Chapter I: Part 1

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Bell's English History Source Books

General Editors: S. E. WINBOLT, M.A., and KENNETH BELL, M.A.

WALPOLE AND CHATHAM (1714-1760)

Compiled by

KATHARINE A. ESDAILE

Some Time Scholar of Lady Margaret Hall, Oxford

London G. Bell & Sons, Ltd. 1912

INTRODUCTION

This series of English History Source Books is intended for use with any ordinary textbook of English History. Experience has conclusively shown that such apparatus is a valuable--nay, an indispensable--adjunct to the history lesson. It is capable of two main uses: either by way of lively illustration at the close of a lesson, or by way of inference-drawing, before the textbook is read, at the beginning of the lesson. The kind of problems and exercises that may be based on the documents are legion, and are admirably illustrated in a _History of England for Schools_, Part I., by Keatinge and Frazer, pp. 377-381. However, we have no wish to prescribe for the teacher the manner in which he shall exercise his craft, but simply to provide him and his pupils with materials hitherto not readily accessible for school purposes. The very moderate price of the books in this series should bring them within the reach of every secondary school. Source books enable the pupil to take a more active part than hitherto in the history lesson. Here is the apparatus, the raw material: its use we leave to teacher and taught.

Our belief is that the books may profitably be used by all grades of historical students between the standards of fourth-form boys in secondary schools and undergraduates at Universities. What differentiates students at one extreme from those at the other is not so much the kind of subject-matter dealt with, as the amount they can read into or extract from it.

In regard to choice of subject-matter, while trying to satisfy the natural demand for certain "stock" documents of vital importance, we hope to introduce much fresh and novel matter. It is our intention that the majority of the extracts should be lively in style--that is, personal, or descriptive, or rhetorical, or even strongly partisan--and should not so much profess to give the truth as supply data for inference. We aim at the greatest possible variety, and lay under contribution letters, biographies, ballads and poems, diaries, debates, and newspaper accounts. Economics, London, municipal, and social life generally, and local history, are represented in these pages.

The order of the extracts is strictly chronological, each being numbered, titled, and dated, and its authority given. The text is modernised, where necessary, to the extent of leaving no difficulties in reading.

We shall be most grateful to teachers and students who may send us suggestions for improvement.

S. E. WINBOLT. KENNETH BELL.

NOTE TO THIS VOLUME

I have to thank the Editors of the _English Historical Review_ for permission to reprint the passages dealing with the War of Jenkins' Ear, published by Sir John Laughton in the fourth volume of the _Review_, and the Scottish History Society for a similar permission with regard to the Proclamation of James III. and the Landing of the Young Pretender. The Letters of Horace Walpole are quoted throughout under the dates and names of correspondents, not from any particular edition, as this enables a letter to be found without difficulty in any edition; otherwise the sources are given in full.

The lover of the eighteenth century is born, but he is also made. It is the aim of this little book to help in the making.

K. A. E.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

PAGE

STATE OF PARTIES AT THE QUEEN'S DEATH (1714) 1

PROCLAMATION OF GEORGE I. (1714) 4

CHARACTER AND PERSON OF GEORGE I. (1660-1727) 5

PUBLIC FEELING AS TO THE NEW DYNASTY (1714) 6

THE '15:
I. THE PRETENDER'S DECLARATION 9
II. THE PROCLAMATION OF JAMES III. 14
III. FAILURE OF THE EXPEDITION EXPLAINED 16

THE SEPTENNIAL ACT (1716) 18

DEFEAT OF THE SPANISH FLEET OFF SICILY BY ADMIRAL SIR GEORGE
BYNG, JULY 31, 1718 19

THE SOUTH SEA BUBBLE (1720):
I. THE PROPOSALS: THE SECOND SCHEME OF THE SOUTH SEA COMPANY 21
II. THE BUBBLE BURST 25

SIR ROBERT WALPOLE AS PRIME MINISTER (1721-1741) 27

WOOD'S HALFPENCE: THE FIRST DRAPIER's LETTER (1724) 29

CHARACTER OF GEORGE II. (1683-1760) 36

THE CONDITION OF THE FLEET PRISON, AS REVEALED BY A PARLIAMENTARY
ENQUIRY (1729):
(_a_) DESCRIPTION OF THE WARDEN, THOMAS BAMBRIDGE 38
(_b_) HIS CRUELTY 39
(_c_) FINDINGS OF THE PARLIAMENTARY COMMITTEE 40

THE EXCISE BILL (1733) 42

THE PORTEOUS RIOTS (1736) 45

LORD CHESTERFIELD'S SPEECH ON THE BILL FOR THE ESTABLISHMENT
OF THE CENSORSHIP OF STAGE PLAYS (1737) 47

DEATH OF QUEEN CAROLINE (1737): HER CHARACTER DESCRIBED
BY GEORGE II. 49

THE WAR OF JENKINS' EAR (1739) 51

THE OPPOSITION SUSPECTS WALPOLE OF DOUBLE-DEALING (1739) 53

ADMIRAL VERNON'S VICTORY AT PORTOBELLO (1740):

I. "ADMIRAL HOSIER'S GHOST" 55
II. "GREAT BRITAIN'S GLORY; OR, THE STAY-AT-HOME FLEET" 58

THE NEW MINISTERS (1742):
I. HERVEY'S ACCOUNT OF THE MINISTRY 58
II. EPIGRAM ON THE MINISTRY 60
III. EPIGRAM ON PULTENEY'S ACCEPTANCE OF A PEERAGE 60

THE ORIGIN OF THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR (1741-1748) 61

THE '45:
I. LANDING OF THE YOUNG PRETENDER; THE RAISING OF THE
STANDARD; SURRENDER OF EDINBURGH 65
II. TREATMENT OF THE VANQUISHED--
(_a_) AFTER PRESTON PANS 74
(_b_) AFTER CULLODEN 76
III. COLLINS'S "ODE WRITTEN IN THE BEGINNING OF THE YEAR 1746" 79
IV. AN ADVENTURE OF CHARLES EDWARD 79

TRIAL OF THE REBEL LORDS (1746) 81

TREATY OF AIX-LA-CHAPELLE (1748):
I. LORD BOLINGBROKE ON THE PRELIMINARIES 84
II. THE ARTICLES OF PEACE 86
III. A CONTEMPORARY VIEW OF THE PEACE 88

LORD CHESTERFIELD'S ACT FOR THE REFORM OF THE CALENDAR (1751):
I. HISTORICAL ACCOUNT OF THE BILL 89
II. LORD CHESTERFIELD'S OWN ACCOUNT 93

SMOLLETT'S CHARACTER OF THE DUKE OF NEWCASTLE 94

THE TRIAL AND EXECUTION OF ADMIRAL BYNG (1759):
I. HORACE WALPOLE TO SIR HORACE MANN 97
II. THOMAS POTTER TO MR. GRENVILLE 101

THE COALITION GOVERNMENT OF 1757 102

THE ENGLISH IN INDIA (1757-1759):
I. THE BLACK HOLE OF CALCUTTA DESCRIBED BY A SURVIVOR 103
II. CLIVE TO PITT ON ENGLAND'S OPPORTUNITY 105

THE PLAINS OF ABRAHAM, SEPTEMBER 13, 1759:
I. THE NIGHT ATTACK 109
II. THE BATTLE 110

"THE HEAVEN-BORN MINISTER": HORACE WALPOLE's HOMAGE TO PITT:
I. IN THE GREAT YEAR (1759) 113
II. CHARACTER OF WILLIAM PITT DESCRIBED IN THE LIGHT
OF SUBSEQUENT HISTORY 114

DEATH OF GEORGE II. (1760) 115

APPENDIX: LONDON IN 1725-1736:
(_a_) DEFOE'S DESCRIPTION OF LONDON IN 1725 117
(_b_) PRESENTMENT OF THE MIDDLESEX GRAND JURY (1736) 119

WALPOLE AND CHATHAM

1714-1760

STATE OF PARTIES AT THE QUEEN'S DEATH (1714).

+Source.+--_Letter to Sir William Windham_, Bolingbroke's Works, 1754. Vol. i., pp. 28-31.

The thunder had long grumbled in the air, and yet when the bolt [the Queen's death] fell, most of our party appeared as much surprised as if they had had no reason to expect it. There was a perfect calm and universal submission throughout the whole kingdom. The Chevalier indeed set out as if his design had been to gain the coast and to embark for Great Britain, and the Court of France made a merit to themselves of stopping him and obliging him to return. But this, to my certain knowledge, was a farce acted by concert, to keep up an opinion of his character, when all opinion of his cause seemed to be at an end. He owned this concert to me at Bar, on the occasion of my telling him that he would have found no party ready to receive him, and that the enterprise would have been to the last degree extravagant. He was at this time far from having any encouragement: no party, numerous enough to make the least disturbance, was formed in his favour. On the King's arrival the storm arose. The menaces of the Whigs, backed by some very rash declarations, by little circumstances of humor which frequently offend more than real injuries, and by the entire change of all the persons in employment, blew up the coals.

At first many of the tories had been made to entertain some faint hopes that they would be permitted to live in quiet. I have been assured that the King left Hanover in that resolution. Happy had it been for him and for us if he had continued in it; if the moderation of his temper had not been overborne by the violence of party, and his and the national interest sacrificed to the passions of a few. Others there were among the tories who had flattered themselves with much greater expectations than these, and who had depended, not on such imaginary favor and dangerous advancement as was offered them afterwards, but on real credit and substantial power under the new government. Such impressions on the minds of men had rendered the two houses of parliament, which were then sitting, as good courtiers to King George, as ever they had been to queen Anne. But all these hopes being at once and with violence extinguished, despair succeeded in their room.

Our party began soon to act like men delivered over to their passions, and unguided by any other principle; not like men fired by a just resentment and a reasonable ambition to a bold undertaking. They treated the government like men who were resolved not to live under it, and yet they took no one measure to support themselves against it. They expressed, without reserve or circumspection, an eagerness to join in any attempt against the establishment which they had received and confirmed, and which many of them had courted but a few weeks before: and yet in the midst of all this bravery, when the election of the new parliament came on, some of these very men acted with the coolness of those who are much better disposed to compound than to take arms.

The body of the tories being in this temper, it is not to be wondered at, if they heated one another and began apace to turn their eyes towards the pretender: and if those few, who had already engaged with him, applied themselves to improve the conjuncture and endeavour to lift a party for him.

I went, about a month after the queen's death, as soon as the seals were taken from me, into the country, and whilst I continued there, I felt the general disposition to jacobitism encrease daily among people of all ranks; among several who had been constantly distinguished by their aversion to that cause. But at my return to London in the month of February or March one thousand seven hundred and fifteen, a few weeks before I left England, I began for the first time in my whole life to perceive these general dispositions ripen into resolutions, and to observe some regular workings among many of our principal friends, which denoted a scheme of this kind. These workings, indeed, were very faint, for the persons concerned in carrying them on did not think it safe to speak too plainly to men who were, in truth, ill disposed to the government, because they neither found their account at present under it, nor had been managed with art enough to leave them hopes of finding it hereafter: but who at the same time had not the least affection for the pretender's person, nor any principle favorable to his interest.

This was the state of things when the new parliament, which his majesty had called, assembled. A great majority of the elections had gone in favour of the Whigs, to which the want of concert among the tories had contributed as much as the vigor of that party, and the influence of the new government. The whigs came to the opening of this parliament full of as much violence as could possess men who expected to make their court, to confirm themselves in power, and to gratify their resentments by the same measures. I have heard that it was a dispute among the ministers how far this spirit should be indulged, and that the king was determined, or confirmed in determination, to consent to the prosecutions, and to give the reins to the party by the representations that were made to him, that great difficulties would arise in the conduct of the session, if the court should appear inclined to check this spirit, and by Mr. W[alpole]'s undertaking to carry all the business successfully through the house of commons if they were at liberty. Such has often been the unhappy fate of our princes; a real necessity sometimes, and sometimes a seeming one, has forced them to compound with a part of the nation at the expense of the whole; and the success of their business for one year has been purchased at the price of public disorder for many.

The conjecture I am speaking of forms a memorable instance of this truth. If milder measures had been pursued, certain it is, that the tories had never universally embraced jacobitism. The violence of the whigs forced them into the arms of the pretender. The court and the party seemed to vie with one another which should go the greatest lengths in severity: and the ministers, whose true interest it must at all times be to calm the minds of men, and who ought never to set the examples of extraordinary inquiries or extraordinary accusations, were upon this occasion the tribunes of the people.

PROCLAMATION OF GEORGE I. (1714).

+Source.+--Oldmixon's _History of England, George I._, 1735. P. 564.

Whereas it hath pleas'd Almighty God to call to his Mercy our late Soveraign Lady Queen _Anne_, of blessed Memory; by whose Decease, the Imperial Crowns of _Great Britain_, _France_, and _Ireland_, are solely, and rightfully come to the High and Mighty Prince _George_, elector of _Brunswick-Lunenburg_: We therefore, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal of the Realm, being here assisted with those of her late Majesty's Privy Council, with Numbers of other principal gentlemen of Quality, with the Lord-Mayor, Aldermen, and Citizens of _London_, do now hereby, with one full Voice and Consent of Tongue and Heart, publish and proclaim, That the high and mighty Prince _George_, Elector of _Brunswick-Lunenburg_, is now, by the Death of our late Soveraign of happy Memory, become our lawful and rightful Liege Lord, _George_, by the Grace of God, King of _Great Britain_, _France_ and _Ireland_, Defender of the Faith, _&c._ To whom we do acknowledge all Faith and constant Obedience, with all hearty and humble Affection, beseeching God, by whom Kings and Queens do reign, to bless the Royal King _George_ with long and happy years to reign over us.

Given at the Palace of St. _James's_, the First Day of _August, 1714_.

GOD SAVE THE KING.

[Then follow the signatures of 127 peers and commoners, "Lords and Gentlemen who signed the Proclamation," including Lords Buckingham, Shrewsbury, Oxford, Bolingbroke, and Sir Christopher Wren.]

CHARACTER AND PERSON OF GEORGE I. (1660-1727).

A. BY LORD CHESTERFIELD.

+Source.+--Lord Chesterfield (1694-1774), _Characters of Eminent Persons of His own Time_, 1777. P. 9.

George the First was an honest and dull German gentleman, as unfit as unwilling to act the part of a King, which is, to shine and oppress. Lazy and inactive even in his pleasures; which were therefore lowly and sensual: He was coolly intrepid, and indolently benevolent. He was diffident of his own parts, which made him speak little in public[1] and prefer in his social, which were his favourite, hours, the company of waggs and buffoons.... His views and affections were singly confined to the narrow compass of his electorate.--England was too big for him.--If he had nothing great as a King, he had nothing bad as a Man--and if he does not adorn, at least he will not stain the annals of this country. In private life, he would have been loved and esteemed as a good citizen, a good friend, and a good neighbour.--Happy were it for Europe, happy for the world, if there were not greater Kings in it!

B. BY HORACE WALPOLE.

+Source.+--_Reminiscences_, in _Works of Horace Walpole_, Earl of Oxford, 1798. Vol. iv., p. 275; _Letter to Sir Horace Mann, Feb. 25, 1782_.

"At ten years old [_i.e._, in 1727] I had set my heart on seeing George I., and being a favourite child, my mother asked leave for me to be presented to him; which to the First Minister's wife was granted, and I was carried by the late Lady Chesterfield to kiss his hand as he went to supper in the Duchess of Kendal's apartment. This was the night but one before he left England the last time."

"The person of the King is as perfect in my memory as if I saw him but yesterday. It was that of an elderly man, rather pale, and exactly like his pictures and coins, not tall, of an aspect rather good than august, with a dark tie wig, a plain coat, waistcoat and breeches of snuff-coloured cloth, with stockings of the same colour and a blue riband over all."

[1] Lord Chesterfield does not mention that George I. spoke no English.--ED.

PUBLIC FEELING AS TO THE NEW DYNASTY (1714).

A. WHIG.

+Source.+--_Letters of Lady M. W. Montagu._ Vol. 1., p. 86. Bohn's edition.

_Aug. 9, 1714._

The Archbishop of York has been come to Bishopsthorpe but three days. I went with my cousin to see the King proclaimed, which was done, the archbishop walking next the Lord Mayor, all the country gentry following, with greater crowds of people than I believed to be in York, vast acclamations, and the appearance of a general satisfaction. The Pretender afterwards dragged about the streets and burned. Ringing of bells, bonfires, and illuminations, the mob crying Liberty and Property! and Long live King George! This morning all the principal men of any figure took port for London, and we are alarmed with the fear of attempts from Scotland, though all Protestants here seem unanimous for the Hanover succession.

B. TORY.

+Source.+--Thomas Hearne [1678-1735], _Reliquiæ Hearnianæ_, 1869. Vol. i., pp. 303, 309.

_Aug. 4._--This day, at two o'clock, the said elector of Brunswick (who is in the fifty-fifth year of his age, being born May 28th, 1660) was proclaimed in Oxford. The vice-chancellor, and doctors, and masters met in the convocation house, and from thence went to St. Mary's, to attend at the solemnity. There was but a small appearance of doctors and masters that went from the convocation house. I stood in the Bodleian gallery where I observed them. Dr. Hudson was amongst them, and all the heads of houses in town. But there were a great many more doctors and masters at St. Marie's, where a scaffold was erected for them.

_Aug. 5._--The illumination and rejoicing in Oxford was very little last night. The proclamation was published at Abingdon also yesterday, but there was little appearance.

A letter having been put into the mayor of Oxford's hands before he published the proclamation, cautioning him against proclaiming King George, and advising him to proclaim the pretender by the name of King James III., the said Mayor, notwithstanding, proclaimed King George, and yesterday our vice-chancellor, and heads, and proctors, agreed to a reward of an hundred pounds to be paid to anyone that should discover the author or authors of the letter; and the order for the same being printed I have inserted a copy of it here.

"_At a general meeting of the vice-chancellor, heads of houses, and proctors of the university of Oxford, at the Apodyterium of the Convocation House, on Wednesday, Aug. 4, 1714._

"Whereas a letter directed to Mr. Mayor of the city of Oxford, containing treasonable matters, was delivered at his house on Monday night last, betwixt nine and ten of the clock, by a person in an open-sleeved gown, and in a cinnamon-coloured coat, as yet unknown: which letter has been communicated to Mr. Vice-Chancellor by the said Mayor: if any one will discover the author or authors of the said letter, or the person who delivered it, so as he or they may be brought to justice, he shall have a reward of one hundred pounds, to be paid him forthwith by Mr. Vice-Chancellor.

"BERNARD GARDINER, Vice-Chancellor."

The letter to which the vice-chancellor's programme refers:

OXON, _August 2nd, 1714_.

MR. MAYOR,

If you are so honest a man as to prefer your duty and allegiance to your lawfull sovereign before the fear of danger, you will not need this caution, which comes from your friends to warn you, if you should receive an order to proclaim Hannover, not to comply with it. For the hand of God is now at work to set things upon a right foot, and in a few days you will find wonderfull changes, which if you are wise enough to foresee, you will obtain grace and favour from the hands of his sacred majestie king James, by proclaiming him voluntarily, which otherwise you will be forced to do with disgrace. If you have not the courage to do this, at least for your own safety delay proclaiming Hannover as long as you can under pretense of sickness or some other reason. For you cannot do it without certain hazard of your life, be you ever so well guarded. I, who am but secretary to the rest, having a particular friendship for you, and an opinion of your honesty and good inclinations to his majestie's service, have prevailed with them to let me give you this warning. If you would know who the rest are, our name is

LEGION, _and we are many_.

This note shall be your sufficient warrant in times to come for proclaiming his majestie King James, and if this does not satisfie you, upon your first publick notice we will do it in person.

For Mr. Broadwater, mayor of the City of Oxford, these.

_Sept. 25._--On Monday last (Sept. 20th) King George (as he is styled) with his son (who is in the 31st year of his age, and is called prince of Wales, he having been so created), entered London, and came to the palace of St. James's, attended with several thousands. It was observed that the Duke of Marlborough was more huzza'd, upon this occasion, than King George, and that the acclamation, _God save the Duke of Marlborough!_ was more frequently repeated than _God save the king!_ In the evening the illuminations and bonfires were not many. King George hath begun to change all the ministers, and to put in the _whiggs_, every post bringing us news of this alteration, to the grievous mortification of that party called _tories_. The duke of Marlborough is made captain general of all the forces in room of the duke of Ormond, not to mention the other great changes. But the tories must thank themselves for all this, they having acted whilst in power very unworthily, and instead of preferring worthy scholars and truly honest men, they put in the quite contrary, and indeed behaved themselves with very little courage or integrity. I am sorry to write this; but 'tis too notorious, and they therefore very deservedly suffer now. They have acted contrary to their principles, and must therefore expect to smart. But the whiggs, as they have professed bad principles, so they have acted accordingly, not in the least receding from what they have laid down as principles. 'Tis to be hoped the tories may now at last see their folly, and may resolve to act steadily and uniformly, and to provide for, and take care of, one another, and with true courage and resolution endeavour to retrieve credit and reputation by practising those doctrines which will make for the service of the king, and of the whole nation, and not suffer those enemies the whiggs utterly to ruin their country, as they have done almost already.

THE '15.

I.

THE PRETENDER'S DECLARATION (1715).

+Source.+--A. Boyer's _Political State of Great Britain_, 1720. Vol. x., pp. 626-630.

_His Majesty's Most Gracious Declaration._

JAMES R.

James VIII. by the Grace of God, of Scotland, England, France and Ireland, King, Defender of the Faith &c. To all Our Loving Subjects of What Degree or Quality soever. Greeting. As we are firmly resolved never to lose any Opportunity of asserting Our undoubted Title to the Imperial Crown of these Realms, and of endeavouring to get the Possession of that Right which is devolv'd upon Us by the Laws of God and Man: so we must in Justice to the Sentiments of our Heart declare, That nothing in the World can give Us so great satisfaction, as to owe to the Endeavours of Our Loyal Subjects both our own and their Restoration to that happy Settlement which can alone deliver this Church and Nation from the Calamities which they lie at present under, and from those future Miseries which must be the Consequences of the present usurpation. During the Life of Our dear Sister, of Glorious Memory, the Happiness which Our People enjoy'd softened in some Degree the Hardship of our own Fate; and we must further confess, That when we reflected on the Goodness of her Nature, and her Inclination to Justice, we could not but persuade Our Self, that she intended to establish and perpetuate the Peace which she had given to these Kingdoms by destroying for ever all Competition to the Succession of the Crown, and by securing to us, at last, the Enjoyment of the Inheritance out of which We had been so long kept, which her Conscience must inform her was our Due, and which her Principles must bend her to desire that We might obtain.

But since the Time that it pleased Almighty God to put a Period to her Life, and not to suffer Us to throw Our Self, as We then fully purposed to have done, upon Our People, We have not been able to look upon the Present Condition of Our Kingdoms, or to consider their Future Prospect, without all the Horror and Indignation which ought to fill the Breast of every Scotsman.

We have beheld a Foreign Family, Aliens to our Country, distant in Blood, and Strangers even to our Language, ascend the Throne.

We have seen the Reins of Government put into the Hands of a Faction, and that Authority which was design'd for the Protection of All, exercis'd by a Few of the Worst, to the oppression of the Best and Greatest number of our Subjects. Our Sister has not been left at Rest in her Grave; her name has been scurrilously abused, her Glory, as far as in these People lay, insolently defaced, and her faithful Servants inhumanely persecuted. A Parliament has been procur'd by the most Unwarrantable Influences, and by the Grossest Corruptions, to serve the Vilest Ends, and they who ought to be the Guardians of the Liberties of the People, are become the Instruments of Tyranny. Whilst the Principal Powers, engaged in the Late Wars, enjoy the Blessings of Peace, and are attentive to discharge their Debts, and ease their People, Great Britain, in the Midst of Peace, feels all the Load of a War. New Debts are contracted, New Armies are raised at Home, Dutch Forces are brought into these Kingdoms, and, by taking Possession of the Dutchy of Bremen, in Violation of the Public Faith, a Door is opened by the Usurper to let in an Inundation of Foreigners from Abroad and to reduce these Nations to the State of a Province, to one of the most inconsiderable Provinces of the Empire.

These are some few of the many real Evils into which these Kingdoms have been betrayed, under Pretence of being rescued and secured from Dangers purely imaginary, and these are such Consequences of abandoning the Old constitution, as we persuade Our Selves very many of those who promoted the present unjust and illegal Settlement, never intended.

We observe, with the utmost Satisfaction, that the Generality of Our Subjects are awaken'd with a just Sense of their Danger, and that they shew themselves disposed to take such Measures as may effectually rescue them from that Bondage which has, by the Artifice of a few designing Men, and by the Concurrence of many unhappy Causes, been brought upon them.

We adore the Wisdom of the Divine Providence, which has opened a Way to our Restoration, by the Success of those very Measures that were laid to disappoint us for ever: And we must earnestly conjure all Our Loving Subjects, not to suffer that Spirit to faint or die away, which has been so miraculously raised in all Parts of the Kingdom, but to pursue with all the Vigour and Hopes of Success, which so just and righteous a Cause ought to inspire, those methods, which The Finger of God seems to point out to them.

We are come to take Our Part in all the Dangers and Difficulties to which any of Our Subjects, from the Greatest down to the Meanest, may be exposed on this important Occasion, to relieve Our Subjects of Scotland from the Hardships they groan under on account of the late unhappy Union; and to restore the Kingdom in its ancient, free, and independent State.

We have before Our Eyes the Example of Our Royal Grandfather, who fell a Sacrifice to Rebellion, and of Our Royal Uncle, who, by a Train of Miracles, escaped the Rage of the barbarous and blood-thirsty Rebels, and lived to exercise his Clemency towards those who had waged war against his Father and himself; who had driven him to seek Shelter in Foreign Lands, and who had even set a Price upon his Head. We see the same Instances of Cruelty renewed against Us, by Men of the same Principles, without any other Reason than the Consciousness of their own Guilt, and the implacable Malice of their own Hearts: For in the Account of such Men, it's a Crime sufficient to be born their King; but God forbid, that we should tread in those Steps, or that the Cause of a Lawful Prince, and an Injur'd People, should be carried on like that of Usurpation and Tyranny, and owe its Support to Assassins. We shall copy after the Patterns above mentioned, and be ready, with the Former of Our Royal Ancestors, to seal the Cause of Our Country, if such be the Will of Heaven, with Our Blood. But we hope for Better Things; we hope, with the Latter, to see Our just Rights, and those of the Church and People of Scotland, once more settled in a Free and Independent Scots Parliament, on their Antient Foundation. To such a Parliament, which we will immediately call, shall we intirely refer both Our and Their Interests, being sensible that these Interests, rightly understood, are always the same. Let the Civil, as well as Religious Rights of all our Subjects, receive their Confirmation in such a Parliament; let Consciences truly tender be indulged; let Property of every Kind be better than ever secured; let an Act of General Grace and Amnesty extinguish the Fears even of the most Guilty; if possible, let the very Remembrance of all which have preceded this happy Moment be utterly blotted out, that Our Subjects may be united to Us, and to Each Other, on the strictest Bonds of Affection, as well as Interest.

And that nothing may be omitted which is in Our Power to contribute to this desirable End, we do, by these Presents, absolutely and effectually, for Us, Our Heirs and Successors, pardon, remit and discharge all Crimes of High Treason, Misprision of Treason, and all other Crimes and Offences whatsoever, done or committed against Us or Our Royal Father of Blessed Memory, by any of Our Subjects of what Degree or Quality soever, who shall, at or after Our Landing, and before they engage in any Action against Us, or Our Forces, from that Time, lay hold on Mercy, and return to that Duty and Allegiance which they owe to Us, their only rightful and lawful Sovereign.

By the joint Endeavours of Us and Our Parliament, urged by these Motives, and directed by these Views, we may hope to see the Peace and flourishing Estate of this Kingdom, in a short Time, restored: and We shall be equally forward to concert with our Parliament such further Measures as may be thought necessary for leaving the same to future Generations.

And We hereby require all Sheriffs of Shires, Stewarts of Stewartries, or their Deputies, and Magistrates of Burghs, to publish this Our Declaration immediately after it shall come to their Hands in the Usual Places and Manner, under the Pain of being proceeded against for Failure thereof, and forfeiting the Benefit of Our general Pardon.

Given under Our Sign Manual and Privy Signet, at Our Court at _Commercy_, the 25th Day of Octob. in the 15th Year of Our Reign.

II.

THE PROCLAMATION OF JAMES III. (1715).

+Source.+--Peter Clarke's _Journal_, in _Miscellany of the Scottish History Society_, 1893. Vol. i., p. 513.

SIR,--On Wednesday the second day of November one thousand seaven hundred and fifteen, the then high sherriff of Cumberland assembled the _posse comitatus_ on Penrith Fell, Viscount Loynsdale being there as commander of the militia of Westmoreland, Cumberland and Northumberland, who were assembled at the place aforesaid for prevention of rebellion and riots. The Lord Bishop of Carlisle and his daughter were there. By the strictest observation the numbers were twenty-five thousand men, but very few of them had any regular armes. At 11 o'clock in the forenoon of the same day the high sherriff and the two lords received a true account that the Earl of Derwentwater, together with his army, were within 6 miles of Penrith. Upon the receipt of this news the said high sherriff and the said 2 lords, the _posse comitatus_ and the militia fled, leaving most of their arms vpon the said fell. There is no doubt had the men stood their ground the said Earl and his men (as it hath since beene acknowledged by divers of them) wood have retreated. About 3 aclock in the afternoon on the same day the said Earl, together with his army, in number about one thousand seaven hundred, entred the said towne of Penrith, where they proclaimed their king by the name and title of James the 3d. of England and Ireland, and 8th of Scotland. In this towne they received what excise was due to the crowne and gave receipts for the same. A small party were sent to Lowther Hall to search for Lord Loynsdale, but not finding him there (for he was gone into Yorkshire), they made bold to take provision for themselves and their horses, such as the Hall aforded. There were only at that time two old woomen in the said Hall who received no bodily damage. But provision being scarce in the said towne, Penrith, they marched betimes next morning for Apleby. The gentlemen paid their quarters of for what they called for in both these townes, but the commonality paid little or nothing, neither was there any person that received any bodily damage in either of the said townes. If they found any armes they tooke them without paying the owners for them. Only one man joyned them in their march from Penrith to Apleby. In this towne they made the same proclamation as they had done in the former, and received the excise. The weather at this time for some days before was rainey. They marched out of this towne betimes on Saturday morning, being the 5th of November, in order for Kendall. In this day's march none joyned them (excepting one, Mr. Francis Thornburrow), son of Mr. William Thornburrow of Selfet Hall neare Kendall. His father sent one of his servant men to wait upon his son because he was in scarlet cloathes, and stile of Captain Thornburrow.

About 12 aclock of the same day 6 quartermasters came into the towne of Kendall, and about 2 aclock in the afternoone Brigadeer Mackintoss and his men came both a horseback, having both plads on their targets hanging on their backs, either of them a sord by his side, as also either a gun and a case of pistols. The said Brigadeer looked with a grim countenance. He and his man lodged at Alderman Lowrys, a private house in Highgate Street in this towne. About one houre after came in the horsemen, and the footmen at the latter end. It rained very hard here this day, and had for several days before, so that the horse and the footmen did not draw their swords, nor show their collours, neither did any drums beat. Onely six highlands bagpipes played. They marched to the cold-stone or the cross, and read the same proclamation twice over in English without any mixture of Scotish tongue. I had for about one month lived and was clerke to Mr. Craikenthorp, attorney at Law, and as a spectator I went to heare the proclamation read, which I believe was in print, and began after this manner, viz., Whereas George Elector of Brunswick has usurped and taken upon him the stile of the king of these realms, etc. Another clause in it I took particular notice of was this, viz.--Did immediately after his said fathers decease become our only and lawful leige. At the end of the proclamation they gave a great shout. A quaker who stood next to me not puting of his hat at the end of the said ceremony, a highlander thrust a halbert at him, but it fortunately went between me and him, so that it did neither of us any damage. So they dispersed.

III.

FAILURE OF THE EXPEDITION EXPLAINED.

(_a_) _Absence of Foreign Aid._

+Source.+--_Letter to Sir William Windham_, Bolingbroke's Works, 1754. Vol. i, pp. 79, 80.

The true cause of all the misfortunes which happened to the Scotch and those who took arms in the north of England, lies here: that they rose without any previous certainty of foreign help, in direct contradiction to the scheme which their leaders themselves had formed. The excuse which I have heard made for this, is that the act of parliament for curbing the highlanders was near to be put in execution: that they would have been disarmed and entirely disabled from rising at any other time, if they had not rose at this. You can judge better than I of the validity of this excuse. It seems to me that by management they might have gained time, and that even when they had been reduced to the dilemma supposed, they ought to have got together under pretence of resisting the infractions of the union without any mention of the pretender, and have treated with the government on this foot. By these means they might probably have preserved themselves in a condition of avowing their design when they should be sure of being backed from abroad; at the worst they might have declared for the Chevalier when all other expedients failed them. In a word I take this excuse not to be very good, and the true reason of this conduct to have been the rashness of the people, and the inconsistent measures of their head.

(_b_) _The Pretender no Leader of Men._

+Source.+--_A true Account of the Proceedings at Perth, Written by a Rebel_, 1716, p. 20.

I must not conceal that when we saw the man whom they called our King, we found ourselves not at all animated by his presence, and if he was disappointed in us, we were tenfold more so in him. We saw nothing in him that looked like spirit. He never appeared with cheerfulness and vigour to animate us. His countenance looked extremely heavy. He cared not to come abroad among us soldiers, or to see us handle our arms or do our exercises. Some said, the circumstances he found us in dejected him; I am sure the figure he made dejected us; and had he sent us but 3.000 men of good hopes, and never himself come among us, we had done other things than we have now.

(_c_) _The Nation's Dread of Popery._

[Just as in 1745 the Curse of Ernulphus was reprinted in the _Gentleman's Magazine_ for September "to shew what is to be expected from the Pope, if he come to be supreme head of the church in this nation," so in 1715 the same fears were worked upon in innumerable pamphlets. The first Article of Impeachment of High Treason against Lord Derwentwater is the charge of re-establishing popery, and is taken from _A Faithful Register of the Late Rebellion_, 1718, p. 41; the second extract is from _A Caveat against the Pretender_, 1725, p. 5.]

(1) ... For many Years past, a most wicked Design and Contrivance has been formed and carried on, to subvert the ancient and established Government, and the good Laws of these Kingdoms; to extirpate the true Protestant Religion therein established, and to destroy its Professors; and, instead thereof, to introduce and settle Popery and arbitrary Power; in which unnatural and horrid Conspiracy, great Numbers of Persons, of different Degrees and Qualities, have concerned themselves, and acted; and many Protestants, pretending an uncommon Zeal for the Church of _England_, have join'd themselves with professed Papists, uniting their Endeavours to accomplish and execute the aforesaid and traitorous designs.

(2) The Pretender return! What Flames will this kindle? What burning of Towns, and ransacking of Cities? What Plunder and Rapine? And what Blindness, Superstition; Ruin of all Religion, and utter Waste of Conscience, would be the Issue of his Success!...

That this is not mere Declamation, and design'd for Amusement, a little Inspection into that _Mystery of Iniquity_, we call Popery, wou'd convince the Reader, even to Amazement: But these Papers must be confin'd to a narrower compass, and shall only fix upon one single Point of Popery, that of _Persecution and Cruelty_, so natural, and even essential to it: I shall make it appear that _Popery_ is a Religion _set on fire of Hell_, the true Molock and Tophet that devours and consumes all Protestants thro'out the Earth, that are not by interposing Providence rescu'd from its Jaws.

THE SEPTENNIAL ACT (1716).

+Source.+--Danby Pickering, _The Statutes at Large_, 1764. Vol. xiii., pp. 1713-1717. Cambridge.

_Whereas in and by act of parliament made in the sixth year of the reign of their late Majesties_ King William _and Queen_ Mary (of ever blessed _memory) intituled_, An Act for the frequent meeting and calling of parliaments: IT WAS _among other things enacted, That from henceforth no parliament whatsoever, that should at any time then after be called, assembled or held, should have any continuance longer than for three years only at the farthest, to be accounted from the day on which by the writ of summons the said parliament should be appointed to meet: whereas it has been found by experience, that the said clause hath proved very grievous and burthensome, by occasioning much greater and more continued expences in order to elections of members to serve in parliament, and more violent and lasting heat and animosities among the subjects of this realm, than were ever known before the said clause was enacted; and the said provision, if it should continue, may probably at this juncture, when a restless and popish faction are designing and endeavouring to renew the rebellion within this Kingdom, and an invasion from abroad, be destructive to the peace and security of the government_: be it enacted by the King's most excellent Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the lords spiritual and temporal, and commons in parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, That this present parliament, and all parliaments that shall at any time hereafter be called, assembled or held, shall and may respectively have continuance for seven years, and no longer, to be accounted from the day on which by the writ of summons this present parliament hath been, or any future parliament shall be, appointed to meet, unless this present, or any future parliament hereafter to be summoned shall be sooner dissolved by his Majesty, his heirs or successors.

DEFEAT OF THE SPANISH FLEET OFF SICILY BY ADMIRAL SIR GEORGE BYNG, JULY 31, 1718.

+Source.+--Byng's original despatch in Oldmixon's _History of England: George I._, 1735. P. 663.

_August 6_, O.S.--Early in the Morning, on the 30th of _July_, as we were standing in for _Messina_, we saw two Scouts of the _Spanish_ fleet in the _Faro_, very near us; and at the same time a _Felucca_ coming off from the _Calabrian_ shore, assur'd us they saw from the Hills the _Spanish Fleet_ lying by; upon which the Admiral stood thro' the _Faro_ after the scouts, judging they would lead us to their Fleet, which they did, for before Noon we had a fair sight of all their Ships.... Their Fleet consisted of 26 Men of War, great and small, two Fireships, four Bomb Vessels, seven Galleys, and several Ships with Stores and Provisions. The Admiral order'd the _Kent_, _Superbe_, _Grafton_ and _Oxford_, the best Sailors in the Fleet, to make what Sail they could to come up with the _Spaniards_; and that the Ship that could get nearest to them should carry the Lights usually worn by the Admiral, that he might not lose sight of them in the Night, and he made what sail he could with the rest of the Fleet to keep up with them. It being little Wind the _Spanish_ Galleys tow'd their heaviest Sailors all Night. The 31st in the Morning, as soon as it was day, they finding us pretty near up with their Fleet, the Galleys and smaller Ships, with the Fireships, Bomb-Vessels, and Store-Ships separated from their Admiral and bigger Ships, and stood in for the Shore. After whom the Admiral sent Captain _Walton_ in the _Canterbury_, with the _Argyle_ and six Ships more. As those Ships were coming up with them, one of the _Spaniards_ fir'd a Broadside at the _Argyle_. The Admiral seeing those Ships engag'd with the _Spanish_ which were making towards the Shore, sent orders to Captain _Walton_ to rendezvous after the Action at _Syracuse_.... We held our Chace after the _Spanish_ Admiral with three of his Rear Admirals and the biggest Ships, which staid by their _Flags_, till we came near them. The Captains of the _Kent_, _Superbe_, _Grafton_ and _Orford_ having Orders to make all the Sail they could to place themselves by the four Headmost Ships, were the first that came up with them. The Spaniards began by firing their Stern Chace at them. But they having Orders not to fire unless the _Spanish_ Ships repeated their firing, made no return at first, but the _Spaniards_ firing again, the _Orford_ attack'd the _Santa Rosa_, the _St. Charles_ struck without much Opposition, and the _Kent_ took Possession of her. The _Grafton_ attack'd the _Prince of Asturias_, formerly call'd the _Cumberland_, in which was Rear Admiral _Chacon_, but the _Breda_ and _Captain_ coming up, she left that Ship for them to take, which they soon did, and stretched ahead after another 60 Gun Ship, which was at her Starboard Bow while she was engaging the _Prince of Asturias_, and kept firing her Stern-Chace into the _Grafton_. About One o'clock the _Kent_ and _Superbe_ engaged the Spanish Admiral, which with two more Ships fir'd on them, and made a running Fight till about Three, when the _Kent_ bearing down upon her and under her Stern gave her a Broadside, and went away to Leeward of her; then the _Superbe_ put for it and laid the _Spanish_ Admiral on Board, falling on her Weather-Quarter, but the _Spanish_ Admiral shifting her Helm and avoiding her, the _Superbe_ rang'd under her Lee-Quarter, on which she struck to her. At the same time the _Barfleur_ being within Shot of the said _Spanish_ Admiral, one of their Rear Admirals, and another 60 Gun Ship, which were to Windward of the _Barfleur_, bore down and gave her three Broadsides, and then clapt upon a Wind, standing in for the land; the Admiral in the _Barfleur_ stood after them till it was almost Night, but it being little Wind ... he left pursuing them and stood away to the Fleet again, which he found two Hours after Night. The _Essex_ took the _Juno_, the _Montague_ and _Rupert_ took the _Volante_; Vice Admiral _Cornwall_ followed the _Grafton_ to support her ... Rear Admiral Delaval with the _Royal Oak_ chas'd two Ships that went away more Leewardly than the rest, one of them said to be Rear Admiral Crammock, a Scotch or Irish _Renegade_, who had serv'd several years in the English Fleet; but we not having seen them since, know not the Success.[2]

[2] The result of the battle, in which the English had 1,360 guns, the Spanish 1,310, was that fifteen Spanish ships of war, 744 guns in all, one fireship, and one store-ship were taken, and two smaller vessels burnt, and Byng goes on to say that, "as is usual on such Occasions, their Mortification after their Defeat was equal to their Presumption before."

THE SOUTH SEA BUBBLE (1720).

I.

THE PROPOSALS: THE SECOND SCHEME OF THE SOUTH SEA COMPANY.

+Source.+--_The Schemes of the South Sea Company and the Bank of England as Propos'd to the Parliament for the Reducing of the National Debts._ London, 1720.

_To the Honourable the Commons of Great Britain in Parliament Assembled._

The Corporation of the Governors and Company of Merchants, Trading to the South Seas and other Parts of America, and for Encouraging the Fishery, having on the 27th January last presented their Humble Proposal to this Honourable House, for Enlarging the Capital Stock of the said Company, by taking thereinto the several Annuities and Publick Debts therein Mentioned, on the Terms and Conditions in the said Proposal also Mentioned, in which Proposal such Advantages were offer'd to the Publick, as the said Corporation did humbly hope would have been to the entire Satisfaction of this Honourable House, and most conducive to the certain Discharging and Paying off the whole Debt of the Nation, and to which Proposal they humbly crave Leave to refer. But the Governors and Company of the Bank of England having the same day also delivered a Proposal to this Honourable House, for enlarging their Capital Stock, by taking in the same Annuities and Debts on the Terms and Conditions in their Proposal also mentioned.

This Corporation therefore further, to manifest their Zeal and Earnest desire to Contribute their utmost to the reducing and paying off the Publick Debts, crave leave to offer the following Explanations and Amendments to their said Proposal.

I. As to the sixth Article of their said former Proposal, wherein they have humbly desir'd to be Allowed for Charges of Management, for their to be increased Capital, so much as it now costs the Government for the Charges of Paying, Assigning and Accounting for the said Debts, or such Proportion thereof, as the Sum which shall be taken in by the Company, shall bear to the whole of those Debts.

They now offer by way of Explanation of that Article, that the Allowances therein Mentioned, are not to exceed a Proportion to the Allowance they now have by Act of Parliament on their present Capital for that purpose.

II. That whereas, in their seventh Article of their said Proposal it is Mentioned that the Annuities for the Company's present, and to be increased Capital, be continued at the Rates therein Mentioned till Midsummer, 1727. And that from and after that time their then Annuity on their whole Capital, shall be actually reduced to £4 per Cent. per Ann. and likewise be from thenceforth redeemable by Parliament.

They do humbly offer that if this Honourable House do think it more for the Interest of the Publick, that in lieu of the said seventh Article, all the Sums to be taken into the Company's Capital, in pursuance of their proposal, shall be redeemable by Parliament, from and after Midsummer 1724, in Sums not less than £500,000 at a time they do consent thereto.

III. And whereas by the tenth Article of their said former Proposal, they offer'd for the Liberty of Increasing their Capital Stock, as is therein aforesaid; that they would give and pay into his Majesty's Exchequer, for the Service of the Publick, the sum of £3,500,000.

They now humbly Offer, that over and above the said £3,500,000, They will farther give and pay into his Majesty's Exchequer, for the use of the Publick, by four Equal Quarterly Payments on the days Mention'd in their said former Proposal, £500,000 more certain, and also upon all the said Annuities for certain Terms of Years which this Company shall take into their Capital Stock, before the first day of March, 1721, after the rate of four Year and half purchase, by four Quarterly Payments which if all the said Annuities be taken into the said Company, will amount to the Sum of £3,567,503 or thereabouts, to which being added the said £3,500,000 and the said further Sum of £500,000 will amount in the whole to the Sum of £7,567,500 or thereabouts.