Chapter II: Part 2

The celebration of the Return Katcina, which occurs in the winter Pa moon, is accompanied by elaborate rites performed by either the Snake-Antelope or the Flute fraternity, the society observing it being that which will give its celebration in the summer Pa moon of the same year. A description of these rites naturally falls in an account of the group of unmasked dances. They extend over several days and appear to be wholly distinct from the celebration of the Return Katcina. While these are being performed in the “upper world,” the complemental Flute or Snake observances are supposed to be taking place in the “under world,” where the summer Pa moon then reigns. Precisely the same relationship is thought to exist between the two as that between the seasons of the north and south temperate zones.

POWÁMÛ

This ceremony is one of the most elaborate in which the Katcinas appear, and for want of a better name may be designated a renovation[52] or purification observance. In the year 1893 it took place near the close of January and continued for nine days, and in a previous[53] article I have mentioned and figured the most striking personages, the monsters or Natáckas, who appear in its presentation (plates CV, CVI, CXI). There are, however, certain other personages new to students of Tusayan ceremonials who are introduced, and I have therefore thought it well to describe the presentation in extenso.

The details of this ceremony in 1893 were as follows:[54]

_January 20_—Early this morning Hoñyi went to all the kivas and formally announced that the ceremony was soon to begin. There was no public announcement, as no Katcina celebration is made known in this way, and the Katcinas must not be spoken of in public. Íntiwa and Pauwatíwa began making páhos in the Móñkiva without preliminary ceremony at about 9 a. m., and fifteen other priests removed the masks and redecorated them, after having scraped off the old paint remaining from other ceremonials.

All the masks were finished about 7 p. m., after which Suñoitiwa and the other elders brought fox-skins and other paraphernalia into the kiva, where Kwátcakwa, Kópeli, Tcábi, Kákapti, and four or five other men began to decorate their bodies with pigment, using a pale-red iron oxide (cúta) on their legs, knees, and waists. They daubed the whole upper leg above the knee with a white pigment, and drew two lines across the shins, the fore and upper arms, and on each side of the chest and abdomen. The entrance into the katcínaki, or paraphernalia closet, was open while this took place.

The masks were all ornamented with large clusters of feathers. They were tied to the head with a loose loop across the top which slipped over the crown where the plumage rested, and there were strings at the sides of the mask by which they were attached. The body was ornamented with ribbons, red flannel, and other articles of white man’s make, which are innovations.

Kwátcakwa, who later personated a Tcukúwympkiya, drew a broad band of white clay across his shins, thighs, arms, and body. A great wisp of cornhusks was tied in his hair, which was all brought forward and coiled over the forehead. The others donned their kilts, necklaces, turquoise eardrops, and moccasins. Each one wore a fox-skin hanging tail downward at the loins, and on the left leg below the knee a string of bells, while the majority had garters of blue yarn. Their hair, which was first bound in long cues, wrapped high with strings, was later loosened, hanging in a fine fluffy mass.

Sakwístiwa, who was the púcücütoi or drummer, wore pantaloons held up by a belt of silver disks, and a grotesque mask. All left the kiva immediately after their disguises were completed and assembled in the Móñkiva court.

Íntiwa hurriedly but thoroughly swept the floor of the chamber, during which time a number of women and children came down the ladder, filling the spectators’ part of the room. The assembled group of Katcinas prayed and then went out, but about fifteen minutes later returned to the kiva entrance and shook their rattles at the hatchway. “Yuñya ai,” “come, assemble,” said the old men, and the women invited them to come down, which they did. Kwátcakwa, who personated the Nüvákkatcina, entered, followed by ten others. They assembled in a semicircle, each with a rattle in the right hand and a spruce bough in the left, Íntiwa sprinkled with meal all who came, after which they performed a dance, in which, however, their leader did not join.

Before they finished a band of ten men, disguised as Paiutes, carrying bows and arrows, rabbits, and small game which they wished to trade, came to the hatchway. They had a drummer with a Paiute drum, made of a bundle of skins wrapped in an oblong package, on which he beat with a stick held in both hands. The persons performed a dance, which they accompanied with a song. They likewise talked, cracked jokes, and presented the rabbits to the assembled women.

After them there came others from the Nacabkiva, each with a crook in the left hand and a rattle in the right. These wore grotesque masks, one representing an old woman with a long crooked staff in her hand. Their bodies were whitened and they wore saddle-mat kilts around their loins and tortoise rattles on the right leg. They sang a very spirited song, shaking their rattles as they advanced. These were six in number and were called the Powámûkatcinas. Directly after them there came a band of Tatcü′kti, who sang and danced on the roof of the kiva. The old men within repeatedly invited them to enter the room, and a dialogue of some length ensued. Their leader carried a large basket tray in which were four cones made of wood and each mud-head had in his hand a wooden rod and an eagle leather. The leader placed the cones in the middle of the floor in a pile, one above the other, near the fireplace. The others danced around the pile, roaring a song with much dramatic action, and heaped up ears of corn in the tray.

They then brought a young married woman from those assembled to the middle of the floor, where she knelt and tried without success to lift the cones as high as the staff which the leader held beside them. Four or five other women tried in turn, and all failed. The mud-heads then divided the cones into two piles and one of the women lifted them the required height. All the Tatcü′kti[55] then fell down on the floor and kicked their heels in the air, while certain of them stood on their heads for a minute or two. The woman who was successful in lifting the cones received the contents of the tray. The Tatcü′kti then left the room and the Katcinas returned and unmasked, indicating that this part of the ceremony was over.

_January 21_—During last night there were ceremonials which were not seen in the Móñkiva, in which it was said the Ahü′lkatcina made parallel marks in meal on the four sides of the kiva and upon the ceiling and floor as in the Mamzraúti and other ceremonials. A basin with sprouting beans, which had been planted at the full of the Pamüiya or Pa moon (January 2) and which were about a foot high, was brought from one of the houses opposite the Tcívatokiva. The beans, which were growing in a basin, were plucked from the sand, tied into a separate bundle, and given to Ahü′lkatcina. A large squirrel-skin was filled with meal and given to him, and he was handed also a wooden staff (móñkohu). The large discoidal mask characteristic of this personage had a pouch-like attachment of buckskin which was pulled over the head, upon which was a large cluster of feathers. A white kilt was worn as a cape and the skin of a gray fox hung from the girdle at his loins.

At daylight Ahü′lktacina and Íntiwa returned, passing the gap (Wala) and halting at the pahóki (shrine[56]) to deposit certain nakwákwocis and páhos. Just as the sun rose the two visited a kiva in Hano. Stooping down in front of it, Ahü′l drew a vertical mark with meal on the inside of the front of the hatchway, on the side of the entrance opposite the ladder. He turned to the sun and made six silent inclinations, after which, standing erect, he bent his head backward and began a low rumbling growl, and as he bent, his head forward, raised his voice to a high falsetto. The sound he emitted was one long expiration, and continued as long as he had breath. This act he repeated four times and, turning toward the hatchway, made four silent inclinations, emitting the same four characteristic expiratory calls. The first two of these calls began with a low growl, the other two were in the same high falsetto from beginning to end.

The kiva chief and two or three other principal members, each carrying a handful of meal, then advanced, bearing short nakwákwoci hotomni, which they placed in his left hand while they muttered low, reverent prayers. They received in return a few stems of the corn and bean plants which Ahü′l carried.

Ahü′l and Íntiwa next proceeded to the house of Tetapobi,[57] who is the only representative of the Bear clan in Hano. Here at the right-hand side of the door Ahü′l pressed his hand full of meal against the wall at about the height of his chest and moved his hand upward.[58] He then, as at the kiva, turned around and faced the sun, holding his staff vertically at arm’s length with one end on the ground, and made six silent inclinations and four calls. Turning then to the doorway he made four inclinations and four calls. He then went to the house of Nampíyo’s mother, where the same ceremony was performed, and so on to the houses of each man or woman of the pueblo who owns a típoni or other principal wími (fetich).

He repeated the same ceremony in houses in Sitcomovi and in Walpi, where Íntiwa left him. Ahü′l entered this pueblo by the north street and passed through the passageway to the Móñkiva. He proceeded to the houses of Kwumawumsi, Nasyúñwewe, Samiwiki, and to all the kivas and the houses of all the leading chiefs.

After visiting all the kivas and appropriate houses mentioned above, Ahü′l went to Kowawainovi (the ledge under Talatryuku) and deposited in the pahóki all the offerings that he had received, after which he returned to the Móñkiva, divested himself of his ceremonial disguises, and went home.

At 2 p. m. the Nüvák (snow) Katcinas came from the Nacabki, led by Soyóko. They were nine in number and were accompanied by a drummer. All wore bright plumage on their heads and their masks were painted green and white, but that of the drummer was pink. They were adorned with many necklaces, and wore white kilts and gray fox-skins. Yellow stripes were painted on the shoulders, the forearm, on each breast and the abdomen, and the bodies of all were stained red.

After singing and dancing for about five minutes, nine clowns (Tatcü′kti) came from the Álkiva and danced madly around the court, at first independently, but finally keeping step with the Katcinas. They joined in line one behind the other, each grasping the uplifted leg of the man in front of him, and then tumbled pell-mell over one another, shouting and laughing as they did so.[59]

At 2.20 a personification of Tcavaíyo, arrayed in a conical black mask with globular eyes and great teeth, entered the kiva. He carried a bow and arrows in his left hand and a saw in his right. His forearms and legs were painted black with white spots. This monster dispersed the clowns, during which many Zuñi words were uttered.

At 2.50 the Katcinas again returned and repeated their former dance in the same way as described. The antics of the Tatcü′kti continued, and the Katcinas appeared again at 4.20 p. m.; then later at 5, when they all departed, not to return. When the Katcinas retired to Wikyátiwa’s house at 4 oclock the clowns went down into the Álkiva and returned in their characteristic procession, the drummer in front, the other eight in two lines of four persons. Each carried on his back a large bundle composed of a fine blanket, cotton cloth, yarn, and all kinds of textile articles of value. One also had the four cones which they had used the night before and a tray of shelled corn of all colors, mixed with various kinds of seeds. They laid the tray in the center of the court and spread a blanket beside it, on which they placed all their bundles. One of their number then piled the cones, one on top of another, and while he was doing this the drummer rapidly beat his drum, while the others shook their rattles and sung vigorously. When the cones had been set up one of the men sought out a girl and brought her to them and told her if she would take hold of the lowest cone with both hands, raise the pile, and set it back in place without letting any of the cones fall she should have all the wealth piled on the blanket. But the least jar tumbled the cones down, and each one of the half dozen or more girls to whom they made the same offer failed in turn. Then they invited the youths to try, and several essayed, but none were able to perform the feat. So the prize, doubtless designedly, was left in the original owner’s hands. They then brought a blanket full of hoyiani and placed the cones in two piles, but even then none of the girls succeeded in carrying it. No one was allowed a second trial. Finally one youth, Macakwáptiwa, carried them around safely and won the prize. He was closely followed around the pillar by the Tatcü′kti shaking their rattles, singing and crying, “Don’t fall, don’t fall,” and when he laid them safely down in their original place all the Tatcü′kti fell down as if dead. Íntiwa then ran and obtained ashes from a cooking pit and placed them on a private part of their bodies. Then all the clowns got up and danced around with their usual pranks.

A. HOEN & CO. LITH.

DOLL OF CÁLAKO MANA.]

A tray full of corn and other seeds which was set beside the cones was obtained by the Tatcü′kti from Nakwaíyumsi, the chief priestess of the Katcina clan. At the close of the ceremony Íntiwa distributed these seeds in small handfuls to all the women spectators, to be planted the coming season. It was not learned that these seeds were consecrated by the priestess, but they were part of those planted in the kivas on the night of the 21st.

_January 22_—The younger men brought sand from a mound[60] and threw it down in a pile at the east of the kiva, and each man, as he came into the room with his basin, box, or other receptacle, filled it with this sand. He then thickly sprinkled the surface of the sand with seeds of every kind. Some had several vessels which they thus planted, and the old wife of Soyóko gave her grandson a bag of large white beans to plant for her.[61] The basins were well watered, a hot fire was kept in the kiva, and the hatch or entrance was entirely covered with a straw mat to retain the heat in the chamber, making it a veritable hothouse.

_January 24_—No ceremonies occurred today, but constant fires were maintained in the kivas, from the heat of which the beans soon sprouted. It was understood that children must not be told that beans were growing in the kivas nor be allowed to look into the room.

_January 25_—The Tatcü′kti went out from the Álkiva this morning for wood, making their way northward, past Wala and along the mesa to the cedar grove. They returned at evening, but left the wood they had gathered at the gap.[62] There was no singing nor dancing in the kivas during the night.

_January 26_—During the morning the Tatcü′kti went to Wala to bring in the wood they had collected yesterday. Before their departure they covered their bodies with pinkish clay, put on an old kilt (kwáca),[63] blue leggings, and masks with knobs. Each carried an eagle-tail feather in the left and a small gourd in the right hand. They returned along the trail, marching in single file, with the loads of wood on their backs, stamping their feet as they came. They likewise shook their rattles and occasionally turned and walked backward.

They first assembled around each of the kiva hatchways in Hano, singing and chaffing one another, and were sprinkled with meal by the kiva chiefs. Proceeding onward to Sitcomovi, they went to the entrances of the kivas of this pueblo and were there sprinkled with meal by the chiefs as they sang their curious songs, accompanying them with a stamping of the feet and a rotating movement of the body. It was after 1 oclock when they arrived at Walpi, for they halted a short time at the neck of the mesa to arrange their loads. As they entered the pueblo they advanced along the south street singing as they went.

At the entrance to Tcívatokiva they stopped and told Pauwatíwa a facetious story of their wood-gathering. He sprinkled them with meal, and they then went on to the dance court and set down their bundles, all the time making a droll byplay. They then separated into parties of two or three members and visited the houses of several women, with whom they left one or more bundles of wood. These women had previously prepared nakwákwocis, which they gave to the clowns with a handful of meal.

After all the wood had been distributed, with much rollicking fun, several women gave them food, and the small parties of Tatcü′kti resumed their songs and marched through the dance court, where they all assembled. One of them was a drummer, who sat in the middle of the court, and the others danced about him in a circle, singing a Zuñi song. Pauwatíwa, Íntiwa, Tcósra, and Soyóko sprinkled them with meal, and the first-mentioned invited the women who had been given wood to approach, which they did, sprinkling the individual Tatcü′ktis with meal. Their masks were then harshly removed and thrust into a bag, tied up in a bundle, and carried to the house of Wikyátiwa. Most of the food which they had received was carried down into the Álkiva, which was the assemblage place of the Tatcü′kti in this ceremony.

In all the kivas the beans had sprouted and were now called házrü (angular), possibly so named from the angle formed by the cotyledons with the stem. When they had grown somewhat higher they were called wupáhazrü (great or long, angular).

_January 28_—No ceremonials were observed on this day.

_January 29_—This was called the first ceremonial day of the Powámuh. About 11 oclock last night the Natácka donned their masks in the Álkiva, and the man who took the part of Hahaíwüqti, the mother of the Natáckas, put on her disguise and took her long juniper bough. Háhawe went up the ladder, standing on it with his shoulders just above the hatchway, while the mother of the monsters stood at the foot of the same in the room. Assuming a hollow falsetto voice, in which the mother of the Natáckas always speaks, she announced that she was ready to visit the children. Háhawe shouted his replies to her in a voice audible through the pueblo that the children were all asleep and that she had better put off her visit to them until the morning. A dialogue, the real object of which was to announce to the children that the Natáckas had arrived, was maintained for five minutes, and Háhawe then went down the ladder; the Natáckas and Hahaíwüqti took off their masks and all laid down to sleep.

About 4.20 p. m. the Tewa personification of Hahaíwüqti, accompanied by one Natácka, came to Walpi and went to Kókyanwü′qti’s and Kele’s houses, giving to the little girls a few seeds and a snare of yucca shred. They dressed the Walpi Hahaíwüqti, Natáckas, and Soyókmana in the Álkiva at 4.25 p. m. Hahaíwüqti carried, besides a whitened gourd ladle, a basket (póota) containing two ears of corn, and two boiled hoyíani, some squash seeds, and a small bundle of sticks, of which she gave one to each little girl, who will later redeem it by presenting Hahaíwüqti with some hótomni. She gave each little boy, who will also redeem it with some kinds of game, a shred of yucca looped to a stick at the butt end (a rude snare). Natácka and Náamû wore cloth shirts, trousers and buckskin leggings, and two buckskins hung as loose mantles over their shoulders. The former carried a tortoise-shell rattle on his right leg, and had a bow and arrows in his left hand and an arrow in the right. Soyókmana had the hair smeared with white clay. She wore a loose mantle and whistled as Natácka hooted. Hahaíwüqti wore a fox-skin around the neck. The hands of all were whitened. Soyókmana wore a hideous black mask and was dressed in dilapidated clothing. She had a large knife in her left hand and a crook in her right (plates CV and CVI).

The Natácka helmets had turkey-tail feathers[64] closely radiating vertically at the crown, and they wore a cloth shirt and trousers, with belt with silver disks. Each had buckskin leggings and wore a fox-skin around the base of the mask; two large buckskins hung as mantles over the right shoulder. He carried a bow and arrows[65] in the left hand and with his right hand he received the food and placed it in the tozrúki[66] slung over his right shoulder. Soyókmana was personified by a lad of 12 years, wearing a woman’s blanket (kwáca) and a buckskin mantle. He had a nakwákwoci, stained red, tied to the scalp lock.

A similar group, all costumed identically, was prepared in each of the three villages. The group of Tewa personifications went to every house in that pueblo and then to the houses in other villages where men from Hano have married. The groups of the other towns go first to the houses of their own pueblo and then to the houses in the other villages where men have transferred themselves by marriage.

When the Walpi group had finished their exercises at Hano and Sitcomovi they went back to Walpi and proceeded along the front side of their pueblo to their own kiva, where they disrobed about dark. The object of the exhibition was to frighten children who exhibited fear of them, but children 6 years of age or thereabouts were somewhat familiar with them, and while it was evident they held the monsters in considerable awe they tried to assume a bold front when receiving the seeds and snares.[67]

At 8.30 a man personifying Tümáckatcina ran through Walpi from the Móñkiva toward Wala, emitting hoots as he went. A full half hour after, about 9 oclock, a group of masked but uncostumed men wrapped in blankets went to the kiva hatches and uttered most ferocious groans for four or five minutes. This was done in an informal manner, but was said to be prescribed ceremonially.

_January 30_—Between 7 and 8 oclock Wikokuitkatcina emerged from the Álkiva, passed around Walpi to the east end of the pueblo, and then down through the north lane, past Íntiwa’s house, under the passageways back to the Álkiva. His body was painted white and he wore a blanket tied with a girdle (wukokwena), a fox-skin dangling at his loins. Nothing was elicited in relation to this event.

Between 8 and 9 oclock uncostumed groups of Tatcü′kti went to the entrances of the kivas and laid themselves prone upon the hatch, their heads projecting over its edges. Several of them uttered their characteristic growls and pretended to snarl at and worry one another, possibly imitating ferocious animals or monsters. One of them carried on a dialogue with some one in the kiva.

At 9 oclock Tümac and two Tuñwúpkatcina (masked but uncostumed) made the tour of the pueblos, emitting peculiar hoots. Between 9 and 10 oclock Owana zrozrokatcina and Wupámokatcina appeared separately, each making a solitary tour of the village. They were not masked, but so wrapped in blankets that their masks were not visible.

At 10 oclock the Hano clowns and Natácka group came to Walpi and performed the same ceremony as the Walpi group, which has been described. There was informal singing in all the kivas.

_January 31_—During this day the masks of Hililikatcina and Soyókmana were painted. After dark a masked man (Katcina not known) rushed through the pueblo, and shortly after Tümac and her two sons (Tuñwúpkatcina), unmasked, ran through the pueblo hooting. About 9 oclock delegates from Sitcomovi, with a drum and rattles, made the rounds of Walpi and carried on a dialogue with the kiva chief.

At 10 oclock 18 Tcakwaínakatcinas came to the Móñkiva from Hano. They were naked, save a breechcloth, but their bodies and limbs were ornamented with white zigzag markings. They wore fillets of a dozen or more yucca bands around the head, and necklaces in profusion on their necks. They passed in succession into the kivas, dancing a few minutes in each, and returned home shortly before midnight.

_February 1_—Several tíhus (dolls) were carved in the kivas, to be distributed to the children as in the Nimánkatcina. Tumac and her sons went around the pueblo about half past 7 oclock, as on former evenings.

In the Tcivatokiva 14 men and a boy about 10 years of age, with Pauwatíwa as chief, whitened their faces, bound a fillet around their foreheads, and made curious crescentic marks on their cheeks. They afterward danced and sang. Sitcomovi priests, beginning at the Móñkiva, made formal visits to each kiva in Walpi. There were 12 of these men and they were decorated like those of the Tcivatokiva. They sang Síohúmiskatcina songs, but wore no masks. They later visited the Sitcomovi kivas. The Tcivatokiva people then put on their kilts, tied on their turtle-shell rattles, took their juniper staffs and gourd rattles, and, led by Pauwatíwa, went to the Álkiva, and later to all the other kivas, where they danced and sang Pawik (duck) Katcina songs. Pauwatíwa sprinkled meal on the Katcinas from Sitcomovi before they began, and the chiefs of the other kivas did the same to those who visited them before they opened their dance.

_February 2_—This afternoon 8 girls, assisted by the men, washed the walls of the Móñkiva with a thin mud made of valley sand. The following girls took part in this work: Kaiyónsi, Humisi, Humíta, Lénho (a woman), Leúnaisi, Tuvéwaisi, Hokwáti, and Hónka. The girls also made mud designs, lightning symbols, and hand-prints on the rafters of the room.

Tuñwúpkatcina[68] (personified by Takála) arrayed himself as follows: He donned trousers made of cotton cloth and wrapped himself in a blanket, under which he concealed all his paraphernalia. He received two bunches of yucca with about twelve or fifteen leaves in each bunch, and concealing them under his blanket hastened off to the northeastern end of the village. There he arrayed himself, and at 5 p. m. he returned, running back and hooting as he came, until he halted at the court, where he kept trotting up and down, marking time. He wore a mud-head helmet with a black band across the eyes, and parrakeet feathers on the top of the head. Turkey-tail feathers were arranged radiating horizontally from the crown to the back of the head. He wore also a cotton shirt and a kilt girded with a white belt (wukókwena). He had yellow clay on his legs and a tortoise-shell rattle below each knee. His moccasins were painted black. A whip or bunch of yucca with the butts in front was held in each hand.

The children who were flogged were brought to Tuñwup in the following way: The mother, sometimes accompanied by the father, led the child to the court, and if it were a boy the godfather took him in charge. He gave the lad an ear of corn, his tcótcnunwa, and a handful of prayer meal, and led the frightened child close up to Tuñwup. The godfather prompted the boy, who cast his handful of meal on or toward Tuñwup. The godfather also cast meal on the same personage and then divested the boy of all his clothing and presented the lad with his back toward Tuñwup, who all this time had maintained his trotting motion but without advancing. Tuñwup then plied one of his yucca wands vigorously, giving the boy five or six forcible lashes on the back. After this was over the godfather withdrew the screaming boy and tied a nakwákwoci to his scalplock. The mother was standing by and hurriedly covered her son, frightened with his punishment, and led him home, but the mother was careful to see that he carried his tcótcnunwa in his hand.

If the child were a girl, her godmother led her up to Tuñwup, but her little gown was not taken off; only the mantle was removed for the flogging. Notwithstanding this, however, the blows were delivered with enough force to cause considerable pain, but her crying probably resulted as much from fright as from physical suffering. The godmother led the little girl back to her home, after having cast meal on Tuñwup, and was very careful that the child carried her tcótcnunwa.

There were five children of age varying from about eight to ten years who were thus flagellated. After each boy was flogged the godfather cast meal toward Tuñwup and then held out his own bared arms and legs successively, which Tuñwup lashed four or five times with all his might; but no women were submitted to this flagellation. Several men who had some ailment also went up to Tuñwup, and casting meal upon him received lashes on their bare arms and legs.

The man who personified Tuñwup exercised considerable discretion in performing his duty. In the case of a little girl who showed more than ordinary fear, he simply whirled his yucca whip over her head without touching her, and then motioned her away; but on the arms and legs of the adults he laid his whip without restraint. When all had been flagellated, Pauwatíwa came up from his kiva and gave Tuñwup a handful of meal and a nakwákwoci, who then trotted off, going outside the pueblo, possibly to preserve the illusion among the children that he was a real Katcina who had visited the pueblo from afar.

For four successive mornings the flagellated child was taken to a point on the mesa called Talatiyuka and there deposited a nakwákwoci in a shrine and cast meal toward the sun. During this time the child was not permitted to eat salt nor flesh, but on the fourth day a little before sunset this abstinence ceased, and the child might henceforth look upon Katcinas and sacred objects in the kivas without harm.

The primary significance of the flogging seems to be that until children have acquired sufficient intelligence or are eight or ten years of age, they are made to believe that the Katcinas, appearing at each dance, are superhuman visitors, and they are never permitted to see an unmasked Katcina. When they have matured enough or have sufficient understanding, they are instructed that the real[69] Katcinas have long since ceased their visits to mankind and are merely impersonated by men; but they acquire that knowledge at the expense of a sound flogging, such as I have just described.

At 10 oclock six Tcü′tckütü (clowns), accompanied by Píptuku, who was dressed as an old woman and wore an old mask, passed about the pueblo from one kiva to another. These six persons entered the Móñkiva, and Píptuku, after some urging, followed them. One of the Tcü′tckütü was sent out, and the other five in succession took a pinch of ashes in the left hand from the fireplace, and poising it as if taking aim at something through the hatch struck off the ashes with the right hand.

A few minutes later four Wuwíyomokatcinas wearing characteristic masks appeared at the kiva hatch with turkey feathers radiating vertically around the upper part. They carried móñkohus[70] and an undressed skin pouch. Their leader, Silánktiwa, was without costume, and Cálako, Kwátcakwa, and seven other unmasked persons followed. Their faces and bodies were whitened, the hair hanging loose, and limbs bare. They wore plumes of gaudy feathers on their heads, were arrayed in white kilts, and held crooks in their hands. A personage called Eótoto[71] preceded them, and Hahaíwüqti, continually talking, followed. The procession was closed by a warrior (Kaléktaka),[72] who carried a bundle of arrows in one hand and a bow and arrows in the other, and frequently hooted. The uncostumed chorus, composed of about twelve persons, accompanied by a drummer, followed in a cluster.

When the leading Wuwíyomo came to the Móñkiva he threw down the hatchway a ball of moist meal, which struck the middle of the floor. After this announcement he was clamorously invited by those within the chamber to enter, which he did, followed by the others. Each Wuwíyomo bore a bundle of deer scapulæ, which he clanked as a rattle, and all were sprinkled with meal by Íntiwa as they entered the kiva. They afterward filed to the western side of the room where the plants were growing; they sang for about five minutes, all standing.

When Eótoto entered the chamber he made on the floor with meal four symbols of the rain cloud, one in advance of the other, and each of the Cálakos squatted on one of these symbols. The chorus, remaining outside, continued their song for a few minutes, while the Wuwíyomos were singing. Those who had last entered the kiva then passed out in the same order, and as they did so were sprinkled with meal, and each of the four Wuwíyomos was handed a nakwákwoci. They then visited the other Walpi kivas, where no observations were made, but the same ceremonials were probably repeated. After this they went off to perform the same ceremonies in the kivas of other villages on the mesa.

At 11 oclock a group of 12 men and a boy from Hano, costumed but accompanied by an uncostumed fiddler,[73] visited all the kivas in succession. Their bodies were painted white and they had plumes in their hair, but were unmasked. Each wore a fox skin depending from the loins, was barefoot, and carried a gourd rattle in the right hand and a sprig of spruce in the left hand. Their visits were expected, but they personated no especial Katcina and after their departure, the men in the Móñkiva rehearsed a song.

_February 3_—No ceremonial took place throughout the day. The walls of the kivas were renovated by the girls with a wash of mud, and every kiva on the mesa was replastered in this way during the festival.

_February 4_—This day the manufacture of tíhus (dolls) went on in all the kivas, and there was a continuation of the replastering and decoration of the walls of these chambers.

At 9 oclock a dialogue similar to that above recorded on the 29th of January took place between Hahaíwüqti and the kiva chief. The former wished to go among the children, but was told that it was very dark and the children were asleep. She was finally prevailed on to wait until the morrow.

At 10 p. m. 20 unmasked persons,[74] men and women with flowing hair, from Sitcomovi visited all the Walpi kivas. Each of the male personators carried a narrow green tablet (pavaíyikaci),[75] fringed with long red hair and decorated with a symbol of the sun painted in colors. Each had a gourd rattle, and a stick about 2 feet long, to the end of which was attached half a gourd painted to represent a squash blossom, was held in the right hand. The 10 men personating women were not costumed. The leader carried a large Oraibi basket tray with a broad, brightly colored handle. In this was an effigy of a bird.

He set this tray on the floor near the fireplace, and after the chief of the kiva had sprinkled the visitors with meal a male and a female personator advanced from the western end of the kiva to the fireplace. The man picked up the basket on the butt end of his stick and presented it to the woman, who held it in both hands and danced a few moments, while all the others sang. She then laid the tray down and passed to the northern side of the chamber, the man retiring to the southern side. After the other couples had performed the same ceremony they left the kivas.

Immediately after their departure 28 personators from Hano entered. These consisted of male and female deities, the latter personated by men. The former passed to the southern, the latter to the northern side of the kiva. Each of the male personages wore a yucca fillet on his head and his legs were decorated with clay streaks; he wore white kilts and girdles, with dependent fox-skins. They also had tortoise rattles on the legs and carried a gourd rattle in the right hand. Their costume was as follows: They were without masks; the hair was loose and an imitation of a squash blossom was tied therein. The face was not colored, but on the right shoulder curving to the breast was daubed a mass of blue and green pigment. On the left shoulder and over the breast they were painted with yellow, and bright red streaks were drawn from the neck down the center of the breast and middle of the back. The upper part of the right arm was colored yellow, the left forearm green, the upper part of the left arm green. These colors were reversed on the right arm. The right leg also was yellow and the left leg was green with two contrasting bands below the knee. The hands, waist, and upper portion of the thighs were whitened. They likewise wore white kilts tied with girdles (wukokwéna and nanelkwéna). A gray fox-skin depended from the loins. Each had a tortoise shell rattle on the right leg and on the left leg generally a garter to which small sleigh-bells were attached. Their moccasins were blue or green. In his right hand each carried a blue or green painted rattle, and in the left a sprig or small branch of spruce. Those personating females neither wore fox-skins nor held anything in the left hand. The female personators carried in the left hand a bundle of straw held well up before the face. After they had been sprinkled with meal they began to sing, and the couple in the center on the west side joined hands, holding them above the head—the female with the palm turned up, the male with the palm down and fingers imbricated. They advanced close to the fireplace and then returned to their respective places. The personators executed this figure four times in sequence and then went out.

A. HOEN & CO. LITH.

KATCINA MASK WITH SQUASH BLOSSOM APPENDAGE AND RAIN CLOUD SYMBOLISM.]

Immediately after this presentation the delegation from the Móñkiva, led by a masked person, entered. The bodily decorations of these were not uniform; one had a figure of a gourd drawn on his breast, another zigzag lines, and still another parallel bars. The males carried a gourd rattle in the right hand; they wore no fillets on the head but allowed the hair to hang loosely. The female personators held a bunch of straw[76] and a sprig of spruce in the left hand, carrying it high up before the face. They sang the same song and executed the same figure as that already mentioned in the account of the presentation by the men from the village of Hano. The groups finished their visits at about midday.

_February 5_—At earliest dawn (5 a. m.) either the chief or one of his elders roused all the sleepers in the kiva, and each spread his blanket beside his basin of growing plants. He then carefully plucked the plants, one by one, so as not to bruise either stalk or roots. He laid them on the blanket in an orderly pile, the leaves together. The sand which remained in the basin was carried to some place where children would not see it, and the vessels were dried before the kiva fire and hidden away in the houses out of sight of the prying eyes of the young ones.

Nearly all the plants were tied with a yucca shred and a sprig of spruce (symbol of a Katcina), in neat bundles, leaving loose bights of the yucca by which to hold them. Each priest also tied up the dolls which he had made. All traces of the soil in which the corn had been forced to sprout had disappeared long before dawn.

The presents (dolls) which were made in the Tcivatoki were then distributed by a man personifying Pawíkkatcina, under the instruction of those who had fashioned them. The distributing Katcinas of the Nacabki were two Nüváktcinas,[77] and the same did this duty with the dolls in the Móñkiva. For the Álkiva two Tcoshühüwûh performed this duty. These Katcinas and two persons called Kawaíka (Keres) from Sitcomovi bustled about the pueblo on their errands and the distribution was finished about sunrise. The men did not speak when they approached a house with their gifts, but hooted after the customary manner of Katcinas.

Almost half an hour before sunrise the Soyókmana passed around the kivas, holding a dialogue at the hatchways with the chiefs inside. She wore a black conical mask with red mouth and white teeth, and was costumed as an old woman. In the right hand she bore a crook 7 feet long, at the end of which were tied many shells. In the left hand she carried a knife smeared with rabbit blood. Hü′hüwûh also held a dialogue with the kiva chiefs and made gifts of watermelons and squashes to various persons.

At 11.30 a. m. Soyókmana, Hahaíwüqti, and the Natáckas (plate CVI) made a visit to all the houses. They were followed by two Hehéakatcinas[78] with bags and pouches of food recently received, and after them followed three black and two white Natáckas. These five went together and were constantly in motion, moving or beating time with their feet.

The strange company went to each house demanding food, and when it was refused or poor quality offered the Natáckas uttered a hoot like an owl, and at the same time Soyókmana whistled. They refused to leave a house until proper food had been given them, and if a child who had not been ceremonially flogged appeared with the mother its eyes were shaded by the mother’s hand while she presented food to the Natáckas.

Between 12 and 1 oclock Íntiwa, assisted by Hoñyi and Letaiyo, finished making twelve sets of cákwa (blue) páhos, most of which were composed of two sticks of uniform diameter, and only one set showed the flat face characteristic of the female. They likewise made twelve nakwákwoci hotomni, consisting of a twig about 2 feet long from which four nakwákwocis depended at intervals, and twelve simple feathered strings. When these were finished Íntiwa placed them in a tray of meal beside the sípapû and brought from the paraphernalia closet of the kiva six ears of corn of different colors, his típoni, two nákwipis and as many aspergills, two or more rattles, and other bundles containing the remaining paraphernalia of the cloud-charm altar.

At 1.30 p. m. he placed a small hillock of sand back of the sípapû and deposited his típoni upright upon it; he then made the cloud-charm altar,[79] arranging the corn at the ends of six radial lines of meal in a sinistral circuit, placing two crystals upon each ear of corn except that corresponding to the nadir. The aspergills (makwámpis) also were laid down beside each ear of corn except that which was symbolic of the nadir. The sequence of ceremonials which then took place about this altar was as follows:

1. Ceremonial smoke.

2. Prayers.

3. Liquid poured into the crenelated vessel or nákwipi.

4. Songs.

Synopsis of ceremonial events during the songs:

(_a_) Meal shaken from the six aspergills into the liquid.

(_b_) Whistling into the liquid through a turkey bone, and asperging
to the cardinal points with the same, six times in all.

(_c_) Meal cast into liquid, on tray of páhos and over the típoni
in ceremonial circuit.

(_d_) Pollen cast on the same objects in sequence.

5. Prayers.

6. Ceremonial smoke into the liquid with two pipes.

At the close of this observance Hahaíwüqti and the Natáckas came to the kiva hatch and a comic dialogue ensued. She demanded meat and other food, and the elders went up the ladder and refused to grant her wishes. Natácka hooted and Soyókmana whistled back, and then the Hehéakatcinas threw down the end of their lariat, and those in the kiva below hung a piece of sheepskin and horns of goats to it.

Íntiwa then called two youths, and without anointing them[80] gave them instructions where to deposit the offerings which had been consecrated on the cloud-charm altar.[81] One youth was told to deposit his at shrines in a circuit, beginning with Tawapa (Sun spring), and the other at Kokyanba (Spider spring) and Tuveskyabi. Two sets of offerings were left, and these with Katcinas were placed on the southwest point of the mesa. This closed the ceremony, for Íntiwa then replaced the plug of the sípapû and tied up his típoni and other paraphernalia.

The Natácka group went to the Wikwaliobikiva, and there Sóyoko gave each of them and the Hehéakatcina a handful of meal and a nakwákwoci. Taláhoya blew puffs of smoke over them. They then marched around the houses to the Nacabki, along the plaza to Tcivatoki, and then to Álkiva, where they begged for meat and held comic dialogues with different chiefs. At the last-mentioned place there came from the kiva six men arrayed and costumed as the Mamzraúti tcatumakaa, who, singing as they went, marched to the dance court and halted close to the edge of the cliff, facing the houses. The Natácka group accompanied them, and two men personifying Hehéakatcinas assumed erotic paroxysms and lay down on their backs on the ground close to the disguised Mamzraúti personages, endeavoring to lift up their kilts and performing obscene actions. Then they rolled on the ground in assumed fits. The Natáckas, as usual, maintained their prancing step around them, and occasionally Soyókmana thumped them with the butt end of her crook. After about five minutes of this exhibition the Hehéa seized the Mamzraúti personators and tumbled them into an indiscriminate heap, fell on top of them, and did other acts which need not be mentioned. The Natácka then retired for food, and, unmasking in the kiva, did not again appear.

_February 6_—Food was carried to all the kivas yesterday morning, but there was neither dancing nor ceremonials.

_February 7_—No ceremony took place on this day, but the kiva chief and the Hehéakatcinas played a curious game of ball called sunwuwinpa, in which the ball is attached to a looped string. The player lay on his back and, passing the loop over the great toe, projected the ball back over his head. Two groups of these players were noted.

The following Katcinas were personated in the Powámû of 1893:[82]

Hahaíwüqti, Ancient Woman, Mother of Monsters.
Natácka, Monster.
Soyókmana, Attendant of Natácka.
Tuñwúp, Flogging Katcina.
Ahü′l.
Tümác, Mother of Ahü′l.
Wuyókwati.
Tcakwaína.
Wuwíyomo.
Pawík, Duck.
Nüvák, Snow.
Hehéa.
Mamzraúti tcatumakaa.
Tcavaíyo, Giant Elk.
Wupámo, Great Cloud.
Owanazrozro, Stone Devourer.

PÁLÜLÜKOÑTI

The screen drama of the Pálülükoñti ceremonial as performed in 1893 has already been described.[83]

The following personifications of Katcinas appeared in the Pálülükoñti in 1893:

Coyóhim, All.
Pawík, Duck.
Tacáb, Navaho.
Hokyaña.
Húhian, Barter.
Cálako, Cálako.

Its presentation in other years differs very materially from the description given.

In the celebration of 1891 a wooden figure representing Cálako was introduced with two carved marionettes, which were manipulated as if grinding corn, and serpent effigies were thrust through the sun opening of the screen. These were likewise used in the presentation in 1894.[84]

The celebration of Pálülükoñti in 1894 was controlled by the Badger people, and the exhibition of the screen drama occurred March 16. A number of slabs with symbolic figures of Táwa (the sun), and Cótükinuñwa (the heart of all the sky), and two small effigies of Pálülükoñûh (plumed snake) were introduced. The two mechanical figurines, which were so manipulated as to appear to be in the act of grinding corn on metates, represented Cálakomanas, and were made by Tótci of the Badger people.

This variation from year to year, it will be observed, preserves without change the various deities introduced and recalls what I have already written about the variations in altars of the Nimán in different villages. In stage effects latitude is permissible, but there is no change in the deities represented. Something similar occurs in the Mamzraúti, where, in 1891, tablets with Palahíkomana symbols were used, while in 1893 women represented that personage.

So far as I know the essential personages[85] to be represented by symbolism or by men in disguise, are:

Táwa, Sun.
Mü′iyawû, Moon.
Cótokinuñwa, Heart of the Sky.
Hahaíwüqti, Ancient Mother.
Pálülükoñti, Plumed Snake.
Cálako taka or mana, Corn Man or Maid.
Various Katcinas, mentioned above, but these may vary year by year.
Másauwûh, Fire God.
Various Tcukúwympkiyas, Clowns.

NIMÁNKATCINA

An outline of the ceremonials attending the departure of the Katcinas from three of the Tusayan villages has already been given elsewhere.[86] From new observations it is found that much remains to complete this account, but the main events have already been described. While the dance resembles the abbreviated Katcinas, from which it should not be widely separated, the altar and kiva ceremonials place it in the group of elaborate Katcinas or those with complicated secret usages. It is only in those villages in which are preserved the wími of the Kachina móñwi that this celebration can occur, although, as we shall later see, abbreviated Katcinas are not so limited. It will probably be found that any abbreviated Katcina may be used for the public dance of the Nimán, but no abbreviated Katcina can have the secret ceremonials of the Nimán without becoming the same. When the Katcina chief, Íntiwa, sets up his altar it is but natural that any set of Katcinas may give the public dance, which, while a necessary accompaniment, is far from being prescribed as to kind.

ABBREVIATED KATCINAS

CHARACTERISTICS

This group includes a large number of simple ceremonials in which a masked dance in public is the most significant part. The general character of these observances may be seen by a consultation of my article, “A few summer ceremonials at the Tusayan pueblos.”[87] The distinctive name is determined by the characters personified as indicated by the symbolic markings of the masks or by other paraphernalia. No elaborate kiva ceremonials are performed.[88]

All the abbreviated presentations have certain common features which run through them. These characteristics may be learned from my description in the article on “The summer ceremonials,”[89] but in order to make them more prominent I have mentioned them in an appended footnote.[87]

The special Katcina celebrated is designated by the symbolism depicted on the mask, which is repainted and redecorated according to the Katcina which it is intended to represent. For the special name and the accompanying symbolism a study of the dolls will give as good an idea as can yet be obtained from published articles.[90]

The participants in the abbreviated Katcinas may be divided into two groups: (1) The Katcinas, male and female, with related masked personages, and the priests who pray to them and sprinkle meal upon them, and (2) the accompanying clowns and masked or other persons who participate in their antics and presentation. The details of the proceedings of the second or possibly subordinate group vary in different dances more than those of the first.

The participants of the first group are:

1. Masked personages (always men) called Katcinas.

2. Masked men, personifying women, called Katcinamanas.

3. One or more masked persons, who vary in symbolic characters in different Katcinas. These are often absent.

4. Priests (unmasked), directors of the dance, who sprinkle the Katcinas with sacred meal. These priests are vehicles of prayers to the Katcinas and masked participants, and are generally few in number.