Chapter III: Part 3

The presentation is accompanied with a feast[91] (generally at noon) limited to Katcinas and Katcinamanas. The Katcinas dance in line, sing, distribute gifts, but never utter any continuous sentence or prayer. The Katcinamanas dance in line facing the Katcinas, or kneel in front of the same, accompanying their songs with a rasping noise made by rubbing a scapula over a notched stick. Ordinarily their mask is identical in all Katcinas of the abbreviated form, and they generally have their hair in two whorls on the sides of the head, and wear white blankets and other feminine apparel. The second group of personifications are the Tcukúwympkiyas (Tatcü′kti, knob-head priests; Tcü′ckütû, gluttons; or Paiakaíamû, horned clowns). Their representation consists of a series of antics and dramatizations, story telling, gluttony, obscene gestures or bawdy remarks, and flogging and other indignities heaped upon each other or upon accompanying masked persons. These representations and the personifications who carry on their portion of the observance vary in different reproductions of the same drama.

The Tcukúwympkiya do not dance or sing with the Katcinas, but sprinkle them with meal and pray to them. While an essential feature in certain abbreviated Katcinas, they are not always present, and their exhibition has many secular or temporal characteristics or innovations more or less dependent on the invention of the participants. The masked persons who assist them are representatives of semimythologic beings, called Píptuka, Ü′tci (Apache), Tacáb (Navaho), Kése, and others. A description of the various modifications of their performances would mean special account of each presentation and would vary in details for each exhibition, but except in a very general way these variations are quite unimportant in the study of the characteristics of the abbreviated Katcinas. The following are some of the episodes introduced:

1. Inordinate eating and begging, urine drinking, gluttony, and obscenity.

2. Flogging of one another, stripping off breechcloths, drenching with foul water, ribald remarks to spectators, and comical episodes with donkeys and dogs.

3. Story telling for pieces of corn under severe flogging by masked persons, races, smearing one another with blood, urinating upon one another, tormenting with cactus branches, etc.

The Katcina dance ordinarily lasts from daybreak to sunset, with intermissions, during which the participants unmask under an overhanging cliff on the southern side of the mesa. Here likewise they have their feast at midday. The dances in the forenoon are slimly attended by spectators, but in the afternoon all the terraces and roofs of the houses surrounding the plaza[92] in which the pillar mound is situated are occupied by natives and visitors. The line of Katcinas is led by an uncostumed chief, who sprinkles meal on the ground as he enters and leaves the dance court, and who from time to time shouts to the dancers (figure 40). The leader of the Katcinas stands midway in the line, and by a rapid movement of his rattle as a signal changes the song and directs the termination. To him[93] as a representative the prayers are addressed. The dance is a rhythmic stamping movement of one foot on the ground, and all keep in line, elbowing their neighbors, turning now to one side, then to another, as directed. The female Katcinas face the male and stand about midway in the line. They use the serrated stick and scapula as an accompaniment to the song.

A. HOEN & CO., LITH.

DOLL OF CÁLAKO TAKA.]

It is common for both male and female Katcinas to bring gifts to the plaza for spectators, especially children, as they return to the dance.[94] These gifts are ordinarily corn, bread, or tortillas. It is customary for priests to sprinkle the Katcinas with sacred meal, and the Tcukúwympkiyas, or clowns, also perform this function. The típoni or Katcina badge of office is not carried in every celebration, nor does the Katcina chief, Íntiwa, always lead the line.

The one garment worn by the male Katcinas is the ceremonial kilt. This is not confined to them, but is likewise worn in other ceremonials, as in the Snake-Antelope observance and in minor celebrations. Every male Katcina, whatever his helmet, has one of these about his loins. It is made of coarse cotton, on the ends of which are embroidered symbolic figures of rain-clouds, falling rain, and lightning. Ordinarily half of the width is painted green, and the lower edge is black, with nine square blocks of the same color at regular intervals. This kilt is represented on many dolls of the Katcinas figured in my article on that subject.[95]

The Katcinas, irrespective of the special personage depicted, wear a broad cotton sash with knotted strings at the proximal end. In this belt spruce branches are held. A fox-skin depends from the belt, and turtle-shell rattles on the leg are invariably part of a Katcina’s costume. Moccasins and heel bands are prescribed and bodily decoration with pigments is common, but none of the above are characteristic of special kinds of Katcinas. The mask is in general the one distinctive characteristic of a definite personification.

SÍOCÁLAKO

The Shálako is one of the most important observances at Zuñi, and is partially described by Cushing in an article on his life in Zuñi.[96] An exhaustive account, however, has never been published. The Hopi occasionally celebrate a Cálako, which from its name and other reasons is undoubtedly an incorporated modification of this ceremonial, as the Tusayan legends distinctly state.[97] The following pages give an outline of the Hopi presentation as a contribution to the comparative study of Pueblo ritual. A complete account of the Shálako at Zuñi is a great desideratum before it is possible to undertake close comparisons.

The presentation of Cálako is not an annual event at the East mesa of Tusayan, but occurs after long intervals of time. The paraphernalia are kept in a house in Sitcomovi and belong to the Badger clan. The house in which they are deposited is the property of Koĭkáamü, the daughter of Masiúmtiwa’s eldest sister, now deceased, and the wími likewise belong to her by descent.

The chiefs of all the gentes in Walpi and Sitcomovi, the chief of the Katcinas, and one or two others from Hano assembled in this house on the 16th of July, 1893, and made a large number (over two hundred) of páhos for use in the ceremonials to be described.

Early on the morning of the next day the masks and effigies of Siocálako were renovated and carried to the spring called Kwañwába (sweet water), which is situated on the Zuñi trail southward from the mesa. In a modern house owned by a Sitcomovi family[98] at this spring the masks were repainted and the hoops which were used to make a framework for the bodies were set around with eagle feathers.

The effigies which were used in personifications were made up of masks or helmets of the ordinary size for the heads and a crinoline-like[99] framework of willow hoops for the bodies. These masks were made from narrow shreds of leaves of the agave plaited together diagonally, and this plaited frame was covered with a painted buckskin upon which the symbolism of the Síocálako was delineated. The projecting beak of the face had a movable under jaw, which was hinged and manipulated with a string. The helmet was attached to a staff forming a backbone, 3½ feet long, by which it was carried. The series of crinoline hoops or supports of the blankets which formed the body were about fifteen in number, the upper being about the size of the helmet, the lower 4½ feet in diameter. A tü′ihi or large white embroidered mantle was draped about the upper hoops or the shoulders, and a gray fox-skin was hung around the neck, which was likewise profusely decorated with shell necklaces.

The man who acted the part of bearer walked inside the crinoline, freely supporting the effigy by the staff or backbone, holding it at such a height as to permit the lowest hoop with its attached feathers to reach to his knees. Each effigy bearer was bareheaded, and although hidden from view, was decorated with the white kilt of a typical Katcina.

An uncostumed chief led the four giants in single file toward the mesa, followed by a large number of men dressed as mud-heads or Tatcü′kti, who were called “Koyímse,” a term adapted from their Zuñi name.[100] All who had sufficient knowledge of the idiom spoke Zuñi, and the procession reached the Sun spring (Tawápa) at about sunset. It was there met by two priests, Taláhoya and a nephew of Masiúmtiwa, who were to act as conductors. All were welcomed and homoya (prayers) were recited and much sacred meal was sprinkled. Headed by the two conductors the procession climbed the trail to the top of the mesa, and from thence marched into the main court of Sitcomovi by the northeastern entrance, near which the men bearing the four giant effigies, together with the mud-heads, halted. The latter were closely huddled together in four groups, drumming with deafening noise on as many drums.

The Katcina chief, Íntiwa, and a man personifying Eótoto[101] then drew four circles with intersecting lines of meal on the ground at the north side of the court in the positions indicated. This was followed by a command of Hahaíwüqti, who signaled with an ear of corn for the first (kwiníwi, north) Cálako effigy to advance. He did so with a short, rapid step, and halted over the first circle of meal. The “bearer” bobbed the effigy up and down so that the feathers which had been fastened to the lower hoop of the crinoline touched the ground. The bearer then stooped and rested the end of his staff on the ground, holding it upright. The other three giant impersonators were then brought up, one at a time, by Hahaíwüqti. As each settled to its position the bearer cried “Ho!” six times in a shrill falsetto, and rapidly snapped the beak of the effigy he bore by means of a string. The Cálakos were then sprinkled with meal by the chiefs and others, after which the effigies were moved one by one to circles of meal on the southern side of the plaza. Six times this removal was repeated, each time attended by ceremonials similar to those mentioned above.

At the conclusion of this observance in the plaza the four giants were conducted by the chiefs of the Lizard, Ása, Badger, and Water gentes to the houses of the elder sisters of the respective clans. The Cálako effigies were suspended by the mask from the rafters of each room, and as the length of each was 7 feet 6 inches the tips of the radiating feathers on the head and those on the last hoop of the framework of the body just touched the roof and floor of the chamber. The same ceremony look place in each house and there were prayers by the elders, dancing by the effigy bearers, and singing and drumming by the “Koyímse.” At sunrise—for the exhibitions in the houses lasted all night—a final presentation in the court similar to that which opened the ceremonies took place, after which the Cálakos and mud-heads went to the cliff and unmasked at the Kachinaki. There they performed purification ceremonies (navótciwa) and dismantled the effigies. They donned their ordinary habiliments and smuggled the paraphernalia back into the chamber in Sitcomovi, where it is ordinarily kept.

]

On the 8th and 9th of the month, following the demise of the Cálakos, a most elaborate Wáwac or Racing Katcina was performed.[103]

PAWÍKKATCINA

The Pawíkkatcina, which I observed at Sitcomovi in 1892, had certain differences from any abbreviated Katcina dance which I have yet described, and illustrated the ceremonial reception of these personages after they had visited another pueblo. A priest of Sitcomovi suggested that his fellow villagers should send a delegation of young men to Cipaulovi to return a dance with which they had previously been honored by the latter pueblo. Accordingly the masks were painted and the preliminary ceremonials took place in one of the Sitcomovi kivas, those who were to participate in the ceremonial beginning their work on the 25th of June. The visitors danced all day of the 27th at Cipaulovi, rested on the 28th, and continued their dance on the 29th at Sitcomovi. The ceremonials on their return at the trail approaching Sitcomovi took place on June 28th, an hour before sunset.

This dance differed very little from that of other Katcinas, to which attention has hitherto been directed.[104] There were twenty-three Katcinas and five[105] Katcinamanas, and the masks of both are illustrated in figures 43, 44, and 45, while one of the staffs which they bore is represented in figure 46. They sang five songs called Ómowûh (cloud), Yoivíkka (swift), Pakwa (frog), Pawykia (duck), and Patzro (quail). An interesting feature which I had never before seen in Tusayan abbreviated Katcinas was the unmasked dance in the kiva.[106]

The secret ceremonials in the kiva were as follows: The three priests, who had previously bathed their heads in their own houses, made the páhos and nakwákwocis. Two of these men made four prayer sticks similar to those described in the Walpi ceremonial, and one made a long single páho. These were deposited in a flat basket tray and smoked upon by those present. Before beginning the manufacture of the páhos the makers prepared themselves by a ceremonial smoke.[107] At the same time that the páhos were made twenty-three nakwákwocis for the Katcinas and five for the Katcinamanas were likewise manufactured.

A. HOEN & CO., LITH.

HEAD DRESS OF ALOSAKA.]

At midday food was passed down into the kiva, but before partaking of it one of the priests took a pinch of each kind of food (dunópna) and went with it to a cleft in the mesa on the north side of Sitcomovi. He there deposited it with a páho, a pinch of each kind of pigment used in painting the paraphernalia, a little tobacco,[108] but no sacred meal. This was an offering, it was said, to the Grand Canyon of the Colorado sípapû. He then went to the southern side of the mesa and placed in a similar cleft a nakwákwoci, said to be an offering to Másauwûh.

At sunrise on the 29th two offerings were deposited, and each of the twenty-three Katcinas placed his nakwákwoci in a shrine.

Ceremonials attending visits of people from adjacent or remote pueblos are simple but interesting. The following reception ceremony of visitors from a distant pueblo not of their own people was noted: In the progress of the summer dances of Walpi in 1892 I observed the ceremonial reception of several Zuñis who came over to assist in the Húmiskatcina. They were formally “received” in the Wikwaliobi kiva by Íntiwa,[109] Kópeli, Hóñyi, Pauatíwa, and Lésma. Íntiwa gave their headman a twig of spruce, to which Lésma tied four nakwákwocis.[110] Íntiwa sprinkled it with sacred meal and laid it in front of the Zuñis, and finally all smoked together. This was said to be a formal act of reception.[111]

The reception ceremony of the Pawíkkatcinas when they returned from Cipaulovi was as follows: At 4 p. m. Pauatíwa’s father, a very old man, sat on the edge of the mesa looking west and north toward Cipaulovi. He called my attention to a line of men coming along the trail. When the line halted on the last rise before the trail ascends to the top of the mesa we went down to welcome them.

Each Katcina placed his helmet in one of two parallel lines arranged along the trail, and in front of the two lines he laid the spruce bough which he carried. In front of this pile of spruce boughs an ear of corn was placed in the trail not far from the helmets. All the Katcinas then marched around the line in a sinistral circuit, sprinkling sacred meal upon the masks, corn, and spruce boughs and throwing a pinch along the trail in advance of the ear of corn. The circuit around the line of helmets was sinistral, as in all Hopi ceremonials.

Nine old men then formed a circle at the left of the corn and smoked, sitting in a squatting posture.[112] No one was allowed to go up the trail before this ceremony was completed, and one who attempted to do so was warned back. A short address of welcome was spoken by the priests to the leader of the Katcinas, and at sunset they put on their masks and marched to the plaza of Sitcomovi. They first danced on the southern, then on the eastern, and lastly on the western sides of the plaza, omitting the northern side. The priests sprinkled the Katcinas with sacred meal, observing the sinistral ceremonial circuit as they passed around the line. A small spruce tree, upon which nakwákwocis were tied, had been placed near the middle of the plaza.

The Katcinas and Katcinamanas then adjourned to the kiva, where they unmasked, placing their helmets in a row and the spruce boughs in the middle of the kiva.[113] The two priests seated themselves on the uprise, one on each side of the ladder.

On the following day the dance was continued from sunrise to sunset. In the afternoon there appeared the Tcúkuwympkiya, Muñ′we (Owl Katcina), two Tcósbüci, Pü′ükoñhoya (the Little War God), and a Navaho Katcina.

ÁÑAKATCINA

The celebration of the Áñakatcina at Hano, in the Nimán of 1892, gave me the following additional data to that already mentioned in the description[114] of the Áña of 1891. These are due in part to the variations in ceremonial customs, and are not regarded as essentials.

The Hopi Áñakatcina was invited to Hano by Kálakwai, and its public presentation was identical with that of 1891 and that of the Zuñi Kókokci. The antics of the gluttons were very much more complicated. This I ascribe to two causes—the rarity with which Katcinas are celebrated in Hano, and the great need of rain at the time.

One interesting but highly disgusting part of the show of these priests was the slaughter of a huge dog and the use of his entrails and blood in distinguishing one of their number as Másauwûh,[115] the Death god. The details of this may be had by consultation with the author.

About 4 oclock on the morning of the public dance of the Áña the participants danced in the Hano plaza, destitute of all clothing or helmets and accompanied by the clowns, also without masks. This feature I had not previously observed. After this early dance páhos were deposited at the shrine situated in the middle of the dance plaza.

As no account of the ceremonial deposit of offerings to the winds has ever been published, the following observations are given to fill this gap in our knowledge. Probably the object of the wind offerings is propitiatory, for high wind, it is believed, blows away the rain, to produce which is the main object of the observance. Kwálakwa took for this purpose in a blanket the following objects: Nakwákwocis, native tobacco, paper bread, píkami (pudding mush), sugar, and peaches. He deposited a packet containing a pinch of each of these in six shrines situated at cardinal points, beginning at the east.[116] The Hopi begin their ceremonial circuit ordinarily at the north, but the Tewa, it would seem, place their offerings in the following order: East, northwest, southwest by south, southwest, southeast by east, southeast.

In the interval between two of the dances, while the Katcinas were unmasked, and had halted under an overhanging rock on the trail a few feet below Hano, I observed a test of endurance which I had never before seen. Kópeli, the Snake chief, took a bundle of yucca branches, and different volunteers from the Katcinas, stepping up to him, first held out one arm, then the other; Kópeli struck the outstretched limb with more or less force, and at the conclusion presented his own arm and naked body for this trying ordeal. The Áñakatcina is illustrated in figure 40.

COMPARATIVE STUDY OF KATCINA DANCES IN CIBOLA AND TUSAYAN

The published material which can be used as a basis of comparison in the study of Katcinas in other villages is meager and insufficient. Even of the nearest pueblo, Zuñi, which has been more studied than many of the others, and in which Katcina observances closely akin to those of Tusayan are performed, the published accounts are very limited. In a general way it seems to me that the Tusayan ceremonials are more showy and elaborate than those at Zuñi. There is, however, one marked exception;[117] the powerful war society, called the Priesthood of the Bow, has more elaborate ceremonials in Zuñi than in Walpi, where this organization is weak. It is not possible from my limited knowledge of Zuñi ceremonials to declare that it is less complicated than that of Tusayan, but I believe that the powerful organization mentioned has had much to do with many of the differences between the two.

One source of information in regard to the differences and likenesses between the Zuñi and Hopi ceremonials is the testimony of the chiefs themselves. This does not hold in regard to modified ceremonials primarily the same or derived from a common source, and is only hearsay, not science.

All the Hopi priests say that the Siotü (Zuñis) have no knowledge of the Tcütcübwimi (Snake-Antelope mysteries). The same chiefs likewise claim that the Zuñis have no Mamzraúti, Lálakoñti,[118] Wüwütcímti, and no societies corresponding to the Tátaukyamû, Áaltû, or Kwákwantû.

Although they may not reproduce some of these ceremonials in the form celebrated by the Hopi, it is not clear to me that some of those which they observe may not be differentiations of the same ceremony, as I have shown in my accounts of the women’s dances.[119] There is a marked similarity in many of the myths, which would seem to imply resemblances in ritualistic dramatizations of the same.

It is possible to verify historical data and legendary history by a study of the same ceremony. For instance, the five oldest Tusayan pueblos of which we have accounts in the earliest records are Awatobi, Walpi, Micoñinovi, Cuñopavi, and Oraibi.[120] Awatobi was destroyed in 1700, so that but four original communities of the time of Vargas still remain. It is in these four and at Cipaulovi that the Snake ceremony is still celebrated, and Sitcomovi and Hano are ascribed by Hopi legends to a much later time than the first appearance of the Spaniards; their names do not appear in the early descriptions of the province.

It is a mistaken idea, and one which has led to many misconceptions, to suppose that what is true of one group of pueblos is true of all. While in a general way the mythology and ritual of all may be said to have general resemblances, there is far from an identity between the ceremonials, for instance, of the Hopi and the Zuñi, or those of the Rio Grande pueblos and Tusayan. It is not a question of knowing all by an intimate knowledge of one; but each branch, even individual pueblos, must be investigated separately before by comparative knowledge we can obtain an adequate conception of the character of the pueblo type of mythology and ritual. Moreover, there is evidence that this difference existed in ancient times, and while the differentiation of the manners and customs of different pueblos may have been less rapid in the past than today they were far from being identical. It does not follow, except in certain limits, that the most primitive pueblos today show in their survivals a better picture of the character of life in another pueblo than the existing state of things in the latter. To reconstruct the probable character of the ancient culture we must trace similarities by comparative studies.

In a comparative study of the ceremonials of different pueblos, it is important to decide which are most primitive or nearest the aboriginal condition and which are least affected by foreign influences. The purer the present aboriginal culture, the greater worth will it have in our approximation to a true conception of the primitive pueblo culture. Many of the Pueblos practice a religious system which may be rightly called aboriginal, but in some it has been modified by outside influences. I think no one, for instance, would say that the present Zuñi custom of burial in a churchyard was not due in part to the influence of Catholic priests, for Spanish narratives of three and a half centuries ago are quite explicit in their statement that the Zuñi burned their dead. If one custom has been changed, how are we to distinguish the modified from the primitive? It can be shown that strong influences have been used for the direct purpose of destroying the Katcina worship. Take, for instance, Zuñi, the least changed of all the pueblos except those of Tusayan. It is pagan today, and probably never was profoundly modified by Christianity, but Roman Catholic fathers, with the avowed determination to Christianize it, could not have lived there continuously for over a century and caused the great missions to be built without modifying the religious customs of the Zuñians. It is said that after the priests were driven out the Pueblos returned to their ancient practices, but it must be admitted that no one has yet shown how the pure Katcina practices were preserved over three generations. They returned to an old worship, but who has evidence to say that it was the same as that of their great-great-grandfathers?

In some instances the natives have very willingly adopted Christian teachings and the Christian God, believing that by so doing their own religion would necessarily become strengthened by an addition to their pantheon. Such adoption, however, no matter how regarded by them, made a permanent impression on their primitive condition by changing their mode of thought and life.

They apparently may have abandoned all that the church taught; but what means could have been used to restore the pure worship of pre-Columbian times? The culture which was revived was aboriginal, but could never be identical[121] with that of the times before Coronado.

The question then resolves itself into a historical one—which pueblos were the home of Catholic priests for the shortest time, and in which were their influences least powerful? The historian will of course answer the Tusayan pueblos, and ethnology contributes her quota of facts to indicate that the purest form of Pueblo ceremonials are now practiced by these villagers.

Although there are several ceremonials which the Hopi claim are not performed at Zuñi, and conversely others performed at Zuñi which are not observed in Tusayan, there is a similarity, differing in details, between the Kóko and Katcina dances close enough to show their identity. The Hopi recognize this fact, and to prove it I need only mention that the Áñakatcina in 1891 was danced at Zuñi by some of the Hopi as a Kóko. I have already pointed out the identity of the masks, paraphernalia, and songs of the Kókokshi, performed by the Zuñians, and the Áñakatcina at Walpi. There is no doubt in my mind that they are the same, but I can not accept the dictum that what is observed in one is identical with what exists in the other. There are slight modifications which exist likewise in different Hopi villages, as will be seen by a comparison of my descriptions of the two. One marked difference is that several Kókokshi dances were performed in the summer I spent at Zuñi, and that this identical Katcina (the Áña) is performed but once each summer in any one Hopi village.

A. HOEN & CO., LITH.

A POWAMU MASK.]

The only other Kóko[122] dance which I know of from personal observation is the tablet dance, which is in many respects homologous with the Húmiskatcina. The symbolism of the mask and tablet, however, differs from the Húmis, and while in a speculative way I regard them the same we must await more research to prove them identical. The subject is still more complicated by the fact that the Hopi have a tablet mask with still a third symbolic character, which they call the Zuñi or Síohúmiskatcina.

I think we need have no hesitation in supposing that the so-called Sío (Zuñi) Katcina, which I have elsewhere described, is a Zuñi celebration derived from that pueblo. I do not know whether it is ever performed there in the same way as at Walpi, since it has not been described by any of the students of the Zuñians.

We have, however, as before mentioned, a partial description by Cushing of the Zuñi Shálako, and from his account we can gather a few of the main points of difference between it and the Síocálako performed at Walpi and described in the preceding pages. The Hopi, however, have a Cálako of their own. They distinguish it from the Síocálako, which they not only recognize as of Zuñi origin, but are also able to designate the family which brought it from the Zuñians. The name of the celebration and the use of Zuñi words in it both point to this conclusion.

The correspondence between the Héemashikwi, or last[123] dance—the tablet dance described by me elsewhere as occurring at the close of the series of Kókos—is probably the same as the Nimánkatcina. There are many similarities to indicate this fact, and, although as yet we know nothing of the secret observances connected with it, I suspect that a similarity between them and those described in the Móñkiva will later be made known.

Dolls in imitation of the Héemashikwi are reported in the catalogue of Colonel James Stevenson’s collection from Zuñi in 1881, and I have no doubt it will be found that there formerly was, and possibly still survives, at the celebration of this dance at Zuñi the characteristic habit in Tusayan of distributing dolls as presents at the departure of the Katcinas.

Mrs Stevenson has given short descriptions of some of the Zuñi Kókos and figures of the masks of the same. While it is not possible for me to use them in a comparison with Katcina celebrations, they are interesting in studies of symbolism. The “flogging Kókos,” for instance, seem to function the same as Túñwup among the Hopi, but as the symbolism of the mask of the floggers, Saiāhlias, is not given by Mrs Stevenson I am not able to express an opinion whether the same personage is intended or not. The time of year when the flagellation is inflicted by the Saiāhlia of Zuñi would be an interesting observation, and the accompanying ceremonials would also be of great interest for comparison with the Powámû.

I have not been able to find the equivalents of the Sälämobias among the Hopi, but the symbolism of Pooatíwa agrees almost exactly with that of the Hopi Paútiwa.

The Sälämobias of the different world-quarters agree in color with those assigned by the Hopi to the same points, with the exception of those for the above and below. In Zuñi, according to Cushing and Mrs Stevenson, the above is all colors, the below black. Among the Hopi the above was found to be black and the below all colors. This discrepancy in observations is recommended as a good subject for future students, both in Tusayan and Zuñi.

In reviewing the Hopi ceremonial personages I have been unable to find any homology with the Sälämobias. The views of the masks[124] given by Mrs Stevenson afford little information on this subject, but in her sand picture, surrounded by the Plumed Snake, I find some of the figures of Sälämobias with indication of a connecting band between the eyes, which recalls Paútiwa’s[125] symbolism. There does not seem to be a wide difference between the profile views of the masks of Paútiwa and Sälämobia of the different world-quarters.

The environment of the pueblos of Tusayan and of Cibola is so similar and the rain-cloud worship so imperative in both that, a priori, we should expect the rain-cloud symbol to be as frequent in Zuñi as in Walpi. I am much surprised therefore in studying the description of Zuñi ceremonials to find nothing said of the characteristic Hopi symbols of the rain clouds, the semicircles and the parallel lines of falling rain (plate CVIII). If the rain clouds at Zuñi are limited to the terraced[126] figures found on the prayer-meal bowls and the same made in sacred meal we certainly have a significant difference between the symbolism of these two peoples. In Tusayan there is not one of the great religious festivals where the semicircular clouds and falling rain do not appear as symbols. Thus far students of the Zuñi ceremonials have not figured one instance in which they are used.[127]

The short account of the effigy of the Plumed Snake (Kólowisi) with attendant ceremonials at Zuñi, by Mrs Stevenson, shows the existence of archaic rites with the Plumed Serpent which have been observed in a different form (Pálülükoñti) at Tusayan. The time of the year when the Zuñi effigy is brought to the kivas on a rude altar is not given; nor is the special name of the ceremony. The conch shell is similarly used to imitate the voice of the Plumed Serpent at Zuñi, as at Walpi, in the Soyáluña and the Pálülükoñti. In neither of these ceremonials, however, have the effigies been observed to be carried ceremonially about the pueblos of the Tusayan mesas. The symbolism of Pálülükoñti and Kólowisi seems to differ, judging from published accounts and symbolism on Zuñi and Hopi pottery. I find no intimation of the horn on the head of Zuñi pictures of the Plumed Snake, and the arrowhead decoration fails on the body. The two crescents which are common on the body of the Zuñi figures have not been observed in Hopi pictographs or effigies.

It would seem both from legendary and other reasons that there has not been the warmest friendship between the inhabitants of Tusayan and Cibola. This is not to be wondered at, for only on rare occasions has there been good feeling between two pueblos even of the same speech. The massacre of Awatobi at the hands of the other Hopi has been told elsewhere, and even at the present day Oraibi is not on the best of terms with the other Hopi towns. The legends of the Hopi are full of quarrels of one pueblo with another, and bitter hatred sometimes developing into bloody wars in which their own kindred were attacked and pueblos destroyed.

In her article, “A chapter of Zuñi mythology,”[128] Mrs Stevenson says: “The Ahshiwanni,[129] a priesthood of fourteen men who fast and pray for rain; the Kokko, an organization bearing the name of anthropomorphic beings (principally ancestral) whom they personate, and thirteen esoteric societies are the three fundamental religious bodies of Zuñi.... The society of the Kokko personate anthropomorphic gods by wearing masks and other paraphernalia. There are six estufas or chambers of the Kokko for the six regions, the north, west, south, east, zenith, and nadir, and these rooms present fantastic scenes when the primitive drama is enacted by the personators of these anthropomorphic gods.... The esoteric societies, with but one or two exceptions, have nothing to do with anthropomorphic beings, this category of gods being zoomorphic.”

Accepting these statements as a correct idea of the “three fundamental religious bodies of Zuñi” I find great difficulty in tracing an intimate relation between them and those of the Hopi system. A large number of the Katcinas are anthropomorphic and likewise ancestral. They bear the names of animals, and in that sense may be called in some instances zoomorphic. Walpi, however, has but five kivas, the members of each of which in the Powámû personify different Katcinas. I have not yet discovered that each of these kivas is associated with a different cardinal world-quarter, as Mrs Stevenson finds to be the case in Zuñi. The esoteric societies of the Zuñi, according to Mrs Stevenson, “with but one or two exceptions have nothing to do with anthropomorphic beings.” I am not able to harmonize my observations of the secret societies in Tusayan with the definition given of the esoteric societies in Zuñi, and must await some clearer insight into the character of the latter before offering any discussion of several resemblances which can be detected. From an examination of Cushing’s article in the _Century Magazine_, in which the esoteric societies of Zuñi are briefly defined, I am led to believe that the so-called esoteric societies in that pueblo differ a good deal from those in Walpi. The Hopi testify that while some of their secret fraternities are represented in Zuñi several of them are not identical.[130]

Mrs Stevenson does not make it clear who these fourteen (six) so-called Ahshiwanni are, but calls them “rain priests.” She intimates that they appeal directly to the Sun father, their supreme deity, and to the rain makers, while the “societies” address “the beast gods of their worship to intercede with the Sun father and rain makers.” There is apparently no parallelism between these conditions and those at Tusayan, but I can readily find truth in the statement when applied to the Hopi that “no society convenes without giving much time to invocations for rain.” I am sure that some of the societies at Tusayan do not appeal to the beast gods to intercede with the Sun father and rain makers, but address the latter directly in their prayers. In this particular there is certainly a marked difference between the conceptions back of the rites in Tusayan and those ascribed to the Cibolans.[131]

The custom of the Yókimoñwi, or rain chief, retiring alone to a cell to pray for rain was practiced in Tusayan. One of these retreats is to be seen at the Middle mesa. Among the foothills there is a block of sandstone, 15 feet long, 5 feet wide, and 4 feet thick. Its flat face is about horizontal or slightly tilted toward the northeast. Portions of a rough wall are still in place under the block, confirming the story that there was here formerly a chamber of which the block was the roof. An aperture on the northeastern corner, about 20 inches square, is usually closed with loose stones, but the chamber is now filled in with sand to within about 2 feet of the roof or lower surface of the slab. The interior of the chamber was about 8 feet long and 4 feet wide. On the roof, which was painted white, are figures of yellow, green, red, and white rain clouds with parallel lines of falling rain and zigzag lightning symbols in conventional patterns. To this chamber, it is said, the Rain chief of the Water people retired at planting time and lived there sixteen days, his food being brought to him by a girl during his vigils. He was able by his prayers to bring the rain. These visits were made long ago, but even now there are páhos strewn about the chamber, and devout persons visit the place at the present day with a nakwákwoci and pray for rain. Although the Rain chief no longer passes the sixteen days there, it is a holy place for the purposes mentioned.

“The earth,” says Mrs Stevenson,[132] “is watered by the deceased Zuñi of both sexes, who are controlled and directed by a council composed of ancestral gods. These shadow people collect water in vases and gourd jugs from the six great waters of the world, and pass to and fro over the middle plane, protected from view of the people below by cloud masks.”

I find a different conception from this of the rain-making powers of the dead among the Hopi. Among other ceremonials, when certain persons die, after the chin has been blackened, the body washed, and prescribed feathers placed on different parts of it, a thin wad of raw cotton in which is punched holes for the eyes is laid upon the face. This is a mask and is called a rain-cloud or “prayer to the dead to bring the rain.” In general, as many writers have said, the use of the mask transforms the wearer into a deity designated by the symbolism of the same,[133] and as a consequence the dead, we may theoretically suppose, are thereby endowed with supernatural powers to bring rain. The Ómowûhs, however, are the Rain gods, and so far as I can explain the significance of the symbolic rain-cloud mask on the face of the dead and the black color on the chin, it is simply a method of prayer through the divinized dead to the Rain-cloud deities. Among the Hopi the earth is watered by the Rain-gods, but the dead are ceremonially made intercessors to affect them. In this view of the case the Hopi may be said to believe that the earth is “watered by the deceased of both sexes.”

The Hopi believe that the breath body of the Zuñi goes to a sacred place near Saint Johns, called Wénima. There the dead are supposed to be changed into Katcinas, and the place is reputed to be one of the homes of these personages. It is likewise specially spoken of as the house of Cálako, and it is believed that the Zuñi hold the same views of this mysterious place. In lagoons near it turtles are abundant, and not far away Mr Hubbell and others discovered sacrificial caverns in which were large collections of pottery. Tótci, a Hopi resident of Zuñi, is the authority for the statement that the Cibolans do not use the raw cotton mortuary mask, although they blacken the face of the dead chiefs. He says the same idea of divinization of the breath body into a Katcina seems to be current among the Zuñi as among the Hopi.

According to Mrs Stevenson the father of the Kokko is Kaklo (Kyäklu), whose servants are the Sälämobiyas. The name of their mother is not known to me. The Katcinas are said to be the offspring of an Earth goddess,[134] who figures under many names. Their father’s name on comparative grounds is supposed to be Táwa, the sun, or Túñwup, their elder brother.

A study of the group of Katcina ceremonials as compared with the Kóko brings out in prominence the conclusion that while some of them may be identical, as a rule there is considerable difference in the ritual of the Tusayan people and their nearest neighbor, the Zuñi. If variations exist between these neighbors we are justified in the suspicion, which observation as far as it has thus far gone supports, that there are even wider differences between pueblos more distant from each other. The ethnologist fully cognizant with the ritual in one pueblo has a general conception of the character of all, but changes due to suppression of ceremonials, survivals, dying out of societies, and many other causes have modified the pueblos in different ways. The character of the ancient system is adulterated in all. We can form an idea of this modification in no better way than by a minute study of the existing ritual in every pueblo. Upon such comprehensive study science is at the very threshold.

The foregoing pages open many considerations of a theoretical nature which I have not attempted to develop. My greatest solicitude has been to sketch the outline of the Katcina ceremonials as performed at the Hopi village of Walpi in Tusayan.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] These studies were made while the author was connected with the Hemenway Expedition from 1890 to 1894, and the memoir, which was prepared in 1894, includes the results of the observations of the late A. M. Stephen as well as of those of the author.

[2] The letters used in spelling Indian words in this article have the following sounds: a, as in far; ă, as in what; ai, as i in pine; e, as a in fate; i, as in pique; î, as in pin; u, as in rule; û, as in but; ü, as in the French tu; p, b, v, similar in sound; t and d, like the same in tare and dare, almost indistinguishable; tc, as ch in chink: c, as sh in shall; ñ, as n in syncope; s, sibilant; r, obscure rolling sound; l, m, n, k, h, y, z, as in English.

[3] These observations are confined to three villages on the East mesa, which has been the field more thoroughly cultivated by the members of the Hemenway Expedition.

[4] “Souls” in the broadest conception of the believers in Tylor’s animistic theory.

[5] The distinction between elaborate and abbreviated Katcinas will be spoken of later.

[6] It would be interesting to know what relationship exists between abbreviated and elaborate Katcinas. Are the former, for instance, remnants of more complicated presentations in which the secret elements have been dropped in the course of time? Were they formerly more complicated, or are they in lower stages of evolution, gathering episodes which if left alone would finally make them more complex? I incline to the belief that the abbreviated Katcinas are remnants, and their reduction due to practical reasons. In a general way the word Katcina may be translated “soul” or “deified ancestor,” and in this respect affords most valuable data to the upholders of the animistic theory. But there are other elements in Tusayan mythology which are not animistic. As Mogk has well shown in Teutonic mythology, nature elements and the great gods are original, so among the Hopi the nature elements are not identified with remote ancestors, nor is there evidence that their worship was derivative. As Saussaye remarks, “Animism is always and everywhere mixed up with religion; it is never and nowhere the whole of religion.”

[7] By Gregorian months, which of course the Hopi do not recognize by these names or limits. Their own “moons” have been given elsewhere.

[8] The months to which the first division roughly corresponds are January to July. The second division includes, roughly speaking, August and December (inclusive). More accurately defined, the solar year is about equally divided into two parts by the Nimán, which is probably the exact dividing celebration of the ceremonial year.

[9] There is a slight _r_ sound in the first two syllables of Wüwütcímti.

[10] The word mü′iyawû means “moon,” by which it would seem that our satellite determines the smaller divisions of the year.

[11] From their many stories of the under world I am led to believe that the Hopi consider it a counterpart of the earth’s surface, and a region inhabited by sentient beings. In this under world the seasons alternate with those in the upper world, and when it is summer in the above it is winter in the world below, and vice versa. Moreover, ceremonies are said to be performed there as here, and frequent references are made to their character. It is believed that these ceremonies somewhat resemble each other and are complemental. In their cultus of the dead the under world is also regarded as the abode of the “breath-body” of the deceased, who enter it through a sípapu, often spoken of as a lake. I have not detected that they differentiate this world into two regions, the abode of the blessed and that of the damned.

[12] The Táwaki of tátyüka is the sun house. There is no sun house at hópoko nor at tévyuña. The names of the four horizon cardinal points are, kwiníwi, northwest; tevyü′ña, southwest; tatyúka, southeast, and hopokyüka (syncopated hópoko), northeast.

[13] Note the similarity in sound to the Nahuatl month, Quecholli, in which the Atamalqualiztli was celebrated. See “A Central American ceremony which suggests the Snake dance of the Tusayan villagers,” American Anthropologist, Washington, vol. VI, No. 3. Quecholli, however, according to both Sahagun and Serna, was in November. The Snake dance at Walpi is thus celebrated about six months from Atamalqualiztli, or not far from the time when the people of the under world celebrate their Snake-Antelope solemnities. In this connection attention may be called to the fact that the Snake-Antelope priests in Walpi have a simple gathering in the winter Pa moon (January), when their sacerdotal kindred of the under world are supposed by them to be performing their unabbreviated snake rites. This is at most only about a month from the time Atamalqualiztli was celebrated. Teotlico, the Nahuatl return of the war god, occurred in November; Soyáluña, the warriors’ return, in December. There are important comparative data hearing on the likeness of Hopi and Nahuatl ceremonies hidden in the resemblance between Kwetcála and Quecholli (Kwetcoli).

[14] Müyiñwûh, the goddess of germs, is preeminently the divinity of the under world, and has some remarkable similarities to the Nahuatl Mictlantecutli or his female companion Mictlancihuatl. The name is very similar to that for moon. This was the ruler of the world of shades visited by Tiyo, the snake hero. (See the legend of the Snake Youth in Journal of American Ethnology and Archaeology, vol. IV, Boston, 1894.)

[15] The Soyáluña has been called the Katcina’s return, which name is not inaccurate. It is, strictly speaking, a warriors’ celebration, and marks the return of the leader of the Katcinas, as in Teotleco. The Katcinas appear in force in the Pa celebration.

[16] I have elsewhere pointed out the similarity between the dramatizations of the Snake-Antelope and the Flute societies, but the members of the former scout the idea that they are related. Evidently the similarity in their ceremonials, which can not be denied, are not akin to the relationships which they recognize between brother and sister societies.

[17] Strictly speaking, eight active, since the first day is not regarded as a ceremonial day. See Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. IV, p. 13, 1894.

[18] Clowns, called likewise “mudheads” and “gluttons.”

[19] The típoni is supposed to be the mother or the palladium, the sacred badge of office of the society. It is one of the wími or sacred objects in the keeping of a chief, and is the insignium of his official standing. The character of this object varies with different societies, and, in a simple form, is an ear of corn surrounded by sticks and bright-colored feathers bound by a buckskin string. For the contents of the more elaborate forms, see my description of the Lálakoñti típoni (called bundles of páhos).

[20] Páhos or prayer-sticks are prayer-bearers of different forms conceived to be male and female when double. Their common form is figured in my memoir on the Snake Ceremonials at Walpi; Jour. Am. Eth. and Arch., vol. IV, p. 27. Prescribed forms vary with different deities.

[21] The American Anthropologist, Washington, April, 1892.

[22] Ibid., July, 1892.

[23] Erroneously identified as Cálako in my description and plates of the presentation of the Mamzraúti in 1891.

[24] The four societies who celebrate the Wüwütcímti are the Aálwympkiya, Wüwütcímwympkiya, Tataükyamû, and Kwákwantû.

[25] Chief of the Kwákwantû, a powerful warrior society. Among various attributes Másaüwûh is the Fire God.

[26] The body, save for a kilt, is uncovered. This kilt is white or green in color, with embroidered rain-cloud symbols. This is tied by a sash, with dependent fox-skin behind. Rattles made of a turtle shell and sheep or antelope hoofs are tied to one leg back of the knee, and moccasins are ordinarily worn. Spruce twigs are inserted in the girdle, and the Katcina carries a rattle in one hand. This rattle is a gourd shell with stones within and with a short wooden handle.

[27] The left hand is always used to receive meal offerings and nakwákwocis, and is spoken of as kyakyauĭna, desirable. The right hand is called tünúcmahtu, food hand.

[28] The word Katcina, as already stated, is applied to a ceremonial dance and to a personator in the same. The symbolism of each is best expressed by the carved wooden statuettes or dolls, tíhus, many examples of which I have described in my article on “Dolls of the Tusayan Indians” in Internationales Archiv für Ethnographie, 1894. Profitable sources of information in regard to the symbolic characteristics of the Katcinas are ceramic objects, photographs, clay tiles, clay images, pictures on altars, etc. All pictorial or glyptic representations of the same Katcina are in the main identical, with slight variations in detail, due to technique.

[29] For a description of the Áñakatcina see Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol. II, No. 1.

[30] I have also seen visors of this kind, and an old priest of my acquaintance on secular occasions sometimes wore a huge eye shade or visor made of basketware. The helmet of the Humískatcina bears a willow framework which forms a kind of visor, and if, as I suspect from the “large pasteboard [skin over framework or wooden board] tower,” it was a tablet or nákci, the personification mentioned by Ten Broeck may have been a Humískatcina. In May, 1891, I observed a Humís, but there is no reason from the theory of the time of abbreviated Katcinas to limit it to May. It might have been performed in April equally well. The Katcinamanas were not observed by me to wear such visors as Ten Broeck observed.

[31] During that time our knowledge of the Snake dance had been enlarged by Stephen, Bourke, and others.