be found in the _Nouveau Voyage aux isles de l’Amerique_, tom. iii. p. 234 to 238.

In the same work, I find the following manner of cure from the bite of a snake, which will not however be very generally adopted. “_Ceux qui ont assez de courage ou de charité pour s’exposer a faire cette cure se gargarisent bien la bouche avec de l’eau-de-vie; et après avoir scarifié la place, ils la succent de toute leur force, ils rejettent de tems en tems ce qu’ils ont dans la bouche, et se la nettoyent et gargarisent à chaque fois, observant de presser fortement avec les deux mains les environs de la partie blessée. On a vú de trés bons effets de cette cure, mais elle est trés-dangereuse pour celui qui la fait; car s’il a la moindre ecorchûre dans la bouche, ou qu’il avale tant soit peu de ce qu’il retire, il peut s’attendre à mourir en peu de momens, sans que toute la medecine le puisse sauver._” tom. i. p. 167.

[100] In the year 1630, the island contained three and twenty sugar works.—History of Brazil, vol. i. p. 476.

[101] History of Brazil, vol. i. p. 36.

[102] History of Brazil, vol. i. p. 476.

[103] History of Brazil, vol. i. p. 489.

[104] History of Brazil, vol. i. p. 540.

[105] History of Brazil, vol. ii. p. 143.

[106] History of Brazil, vol. ii. p. 176.

[107] History of Brazil, vol. ii. p. 177.

[108] History of Brazil, vol. ii. p. 241.

[109] “_Porque o seu coracam assim manda._”

[110] One of these Indians was selling crabs at Pasmado, when a purchaser began to pick out those which he preferred; but the Indian stopped him, saying, “Don’t begin to pick my crabs, for I belong to Amparo.” Thus even the crabs which were caught by the dependants of this great man were to be respected.

[111] The dependants do not always shew the respect which, seemingly, they ought to render to their patron. One of the Indians of Amparo (not he of the crabs) met his master, the owner of the place, in the field near to the dwelling-house. The Indian took off his own hat to speak to his master, but the same was not done by his superior; however the fellow quickly performed this for him, saying “When you speak to people take off your hat.”—“_Quando se falla a gente tira se o chapeo._” The master took this quietly and when the conversation ended, his hat was returned.

[112] Vide Appendix.

[113] I do not know whether I might not almost say of Brazil: Regarding Itamaraca, there exists the following adage, “What is it that persecutes thee island?” The answer is “The being an island, the ants and Guedes.” “_Que te persegue ilha? Ilha, formiga, Guedes._” Or in other words, the inconvenience occasioned by being obliged to cross the channel from the main land; the ants, which sufficiently explain for themselves; and Guedes;—these were a family of unquiet spirits who resided in the island, and kept it in perpetual turbulence from their quarrels. The remains still exist; but now they are good and peaceable subjects.

[114] “_Agora Senhor Rei, vai te embora._”

[115] In 1646, after the Portugueze had taken possession of the guard-ship at Os Marcos, they proceeded to that which was stationed at Itapisuma or Tapissuma, and this was burnt by the Dutch.—History of Brazil, vol. ii. p. 177.

[116] A man of colour with whom I was acquainted possessed several tame oxen, some of which with a cart he used to hire to the planters by the day, and one or other of his sons attended to drive them. Two of these animals were stolen, and a suspicion falling upon a man of reputed respectability in the country, who had rented a sugar plantation not far distant, one of the sons of the owner of the oxen determined to try to ascertain the fact. He dressed himself in leather, as a disguise, and rode to the dwelling of the person in question, where he arrived at dusk. The master of the house was not at home, but he spoke to the housekeeper, saying, that he had just arrived from the Sertam with cattle on sale, which would reach the neighbourhood on the following morning; he requested to know if she thought her master would purchase his drove. She answered in the affirmative, but said that he had better stay all night, for the purpose of seeing the intended purchaser, who would arrive on the next day. The false Sertanejo told her not to be uneasy about his accommodation, as he would sleep in the mill, to which he rode, and there he remained very quietly during the early part of the night. When all was still he began to search for the hides or horns of his oxen. The former would be recognised by the private mark, which was made (as is usual) with a red-hot iron upon the right haunch, and the latter he would know from the peculiar bore of their tips (by which they are in part harnessed to the cart) for he had bored them himself, and was in the constant habit of driving these oxen; besides, tame oxen are so seldom killed, that if he found any horns which were bored, he might presume that they were those of his beasts. He had given up his search, and almost all hope of finding what he sought, when, as he lay in his hammock, he happened to cast his eyes upwards, and saw two fresh out-stretched hides hanging to the higher wood-work of the mill. He scrambled up the timbers with a lighted piece of wood in one hand; and moving this to and fro near to the hides, that it might give a better light, he discovered that they bore his father’s mark. He lost no time in cutting from both of them the pieces which contained the mark, and carefully preserving these he mounted his horse about two o’clock in the morning and rode home. He kept the bits of leather as trophies, and shewed them in proof of his former assertions respecting the person who had stolen the oxen, but neither did he obtain, nor did he expect to obtain any redress. These transactions occurred in 1811, and within five leagues of Recife.

[117] It has obtained the name of _formiga de roça_. The word _roça_ means literally a piece of land that has been planted, of which the native wood has been cut down and cleared away. But at the present day, in Pernambuco, the word _roça_ is applied to the mandioc plant exclusively; thus a peasant will say “_hum bom roçado de roça_,” a good field of mandioc. The word _roçado_ is used in speaking of any kind of field; as for instance, a fine _roçado_ for cotton,—a fine _roçado_ for cane, &c.

[118] In the _Nouvelle Relation de la France Equinoxiale_, by _Pierre Barrere_, I find that the great red ant is as troublesome in the neighbourhood of Cayenne as in the part of South America which I visited. p. 60.

[119] Labat says, “_Cet insecte engraisse les volailles_.” I know that fowls are fond of the insect; but the peasants of Pernambuco prevent the poultry from eating it, because they say that such food gives a bad taste to the flesh; this is, I think, by no means improbable, for the _copim_ has a most disagreeable smell. This author afterwards continues the same subject, saying, “_Il y a deux sortes de bois qui ne sont pas de leur goût; l’acajou et le bois amer. Cela vient de ce que le suc et le bois de ces deux arbres est extrémement amer_.”—Nouveau Voyage, tom. ii. p. 389 and 392.

I do not know what tree he means by the _bois amer_, which in another place he calls _Simarouba_. I well know that the red ant will not molest the leaves of the acaju tree; but the same occurs with regard to many other plants. The leaves of the acaju are certainly extremely bitter.

[120] “_Como a lua era forte._”

[121] I have seen Piso’s account of the snakes of Brazil; and although the description which I have given of those which I saw, and of which I heard, differs somewhat from his, I have allowed mine to remain as it originally stood. Piso mentions the root of the _jurepeba_ plant as being efficacious in curing the bites of snakes. Is this the _jurubeba_? If so, it is surprising that it should not now be used for this purpose. The _jurubeba_ is to be found in almost all situations; a small shrub which yields a fruit resembling the potatoe apple. A decoction of the root is taken frequently at the present day for coughs and colds.

Piso likewise speaks of the _caatia_, or _caiatia_, or _caacica_ plant, which he says, has deservedly obtained the name of the _herva de cobras_; his description of it at p. 102, agrees in some respects with that of the _herva cobreira_, of which I have spoken at chapter 12; but it can scarcely be the same, for mine would have been more plentiful if it had been indigenous.

[122] History of Brazil, vol. i. p. 47.

[123] History of Brazil, vol. i. p. 485.

[124] Labat in his _Nouveau Voyage aux isles de l’Amerique_ gives an elaborate account of the mangrove plants. He speaks of three species, and treats in the first place of the _mangle noir ou paletuvier_. To this tree he applies precisely what I should say of the _mangue vermelho_ or red mangrove, with respect to its manner of growing, and to the description of the plant altogether, excepting in regard of the bark which he states in the _mangle noir_, to be _fort brune_, whereas the red mangrove derives its name from the red colour of the inside of the bark. He says that it is used for tanning, and “_on peut se servir du tronc de cet arbre pour les ouvrages où l’on a besoin d’un bois qui résiste à l’eau_,” tom. ii. p. 195 and 197. I suppose he concluded that this would be so as the wood grew in the water. Now the _mangues_ with which I am acquainted soon rot, even in salt water when used as stakes; for although the trees are propagated by means of shoots, if a part of the stem of one of them is put into the ground it does not take root, and indeed soon rots in any situation. The pens for catching fish are made of posts which are obtained from the forest, and these are scarce and dear. Would not the mangrove be used, if it was sufficiently durable?

He speaks afterwards of the _mangle rouge_, and this from his description appears to me to be what the Pernambucans call the _mangue bravo_; this does not grow in salt water, but in the vicinity of it. It is a large tree of irregular make, the branches being much twisted and full of knots.

Bolingbroke in his voyage to the Demerary describes the red mangrove as I have seen it, but he says that the bark is grey. In the Third Report of the Directors of the African Institution, p. 8, I find that some notion was entertained in 1809, of introducing the mangrove bark into this country for tanning.

[125] I once asked an African negro the name of this tree, and he answered _coraçam de homem_ or man’s heart; thus he did not chuse to use the name of negro’s heart. The man knew the usual name perfectly well.

[126] The iron wood is mentioned by Bolingbroke in his voyage to the Demerary; and the _bois de fer_, by Labat, in the _Voyage du Chevalier des Marchais à Cayenne_, &c. he says, “_Le bois de fer se trouve par-tout en quantité_,” tom. iii. p. 240.

[127] Marcgraff also speaks of a species of _jacaranda_, which is a white wood.

[128] I shall give the names of those with which I am acquainted: _parôba_, _jacaranduba_, _guabiraba_, _araroba_, _cicopira_, _embiriba_, _sapucaia_, _aroeira do Sertam_. This last is only found in parts far removed from the coast, and is accounted of equal value with the _pao ferro_.

Labat, in speaking of the kinds of wood which are fit for building, says, “_Je ne croi pas devoir renvoyer à un autre endroit la remarque que j’ai faite sur tous les bois qu’on met en terre qui est, que pour peu qu’ils soient bons ce n’est pas la partie qui est en terre qui se pourrit ni celle qui est dehors, mais seulement ce qui est au ras de terre_.” This I have found to be true to a certain extent; but there are some species of timber which rot very quickly under ground, though the part which he terms _au ras de terre_ is certainly that which decays the most speedily. He continues “_Pour éviter cet inconvenient, il faut brûler la partie qui doit être en terre et quelques pouces au dessus, c’est-à-dire la sécher au feu ou dans les cendres rouges, sans la réduire en charbon, afin que la seve ou l’humidité qui s’y pourroit encore trouver, soit entierement dessechée, que les pores se renfermant, les parties se raprochent les unes des autres, le bois devient plus compact et par consequent plus propre à résister à l’humidité_.”—Nouveau Voyage, tom ii. p. 386.

This is done in Pernambuco, and is found to be of great service; but it is only practised with those woods which are known not to be naturally durable under ground.

[129] Labat says, “_L’arbre que nous appellons acajou aux isles du Vent, est le même que celui que les Espagnols appellent cedre dans la Terre-ferme et dans les grandes isles. Je ne sai qui a plus de raison; car je n’ai jamais vû les cedres du Liban, que selon les rélations que j’en ai lû ne ressemblent point du tout au cedre Espagnol_.” He says likewise, “_Ce qu’il ne faut pas confondre avec l’acajou à fruit dont j’ai parlé dans un autre endroit_.”—Nouveau Voyage, tom. viii. p. 208 and 212.

He speaks in vol. ii. p. 94, of two large Indian canoes made of _bois d’acajou_ or _cedre_. I am inclined to think that the _acajou_ of the islands and the _cedre_ of the Spaniards is the _pao amarello_ of Pernambuco.

[130] Piso says, that its small clustering red fruit has the property of curing meat owing to its acidity and astringency.

[131] The indefatigable and all-observant, although unfeeling and brutal Labat, has also mentioned the _pinham_, under the name of _medicinier ou pignons d’Inde_, and he gives a print of it. His account of the plant is elaborate, and he speaks of three kinds. Of that of which I have treated, he says, “_Sa fleur n’a rien de beau. Elle ne vient jamais seule, mais en bouquets composez de plusieurs fleurons d’un blanc sale tirant sur le verd. Chaque fleuron est composé de cinq feuilles en maniere d’etoile, qui font comme un cul de lampe arrondi avec un col plus resserré et terminé par l’extrémité des feüilles qui se renversent en dehors. Le fond du fleuron est garni et comme renfermé entre cinq petites feuilles. C’est du centre de ces fleurs que l’on voit sortir le fruit; ordinairement il est de la grosseur d’une noix commune d’Europe._” He says again (after speaking of its purgative quality, which it likewise possesses with that of provoking vomiting) alluding to the separation of each seed into two parts, “_Lorsqu’elle est recente, elle se partage naturellement en deux parties, entre lesquelles on trouve une petite pellicule à qui on attribüe une qualité de purger plus violemment qu’a tout le reste de la noix_.” My old woman said, that the _pinham_ should not be given, unless the person who prepared it was well acquainted with it, because a certain part of the seed was dangerous; but she would not shew me where the dangerous substance was to be found. Labat continues, saying that four or five of the seeds are a proper dose as a purge, “_mais quand on en prend une plus grande quantité, on s’expose à des vomissemens cruels et à des évacuations trop grandes_.” He mentions a fact which is curious. In speaking of Europeans having oftentimes eaten of this nut without being acquainted with its properties, he says, “_une régle générale qu’il faut observer a l’egard des fruits qu’on ne connoît point est de n’y point toucher à moins qu’on ne voye q’ils out été bequetez par les oiseaux_.”—_Nouveau Voyage_, tom. iii. p. 300, 301, and 302.

In Piso, p. 83, an account will be found of the _Munduy-guacu, Lusitanis Pinhoes do Brasil, ejusque usu in medicina_.

I have perhaps quoted too copiously in writing an account of those plants which Labat has described, but I must have followed so nearly what he has said, that my description might have been supposed to have had his for its basis. Perhaps these plants need not have been described at all, but to some readers a confirmation of what other travellers have said may afford satisfaction.

[132] History of Brazil, vol. i. p. 466.

[133] The following story was current at Conception, and I knew all the persons of whom it was related. A young man was intimate in a family of a rank inferior to his own, and he frequently made presents to several individuals of it, which was generally thought strange, as it did not contain any young female. Therefore to account for this predilection, it was reported, that the good old woman to whom he was so kind, possessed a small image of St. Antonio, which was concealed in a bit of old cloth; and it had several scraps of ribbons and I know not what else, tied to its neck, legs and arms; and with this she was said to perform certain mysterious rites, which secured the continuance of the young man’s affection towards herself and family.

[134] When I resided at Jaguaribe, I was once standing by and hearing the conversation of a man and woman, who were laughing and joking upon several subjects; but I was more particularly amused when the man answered to something that had been mentioned, saying, “I will ask Our Lady of the Conception.” The woman replied, “But she will not grant what you ask;” he then said, “Well, I will then apply to Our Lady of the O.”—Thus entirely forgetting that the same person is intended under another name.

[135] “_Em negocio de branco, negro nam se mete._”

[136] “_Morra e deixe de bobagems._”

[137] “_A sua gente he mais sabida que a nossa._”

[138] “_Dizem, que Vm. he muito santo._”

[139] Labat, in the _Voyage du Chevalier des Marchais, a Cayenne, &c._ vol. iii. p. 253, gives an account of the bees which corresponds in some respects with mine. He says, “_Elles n’ont point d’aiguillon, ou il est si foible qu’il ne peut entamer l’épiderme aussi sans préparation et sans crainte on les prend a pleines mains sans en ressentir autre incommodité qu’un leger chatouillement_.”—I do not think those of Pernambuco would be found to be quite so harmless.

[140] I have seen a print in Barlæus representing this channel as still being open, and the fort situated upon an island which it almost entirely covers.

[141] I have been much blamed by one of my friends for not having eaten of the flesh of the _jacarè_; and indeed I felt a little ashamed of my squeamishness, when I was shown by the same friend, a passage in a French writer, whose name I forget, in which he speaks favourably of this flesh. However, if the advocate for experimental eating had seen an alligator cut into slices, he would, I think, have turned from the sight as quickly as I did. The Indians eat these creatures, but the negroes will not, no not even the _gabam_ negroes who are said to be cannibals.

[142] In making use of the word Brazil, it must be understood that I mean to denote that portion of the country which I have had opportunities of seeing. The agriculture of the provinces of Rio de Janeiro and Bahia is doubtless in a more forward state than that of Pernambuco and the line of coast to Maranham.

[143] I insert here a description of a machine for rooting up the stumps of trees, by Cit. Saint Victor, member of the Society of Agriculture, for the department of the Seine.

“It consists of a bar of forged iron, about two feet eight inches long, one inch thick towards the handle, and of two inches towards the breech or platform. The platform, which is circular, is fourteen inches in diameter. This platform serves as the base of the chamber or furnace of the mine, which is three inches in diameter, and three inches eight lines in the length of its bore. The stopper or tampion, which serves as a plug to the mine, is of the same diameter, to enter within after a slight paper or wadding. It is attached by a chain to the gun or mortar, which last is eight inches in diameter. About two inches above is added a small touch-hole and pan. The hole is directed in an angle of forty-five degrees, and is primed with powder to communicate with the charge with which the chamber is filled up to the stopper. This engine may be cast even with more facility in brass or bronze, and in this case it must be a little thicker in all its dimensions, in order to afford a resistance equal to that of the forged iron.”

“USE OF THE MACHINE.”

“When the machine is charged with powder, a small excavation is made with a pick-axe, in the centre of the stump. The machine is then placed in it, so that the plug immediately touches the wood. Care must be taken to fill all the vacancies, either with stones or pieces of iron or wood, more especially beneath the platform of the machine, in order that the explosion of the powder may have its full effect on the stump, of which, if necessary, the principal roots should first be cut if any appear on the surface of the ground near the stump that is to be eradicated.”

“When the machine is firmly fixed in its place, the priming is put into the pan, a slow match applied, the length of which is sufficient to allow time to retire to a proper distance from the explosion.”—Journal of Natural Philosophy, &c. by W. Nicholson, vol. iv. p. 243 to 245.

In Pernambuco the only means of rooting up the stumps which is known, is that of digging deep trenches round about them.

[144] Labat says, that in clearing lands, it is not necessary to take up the stumps of the trees, unless they are those _des bois mols dont les souches poussent des rejettons_; now in Brazil, almost all the trees that have been cut down put forth shoots.

[145] It has been discontinued of late years by some persons, and I have heard it said, that the ratoon canes do not grow so well; but that the land requires to be laid down for a much shorter period.

[146] Labat says, “_Les terres neuves grasses et fortes fournissent abondamment de la nourriture aux souches, et les entretiennent pendant quinze et vingt ans et plus, sans qu’on s’apperçoive d’aucune diminution, ni dans l’abondance, ni dans la bonté, ni dans la grandeur, ni dans la grosseur, des rejettons_;” and he even says that the stumps “_conduisent plutôt leurs rejettons à une parfaite maturité, pourvûs qu’on ait soin de rechausser les souches_,” &c.—Nouveau Voyage &c. tom. iii. p. 368.

I had previously read the following passage in another work, “_Dans les plantations situées au bord du Demerari on fait trente recoltes successives de sucre sans transplanter les cannes, &c._—Voyage a la Guiane &c.” p. 222.

As this work is of doubtful reputation, I should not have cited any statement which was made in it unless I was myself aware of its correctness, or unless the fact was mentioned by other writers; but when Labat speaks of the same thing, there must be some foundation for the statement.

[147] Labat says, “_Toutes les terres, en un mot qui sont neuves, c’est-à-dire qui n’ont jamais été planteés, ni semées, dans lesquelles on met des cannes aussi-tôt qu’on a abbatu les arbres qui les couvroient, portent des cannes trés grosses et en quantité, remplis de beaucoup de suc, mais gras, crud, peu sucré, trés difficile à cuire et à purifier. Je me suis trouvé quelquefois dans ces circonstances et particulierement à la Guadeloupe, ou ayant fait défricher une terre neuve, à plus d’une lieüe du bord de la mer, et l’ayant plantée en cannes c’etoit quelque chose de surprenant de voir le nombre, la grosseur et la hauteur de ces cannes, lorsqu’elles n’avoient encore que six mois; cependant je les fis couper a cet âge, et après que j’eus retiré ce dont j’avois besoin pour planter, je fis faire de l’eau-de-vie du reste, et je fis mettre le feu au terrain pour consumer les pailles, dont la pourriture n’auroit servi qu’à augmenter la graisse de la terre. Quatorze mois aprés cette coupe, je fis employer en sucre blanc les rejettons qui étoient crûs, dont la bonté repondit parfaitement à la beauté, qui ne pouvoit être plus grande._”—Nouveau Voyage &c. tom. iii. p. 339.

His account of this affair still continues, but I have transcribed the more important part of it.

The master of the grammar school at Itamaraca, told me that he acted in the same manner with respect to a quantity of cane which he once planted upon a piece of land that was afterwards cultivated by me; he was satisfied that this was the better plan, when the land is in the state which Labat describes; but the people in general thought that he was mad, until crop time came, and then they changed their opinion.

In another work Labat says, “_le terrain nouvellement défriché, étant naturellement gras et humide, et sa situation le rendant encore aqueux, les cannes qu’il produit, sont à la vérité grosses, grandes, pleines de suc; mais ce suc est gras et aqueux; il est par conséquent plus long à cuire, plus difficile à purifier, de sorte qu’il faudra abbatre et mettre au moulin plus de cannes, purifier et cuire plus de jus ou de suc pour faire une barrique de sucre, qu’il n’en faut à la Martinique pour en faire quatre_.”—Voyage du Chevalier des Marchais a Cayenne, &c. tom. iii. 204. In the little experience which I had, I was surprised to find an increase or decrease in the quantity of the product of the same number of cart loads of cane from different quarters of the plantation; but my mind was then too much occupied to allow me to look for the cause of this.

At the time that Labat wrote his account of the French portion of the Columbian islands, (from 1693 to 1705) they were in a state which resembled much that of Brazil in the present day; that is, the colonists were forming establishments and clearing lands; agriculture was in a rude state, and as sugar colonies were then, comparatively speaking, new things, improvements were daily striking the thinking men who went out to those places; for it was a subject to which intellect was at that time turned. The system in the Columbian islands has now been much benefited, by the advanced state of the mother countries which possess them; and the communication between the islands belonging to the several powers which rule them, has led them to adopt and to profit by each other’s inventions and ideas. But Brazil has been left to its own resources; no interest has been taken in its concerns from without, nor has any regard been paid to the mental advancement of the people belonging to it, so that it cannot be wondered at that the country should have made very little progress. However the similarity of the state of the French islands in the time of Labat, to that of Brazil at the present day, and his powers of observation, induce me to think that some of his remarks may be useful in the latter country, although they may be out of date in the places of which he wrote. Thus much I say, as a reason for making frequent notes from him.

[148] Labat speaks of seeing canes planted down to the water’s edge at Guadaloupe; he says that he tasted the juice of some of them, and found it to be rather brackish; “_d’où il étoit aisé de conclure que le sucre brut qu’on en feroit, pourroit être beau, comme il l’etoit en effet en tout le quartier du grand cul-de-sac, mais qu’il seroit difficile de réussir en sucre blanc, comme il est arrivé_.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. iii. p.71.

[149] Besides the usual mode of holing, Mr. Edwards mentions the following method; “the planter instead of stocking up his ratoons, and holing and planting the land anew, suffers the stoles to continue in the ground and contents himself, as his cane fields become thin and impoverished, by supplying the vacant spaces with fresh plants.”—History of the West Indies, vol. ii. p. 207.

[150] A plough drawn by two oxen, constructed after a model which was brought from Cayenne, has been introduced in one or two instances.

[151] The passages in this chapter which are marked as being quotations, are taken from Edwards’ History of the West Indies. I mention this, once for all, to save room and trouble.

[152] The author of the _Nouveau Voyage &c._ _tom._ iii. p. 218. mentions having covered the claying house belonging to a mill, the property of his Order, with the tops of the sugar cane. I never saw this practised in Brazil, and indeed Labat says, that they were not commonly put to this purpose in the parts of which he writes. He says, that a species of reed was usually employed. In Brazil there is a kind of grass which answers the purpose, and is durable; and this quality, Labat says, that the cane tops possess; however in Brazil the leaves of the coco and of other palms are generally used.

Although it was the general custom to employ the cane tops for planting, Labat objects to them from his own authority, upon the score of these not possessing sufficient strength to yield good canes. The same opinion is general in Pernambuco.

[153] Labat lays great stress upon the ripeness of the canes. “_Il faut donc observer avant que de couper les cannes quel est leur degré de perfection et de maturité plutôt que leur âge_,” _&c._—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. iii. p. 353.

But when a plantation has a large crop, it is absolutely impossible to attend so particularly to the ripeness as he inculcates; some of the cane must be ground unripe, and other parts of the field cannot be cut until after the proper time.

[154] The French friar complains of the rats, and says that there was in his time a _chasseur de rats_ upon every estate. He says that he made his _chasseur_ bring the rats that were caught to him; and he desired to have the whole rat, for if the heads or tails only came, the bodies were eaten by the negroes, which he wished to prevent, as he thought that this food brought on consumption. I know that the negroes in Brazil eat every rat which they can catch, and I do not see why they should not be well tasted and wholesome food, for they feed on sugar-cane and mandioc. I cannot refrain from transcribing the following statement: “_Il y a des habitans qui se contentent que le preneur de rats leur en apporte les quëues ou les têtes. C’est une mauvaise methode, parce que les preneurs voisins s’accordent ensemble et portent les quëues d’un côté et les têtes d’autre, afin de profiter de la recompense que les maîtres donnent, sans se mettre beaucoup en peine de tendre les attrapes._”—Nouveau Voyage, &c., tom. iii. p. 358.

[155] “_Dorminhoco como negro de Engenho_,”—as sleepy as the negro of a sugar-mill, is a common proverb.

[156] In a few instances the “upright iron plated rollers” used in the Columbian islands have been erected. These have been sent from England, and are much approved of, particularly for mills that have the advantage of being turned by water.

[157] Labat says, speaking of the same dreadful kind of accident, “_Ce qui pourroit arriver si la largeur des établis ni les en empêchoit_;” he also mentions the necessity of having “_sur le bout de la table une serpe sans bec bien affilée, pour s’en servir au besoin_.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. iii. p. 406 and 407.

[158] The author of the _Noveau Voyage, &c._ says, the Portugueze, when they first established themselves in Brazil, and indeed even at the present time, (1696) in some places make use of mills for grinding the sugar cane similar to those of Normandy, “_pour briser les pommes à faire le cidre, et dont on se sert aux päis ou il y a des oliviers, pour écraser les olives_.”—tom iii. p. 428.

I never heard of any description of mill being employed at the present day, excepting that which is in general use.

[159] In the French islands the liquor was passed through a cloth when conveyed from the first cauldron into the second: of the trough I find no mention.—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. iv. p. 24.

[160] In the _Voyage du Chevalier des Marchais a Cayenne, &c._ I find that “_le sucre séché au soleil est toujours plus susceptible d’humidité, que celui qui a été bien séché dans une bonne étuve_.” tom. iii. p. 205.

In the fourth volume of the _Nouveau Voyage_, p. 106 to 110, is a description of an oven for drying clayed sugars; this would be interesting to Brazilian readers, but it is too long to excuse insertion before a British public.

[161] The long improved ovens, such as are used in the Columbians islands, are beginning to be introduced.

[162] The following method of preparing the _temper_ will be useful in the country of which I am treating, and therefore I think I may be permitted to insert it, although it is long.

“_Le barril à lessive étant posé sur la sellette ou sur un trépied, on en bouche le trou avec une quantité de paille longue et entiere, aprés quoi on y met une couche composée des herbes suivantes, aprés les avoir broyées entre ses mains, et aprés les avoir hachées._

“_Herbes à blé; c’est une herbe qui croît par touffes comme le blé qui est levé depuis deux ou trois mois, et à qui elle ressemble beaucoup. On arrache la touffe entiere avec sa racine qui est fort petite._

“_La seconde se nomme herbe à pique. Cette plante a une tige droite de la grosseur d’un tuyau de plume d’oye et de la hauteur de quinze à dix-huit pouces. Son extrémité porte une feüille comme celle de l’ozeille pour la couleur et pour la consistance, mais qui ressemble entiérement au fer d’une pique._

“_La troisiéme est la mal-nommée. C’est une petite herbe déliée, fine et frizée à peu près comme les cheveux des négres._

“_On met ces trois sortes d’herbes par portion égale, avec quelques feüilles et quelques morceaux de lianne brûlante. Cette lianne est une espéce de lierre, dont la feüille est plus tendre, plus mince et les bois plus spongieux que le lierre d’Europe. On écrase un peu le bois et les feüilles, avant que de les mettre dans le barril. C’est avec ces quatre sortes d’herbes qu’on garnit le fond du barril jusqu’ à trois pouces de hauteur; on les couvre d’un lit de cendre de pareille épaisseur, et l’on choisit la cendre faite du meilleur bois qu’on ait brûlé, comme sont le chataignier, le bois rouge, le bois caraibe, le raisinier, l’oranger ou autres bois durs, dont les cendres et les charbons sont remplis de beaucoup de sel. On met sur cette couche de cendre une couche de chaux vive de même épaisseur, et sur celle-ci une autre couche des mêmes herbes, ausquelles on ajoûte une ou deux cannes d’inde ou de seguine bâtarde, amorties au feu, et coupées par ruelles de l’épaisseur d’un ecu. Cette plante vient sur le bord des eaux marécageuses, sa tige est ronde d’un pouce ou environ de diamétre; sa peau est fort mince et fort verte; le dedans est blanc, assez compacte, et rempli d’une liqueur extrémement mordicante, qui fait une vilaine tache, et ineffaçable sur le linge et sur les étoffes où elle tombe. Sa feüille est tout-a-fait semblable pour la figure à celle de la porée ou bette, mais elle est plus verte et plus lisse, et ses fibres ne se distinguent presque pas; on ne les met point dans la lessive. Toutes ces herbes sont extrémement corrosives et mordicantes. On remplit ainsi le barril de cendre, de chaux, et d’herbes, par lits jusqu’à ce qu’il soit plein, et on le termine par une couche des mêmes herbes bien broyées et hachées. Quand on se sert des cendres qui viennent de sortir des fourneaux, et qui sont encore toutes brûlantes, on remplit le barril avec de l’eau froide; mais lorsque les cendres sont froides, on fait boüiller l’eau avant que de la mettre dans le barril. On met un pot ou un autre vaisseau sous le trou qui est bouché de paille, pour recevoir l’eau qui en dégoûte, que l’on remet dans le barril, et que l’on fait passer sur le marc qu’il contient, jusqu’à ce que cette lessive devienne si forte que la mettant sur la langue avec le bout du doigt, on ne puisse pas l’y souffrir, et qu’elle jaunisse le doigt, comme si c’étoit de l’eau forte._”—Nouveau Voyage, tom. iv. p. 33 to 35.

[163] A few of the more wealthy planters have sent for large stills from England, and have, of course, found their infinite superiority over those in common use.

Even in the time of Labat, his countrymen were much before the Pernambucan planters respecting the arrangement of the still-houses. They had copper stills.

[164] The _alvarà_ was passed the 21st January, 1809. One to the same effect had been passed on the 22d September, 1758, for the captaincy of Rio de Janeiro; this was extended to other captaincies, at first as a temporary law, but it was afterwards several times renewed; and it was at last allowed to be in force in all the ultra-marine dominions of Portugal, by the _alvarà_ of the 6th July, 1807. However as there were some restrictions attached to this law, that of 1809 was passed. By this last, in the first place, executions cannot be made upon sugar estates which are in a working state and do work regularly, and that have under cultivation that quantity of ground which is requisite for the carrying on of the work of the mill, and for the support of the slaves; executions can only be carried into effect upon one third of the net produce of such plantations; the other two thirds being left for the expences of cultivation, and for the administration, that is, for the support of the owner.

Secondly. Executions can however be made if the debt is equal to or above the value of the estate; but the whole of the slaves, the cattle, the lands, and the implements belonging to the _engenho_ must form one valuation, nor can they be separated; but they must all be taken as parts of the _engenho_.

Thirdly. If there are more debts than one, and these together make up the sum which may cause the plantation to be subject to execution, still some law proceedings must be entered into, by which these several debts may be placed in such a form as to be considered as one debt. Thus the government does those things which ought not to be done, and leaves undone those things which ought to be done.

[165] “_Qu’ils (les cabrouettiers) ayent soin, quand il est nécessaire de leur faire ôter les barbes, qui sont certaines excrescences de chair, qui leur viennent sous la langue, qui les empêchent de paître. Car les bœfs ne coupent pas l’herbe avec les dents comme les chevaux, ils ne font que l’entortiller avec la langue et l’arracher; mais quand ils ont ces excrescences, qui leur causent de la douleur, ils ne peuvent appliquer leur langue autour de l’herbe et deviennent maigres et sans force._”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom iv. p. 179.

Of this disorder I never heard, but there is one to which horses as well as horned cattle are subject; it is produced by the animals feeding upon fields of which the grass is very short. The flesh grows from the roots of the teeth towards their edges, and at last renders it impossible for the beasts to eat.

[166] The following is a statement of the number of cases of sugar exported from Pernambuco, from the year 1808 to 1813.

1808. 4271
1809. 12801
1810. 9840
1811. 7749
1812. 8577
1813. 9022

I obtained it from my friend Mr. I. C. Pagen, who resided at Recife during a considerable portion of the time.

[167] I have seen some fine cotton shrubs at the distance of one or two leagues, and even less, from the sea coast; but the attempts that have been made to cultivate it to any extent in such situations, have not, from what I have seen and heard, met with the desired success. Might not the Sea-Island seed be sent for, and a trial of it made? The Pernambuco cotton is superior to that of every other part, excepting the small quantity which is obtained from those islands.

Bolingbroke, in his “Voyage to the Demerary,” says that “On the sea coast the British settlers also commenced the culture of cotton, and found that land to answer much better than the soil up the river.”—In Phillips’ Collection, &c. p. 81.

The cotton of the settlements upon the part of South America of which he writes, is very inferior to that of Pernambuco.

In the Third Report of the Directors of the African Institution, p. 23, I find it stated, that “the saline air of the sea-shore, which generally destroys coffee, is favourable to cotton;” at p. 27, it is said that cotton never fails to degenerate “when it has been propagated in the same ground for many years without a change of seed.”

[168] I have heard that the seeds would form a very good food for cattle, if they could be completely freed from all particles of wool; here lies the difficulty.

[169] In Labat’s time these machines were likewise worked by the feet of the person who was employed in thrusting the cotton against the rollers.

[170] Mr. Edwards calls the species of the cotton plant which is cultivated in the Columbian islands, the _common Jamaica_, of which “the staple is coarse but strong.” It is difficult to clean, owing to the brittleness of the seeds. It is strange, as Mr. Edwards remarks, that the British cotton planters should be acquainted with species of the shrub which produce finer wool, and yet continue to rear this inferior quality.

[171] The following is a statement of the export of cotton from Pernambuco, from the year 1808 to 1813. It was furnished to me by my friend Mr. I. C. Pagen, who resided at Recife during a considerable part of the time.

1808. 26,877
1809. 47,512
1810. 50,103
1811. 28,245
1812. 58,824
1813. 65,327

From this it would appear that in saying, at chapter 1st, that the export from thence at the present time is between 80,000 and 90,000 bags annually, I have over-rated the real number. But it will be seen that the increase has been considerable from 1812 to 1813, and I know that it still continues to increase as rapidly, if not more so.

[172] Edwards’ History of the West-Indies.

[173] History of Brazil, vol. i. p. 233.

[174] Mr. Southey says, “When the mandioc failed, what was called stick flour (in Portugueze _farinha de pao_) was made from the wood of the Urucuri-iba, which they cut in pieces and bruised; and this being less liable to corrupt than the mandioc, is now generally used in the Brazilian ships.” vol. i. p. 233. The _farinha de pao_ which is at present used in these ships, is made from the mandioc, and the name of stick-flour is by no means inapposite; for it always requires to be picked before it is used, to take out the bits of the husk and of the hardened fibres of the root which may chance to remain. But the name may have, and most probably did, commence with the stick-flour of the Urucuri-iba; and when the substance from which it was made was changed, the name still continued. I refer the reader to the History of Brazil for a farther account of the mandioc.

[175] Du Tertre gives three remedies for those who have drank of the juice. “_Le premier que j’ay veu pratiquer heureusement c’est de boire de l’huile d’olive avec de l’eau tiede, ce qui fait vomir tout ce qu’on a pris; le second qui est tres-assuré est de boire quantité de suc d’ananas, avec quelques goutes de jus de citron; mais sur tous les remedes, le suc de l’herbe aux couleuvres, dont tous les arbres de ces isles sont revêtus, est le souverain antidote, non seulement contre ce mal, mais encore contre toute sorte de venin._”—Histoire des Antilles, &c. tom. ii. p. 118.

Labat does not believe in the virtue of the _herbe de couleuvres_ in this case.

[176] Du Tertre speaks of the savages making use in their dishes of _l’eau de manyoc_.—Histoire des Antilles, &c. tom. ii. p. 389.

“_Nos sauvages qui en mettent_ (the juice of the mandioc) _dans toutes leurs sauces n’en sont jamais incommodez parce qu’ils ne s’en servent jamais que quand il a boüilli._”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. i, p. 400.