Chapter VI

BRUCE’S ROUTE TO LAMBESSA — ZANA OR DIANA VETERANORUM — THE
MEDRASSEN — BRUCE ARRIVES AT THE AURES — CURIOUS MEETING WITH
A CHIEF OF THOSE MOUNTAINS.

We proceeded towards Batna by the diligence. I will therefore follow Bruce’s route in preference to my own.

On December 2, 1765, left Constantina late, and travelled only about 5 miles. The 3rd, arrived at Physgeah, a fountain whence issues a large stream, and where there are still a few slight traces of former works.

The _Ain Fesgiah_ here mentioned is 60 kilometres, or 37½ miles, on the road to Batna, and its waters have lately been re-conducted to Constantine for the supply of that city.

All this day passed along the ruins of a Roman causeway, which was probably the road to Lambessa.

The journey to-day was between hills all cultivated; and, near Physgeah, passed through the plain, bounded on each side by the high rocky mountains Niffen Sur and Geryon.

This is the territory of the ancient _Makhzin_ tribe of Zemoul, situated between Djebel Gerioun on the east and another mountain to the south-west, the highest point of which is, from its peculiar shape, called by the natives _Enf-en-neser_, or the Eagle’s Beak.

The 4th, arrived at Tattubt, 5 miles; where there remains nothing but the ruins of a modern building.

Tattubt is also in the tribe of Zemoul, not far from the lakes. From the Roman remains here were obtained the columns used to build the Mosque of Souk el-Ghazel, now the Cathedral of Constantine.[35]

The 5th, encamped at the Smellie (Smala) of the Bey, 9 miles.

The 6th, arrived at Taggou Zainah, 16 miles from Tattubt, due west. It is situated at the foot of Jebbel Mustowah, whose _Gellah_ or fortress lies immediately south of it. The inhabitants of Taggou Zainah and the mountain Mustowah are the Haract, a clan that pays no tribute or obedience to the Bey, and not the Welled Abdenore, as Dr. Shaw says, these last lying to the westward.

A small river runs immediately below Zainah on the northwards, over which are the large plains of Tattubt, bounded on the south by Jebbel Auress, and on the north by the high mountain Niffen Sur (_Enf-en-neser_), Geryoun, and Ziganeah.

The 7th, designed one triumphal arch and left the other, it being in a bad state; no other buildings on foot, or any remains of the amphitheatre mentioned by Shaw. Zainah is the Diana of the Itinerary, and Taggou is but the continuation of it to the eastward, along the riverside, which does not divide Taggou from Zainah, as Dr. Shaw says, but runs parallel to them from east to west.

The mountain Mustowah above mentioned is a very well known hill near Batna, which has the form of a table or martello tower, whence its name of _Geläa_, or fortress. It was here that the insurgents, who attacked Batna in 1871, established their head-quarters.

The _Haract_ or Haracta, is a powerful tribe of Berber origin, still speaking the Chawi language and inhabiting the great plains around Ain Beida; they are beginning to abandon nomad life and to settle down to the cultivation of the soil. Like most of the Chawi branch of the Berber race, they are lax Mohammedans, but fanatically attached to their religious confraternities, or _Khouans_, particularly to that of Sidi Mohammed ben Abd-er-Rahman bou Koberain. The _Abdenore_, as Bruce calls them, or the Oulad Abd-en-Noor, is one of the largest tribes in the province of Constantine. They now occupy the high plateau between Constantine and Setif. Under the Turkish Government they extended much further south, and at one time actually occupied the plain of Zana, as mentioned by Shaw.

Taggou-Zainah is, as Bruce shows, only the combination of two names, Taggou and Zana. The latter is the ordinary modern name of the district, and is evidently a corruption of the word Diana. The Itinerary of Antonine simply calls this city Diana. In the tables of Peutinger it is called Diana Veteranorum, and beside the name is the figure of a temple dedicated to Diana, the remains of which are still visible.[36]

The site of this city was found by Peyssonnel, in 1725, who thus described it:[37]—

‘The 14th, we arrived at the camp of the Bey, situated near to Izana. Izana is the ancient Diana. It was situated at the foot of a great mountain, now called Arquet,[38] near a beautiful spring . . . the situation is fine, and the city must have been considerable. Two triumphal arches still remain; one faces the east, and has a single gate with four small Corinthian columns. The other is at a little distance, and has also a single gate, but grander and more superb, with two great columns of the Corinthian order. The gate is about 25 feet wide and 38 high, and with the cornice and a great inscription above it, about 50 feet, all in good taste.

‘The inscription is:—

IMP. CAES. M. AVRELIO SEVERO . . . FELICI

AVG. PONT. MAX. TRIB. POTEST. COS. DESIGN. . . .

PROVIDENTISSIMO ET SANCTISSIMO PRINCIPI . ET ANTONINO

NOBILISSIMO CAESARI PRINCIPI JVENTVTIS DIANENSIVM

EX DECRETO . D.D. P.P.

‘These gates are detached works, four feet thick, and well preserved. Beside them is a large building quite destroyed; it was square, and at the four corners was a pavilion or square bastion. This must have been a very fine palace.

‘There are other ruins which do not deserve much notice.’

Of this inscription a very small fragment now remains, so that the above rendering of Peysonnel cannot be verified. M. Léon Renier states that it is very incorrect, and suggests the following re-construction, based on his own researches:—

‘_Imperatori Caesari Marco Opellio Severo Macrino Pio Felici Augusto, pontifici maximo, tribuniciae potestatis, consuli designato, patri patriae, proconsuli, providentissimo et sanctissimo principi, et Marco Opellio Antonino Diadumiano, nobilissimo Caesari Principi Juventutis, Respublica Dianensium ex decreto decurionum_.’[39]

This, if correct, would show that the building was erected in the reign of Macrinus, A.D. 217-218.

Two other inscriptions were copied by Bruce, but he does not record the exact spots where he observed them:—

. . . . ES M AVR

. . . . ES L AVR

. ADRIANI . . . .

. ANTE C . . . .

* * * * *

MERCVRIO

AUG. SACRVM

M. AVRE . VS Q FIL . . .

PAP. AEMILIANVS Q . . . .

AEDIL II VIRV. STA . . . VM

QUAM . OB HONOR . M . .

VIRATVS EX V. MIL. N.

. . . . . . EST POSVIT

POL . CITVS . . . . .

INLATIS REIP LEGI . IMIS

HONORVM SVORVM.

Of this last inscription M. Renier supplies two additional lines, and gives the following rendering. It was found on an altar, the lower part of which was probably buried when Bruce saw it.

‘_Mercurio Augusto sacrum. Marcus Aurelius, Quinti filius, Papiria tribu, Aemilianus quaestor, aedilis, duumvirum, statuam, quam, ob honorem duumviratus, ex sestertium quinque milibus nummum pollicitus est, posuit, inlatis rei publicae legitimis honorum suorum summis et at fori straturam cubis decem, idemque dedicavit._’[40]

As appears from its name, Diana was inhabited, and probably founded, by a colony of veterans of the Third Legion. This remark, that the town is situated at the foot of Djebel Mestowa, which has always served as a centre of resistance under the Berbers, Turks, and French, favours the impression that it was the same under the Romans. This, no doubt, also induced the Byzantines to build a fortress there, 230 feet square, the walls of which are still standing.

Diana existed in A.D. 160, as is proved by a dedication to Antoninus Pius in the last year of his reign. It had the title of Municipium, and, according to Morcelli,[41] was several times favoured by the munificence of the Emperor.

Fidentius, a Donatist bishop of Diana, assisted at the Council of Carthage in 411.

It appears not to have been destroyed, like Lambessa and Timegad, for at the period of the Arab conquest it was the capital of the region. Moula Ahmed[42] thus mentions it:—

‘When Sidi Okba had conquered the people of Lambessa, he asked which was the strongest city in the country. They replied that it was Diana, where there was a king, chief of the Christians of Zab, a country containing 360 _bourgades_, having each an Emir. El-Yakoubi says that _Adanaa_ was the largest city in the Western Zab. Okba there encountered the people of the country, and a great battle ensued. The Mohammedans triumphed over the Christians, of whom the greatest part were destroyed, and their power ceased in the province.’

Diana disappeared as a city in the tenth century. El-Bekri,[43] who places it at two days’ journey from Tobna, states that it was ruined in 935, by Ali ben Hamdoun El-Andalousi, governor of Zab, and the faithful servant of the Fatemites. The inhabitants had probably taken part in the great religious and political insurrection which began in the Aures, and of which Abou-Yezid was the promoter.

El-Bekri also states that the Haoura, who dwelt near Magra, having carried off the women of Diana, the inhabitants pursued the ravishers and killed a great number and delivered their women. The battle took place on the banks of a river, which took the name of _Oued-en-Nissa_ (the river of women).

The principal Roman ruins at Diana are the two triumphal arches—of which the finer was drawn by Bruce, though unhappily his sketch is no longer extant in the Kinnaird Collection—the remains of a temple of Diana and a Christian basilica. The ruins of an aqueduct which brought the waters of Ain Sultan to the city are still visible for about nine miles.

From this point Bruce directed his course towards the Medrassen, spending the night of December 7 only eight miles distant from Diana. We descended from the diligence at Ain Yakoob at four A.M. on April 24, and hired mules to convey us thither. There is a road-side inn at Ain Yakoob, kept by a Maltese, and there is usually very little difficulty in obtaining beasts, though the Arabs, seeing travellers entirely at their mercy, without any French authorities to control them, know how to charge accordingly. The distance is less than six miles.

Shaw, in describing this building, says: ‘Five leagues to the east of Tagou-Zainah, upon the northern skirts of Jibbel Auress, we have a very remarkable sepulchral monument, situated between two eminences. It goes by the name of _Medrashem_, or _Mail Cashem_ (‘_the treasure of Cashem_’), being nearly of the same fashion with the Kubber Romeah, but differeth in being larger and in having the cornish of the base supported with Tuscan-like pilasters. The Arabs imagine, as they do with regard to other large piles, that an immense treasure lieth buried beneath it, and have therefore made the like attempts as at the Kubber Romeah to lay it open.’[44]

Bruce dismisses the subject of the Medrassen with very few remarks, although he has left a drawing and a plan of it, the former of which is here given (Plate V.)

The 8th, arrived at _Medaghashem_, or _Mad Cashem_, at two o’clock, 12 miles, and finished the design that night. The entrance is to the east; it is situated in a plain about two miles square, between two mountains, Azim and Boaref, and has to the east a view of an extensive lake, and by the south-east side passes the remains of a public road, which is probably that from Cirta to Lambese, of which we found traces between Constantina and Physgeah.

This remarkable monument, very similar to the Tombeau de la Chrétienne near Algiers, was situated on the high road between Theveste and Diana Veteranorum. The form is that of a truncated cone, placed on a cylindrical base 193 feet in diameter; the total height is 60 feet. The lower portion, which forms a vertical encircling zone or ring, is ornamented by 60 engaged columns, of which not one half are now perfect. The upper part, or roof, gradually diminishes, by a series of steps, each 22 inches in height, and 38 in breadth. The columns are stunted, much broader at the base than at the top, the height being about four times the lower diameter. They rest on three steps, which serve as base both to the monument and to the columns. The capitals are Doric, and above them is an entablature with a large, bold cavetto, as if of Egyptian origin. Commandant Foy,[45] probably following the description of Shaw, calls them of the Tuscan order; Colonel Brunon,[46] criticising the former, remarks that the capitals belong rather to the _genre Egyptien_ than to the Tuscan order, the truth being that they are neither one nor the other, but purely Greek. Greece and Egypt seem to have inspired the ornamentation, while the _tumulus_ suggested the monument itself, as it did the Tombeau de la Chrétienne, Etruscan tombs and the Pyramids of Egypt. The actual conical part has lost its apex, if it ever had one. The exterior masonry is remarkably fine, the stones being of great size, well cut, the joints not more in some places than the thickness of a knife and each stone joined to its neighbour by a massive clamp, probably of iron set in lead, the search for which has greatly contributed to the destruction of the building. Unfortunately the interior masonry was of a much inferior kind, and an extensive subsidence of it has caused a dislocation of the outer coating.

J. LEITCH &. Co. Sc.

THE MEDRASSEN OR TOMB OF THE NUMIDIAN KINGS

FAC-SIMILE OF FINISHED INDIAN INK DRAWING BY BRUCE (AND BALUGANI?)

HENRY S. KING Co. LONDON.]

Various attempts have been made to penetrate it, but till quite recently without success. Salah Bey endeavoured to force an entrance by means of artillery. General Carbuccia commenced to explore it in 1849, and discovered the passage leading to the sepulchral chamber; but, owing to the roof having fallen in, he was unable to penetrate further. Commandant Foy resumed its exploration with no better success; Monsieur le Garde du Génie Bauchetet failed likewise in 1866; but being again sent in 1873, with more ample means, he succeeded in clearing away the _débris_ and penetrating to the central chamber, which he ascertained to be 10 feet 3 inches long by 4 feet 7 inches broad. Nothing of any interest was found inside, but clear evidence was obtained that it had been opened at some former period, and that an attempt had been made to destroy the building by means of fire; great quantities of charcoal and lime (the latter the calcined stone of which it is built) were discovered, and the fire having communicated to the woodwork which supported the roof of the passage, the superincumbent masonry had fallen in and obstructed the entrance. The masonry in the passage and chamber is very inferior to that of the Tombeau de la Chrétienne, and it differs from the latter by the passage going straight to the centre instead of in a spiral direction.

Numerous tumuli, also of a circular form, were discovered around, together with the traces of a bastioned enclosure, proving the place to have been an immense necropolis, subsequently used as a fortress, of which the Medrassen was simply the principal tomb.

There have been many speculations as to the meaning of the word and the destination of the building, which is not mentioned by any classical author. There can, however, be little doubt that the word _Medrassen_, as it is usually written, or _Madghassen_,[47] which is the more correct orthography, is the plural of the Berber word _Madghes_, the patronymic designation of an ancient family from which Masinissa was descended. Ibn Khaldoun says that Madghes was the son of Berr Ibn Kais; he bore the name of El-Abter, and was the father of the Berbers-Botr.[48] The name still exists in that of the tribe inhabiting the vicinity, the Haracta-_Mader_, and in that of a stream, the Oued _Mader_.

It is much more probable that this was the tomb of the Numidian kings—perhaps of Masinissa—than that of Syphax, to whom it has been referred, whose capital was at Siga, near the Tafna, and who only occupied Cirta for a short period. This would lead us to assign the date of B.C. 150 as about that of its construction, a supposition amply supported by the style of the architecture.

Here it may be well, before proceeding with my own route, to continue Bruce’s narrative of his.

Alluding to the Aures, he says:—

This mountain is of a very considerable height but inferior to Atlas, beautifully covered to the top with thick woods of cedar; on the top are fine plains and plentiful pastures; about 14 miles from Meda Cashem we encamped at the Shek of Auress’s dowar. His name is Mahomed, and Beni Momnein[49] are his people on the plain and Lashash[50]; formerly he commanded all Auress till his father was slain by Morad Beni Manesseh,[51] who now has taken the greatest part; Lashash, Welled Abdi, Boozenah and Marfah are dependants of Mahomed, and were at war with the Amamrah, Haract, Welled Sheela and several other clans, so that it was with great danger we passed on towards Tezzoute.

Here I met, to my great astonishment, a tribe, who, if I cannot say they were fair like English, were of a shade lighter than that of the inhabitants of any country to the southward of Britain. Their hair also was red and their eyes blue. They are a strong and independent people, and it required address to approach them with safety.

Each of the tribe, in the middle between the eyes, has a Greek cross marked with antimony. They are Kabyles. Though living in tribes, they have among the mountains huts built with mud and straw, which they call Dashkras, whereas the Arabs live in tents on the plains.

I imagine these to be a remnant of the Vandals. Procopius mentions a defeat of an army of this nation here after a desperate resistance, a remnant of which may be supposed to have maintained themselves in these mountains. They with great pleasure confessed their ancestors had been Christians, and seemed to rejoice much more in that relation than in any connection with the Moors, with whom they live in perpetual war. They pay no taxes to the Bey, but live in constant defiance of him.

It happened that one of these tribes had its dwelling upon a pointed rock (probably the Tamar of Procopius) just over the ruins of Lambessa. As we approached then these ruins, the nine soldiers of the Bey began to murmur for fear of the Neardie[52] (so they call this sturdy tribe, who had often beat the Bey); and matters had come the length of an absolute refusal to follow, when we alighted at an encampment of Arabs three hours’ journey from Lambessa. I was fatigued with hunting and the heat of the day, and having pitched my tent, lay down to sleep, when I heard a dispute between my servants and an Arab who was wanting to come into the tent to speak to me. As everything is of consequence to be attended to in these countries, I got up and brought the Arab into my tent. He was an old man of a mean appearance. He asked me what countryman I was, and if I spoke Italian. I answered that I was an Englishman, had been all over Italy and spoke Italian perfectly; and I was very much surprised to hear him ask me in very good Italian if I had ever been to Nice, or knew General Paterson. Having satisfied him that I knew the General, and what near neighbours and intimate friends our families were, he leaped up and embraced me with great joy and sincerity, calling General Paterson his father. He told me that he had been taken by the Sardinian galleys and at first ill used, but that by the interposition of General Paterson he had been exempted from all hardships and confinement, and treated with great humanity, tenderness and confidence; that he had also assisted him in his redemption. There was no end of his thanks and gratitude. He brought his wives and daughters into my tent, the greatest of all marks of veneration amongst the Arabs. He feasted us magnificently and seemed only at a loss he could do no more. The Arabs, who from the door of the tent had heard their chief speak an unknown language, and show such marks of respect to a stranger and a Christian, the object of their aversion, came all into the tent; and after a very adroit explanation given by the old man, all of them made me the most fervent offers of service as the friend of the deliverer of their chief. It was now time to enter into a discourse about the Neardie, the fears of my companions and my resolution to see Lambessa at all hazards. They laughed heartily at the fears of the Bey’s horsemen, which however they confessed to be well founded, and seemed to think little of the journey itself. ‘You shall do,’ said the old man, ‘in this case, what no wise man will do in general; you shall leave your old friends for your new; you shall leave the Bey’s soldiers to eat and drink here, and I will conduct you to Lambessa. If any harm falls on you in my company, let the soldiers witness against me to their master.’

I made no scruple to follow his directions, and on the next morning we entered the dark, rocky, wooded defiles which lead to Lambessa, full of lions, tigers[53] and men more savage than these animals.

We stayed three days at Lambessa without molestation and returned to the tents of our Arab conductor. To this accident is owing my having made one of the most accurate drawings ever seen on paper[54] as well as the knowledge of many historical circumstances. He attended us two days’ journey on our return, and embracing me at parting, said to me in Arabic, ‘God is a free Agent in judgment. He saves whom He pleases, and condemns whom He pleases; if so we may, though of different religions, meet in Paradise. To me it seems impossible that God the Great and Merciful should make men like General Paterson and you for damnation.’

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 35: Shaw, p. 110.]

[Footnote 36: See Ragot, _Ann. Arch. Const._ xvi. p. 224.]

[Footnote 37: Peyssonnel, ap. D. de la Malle, i. p. 334.]

[Footnote 38: This is Djebel Harkat, the root of which word is identical with that of the _Harackta_ tribe in the neighbourhood.]

[Footnote 39: L. Renier, Inscr. 1,731.]

[Footnote 40: L. Renier, Inscr. 1,744.]

[Footnote 41: Morcelli, _Afr. Chr._ t. i. p. 150.]

[Footnote 42: _Voyage dans le sud de l’Algérie_, trad. Berbrugger, p. 223.]

[Footnote 43: _Description de l’Afrique Septentrionale_, pp. 320-321.]

[Footnote 44: Shaw, p. 110.]

[Footnote 45: _Ann. Arch. Const._ iii. p. 58.]

[Footnote 46: Ibid. xvi. p. 303.]

[Footnote 47: The letter غ in Arabic is frequently rendered by _r_ instead of _gh_.]

[Footnote 48: Ibn Khaldoun, trad. de Slane, i. p. 181.]

[Footnote 49: The section of Beni _Moumen_ or _Moumeneen_ still exists in the Aures.]

[Footnote 50: The tribe of _El-Ashash_ still exists, its chief is the well-known Bou-Dhiaf.]

[Footnote 51: The family of _Beni Merad_ long governed in the Aures; they were subsequently expelled and now inhabit Guerfa between Ain Beida and Guelma.]

[Footnote 52: I cannot at all identify this tribe; the name is unknown in the country at the present day, and I should be inclined to think that Bruce meant the Oulad _Abdi_, who occupy the principal part of the Aures, but for the fact that he subsequently mentions them as the _Welled Abdi_.]

[Footnote 53: Perhaps panthers are here meant, there being no _tigers_ in Africa.]

[Footnote 54: This is not extant in the Kinnaird collection.]