Chapter III: Part 3

If poets and players are to be restrained, let them be restrained as other subjects are, by the known laws of their country; if they offend, let them be tried, as every Englishman ought to be, by God and their country. Do not let us subject them to the arbitrary will and pleasure of any one man. A power lodged in the hands of one single man, to judge and determine, without any limitation, without any control or appeal, is a sort of power unknown to our laws, inconsistent with our constitution. It is a higher, a more absolute power than we trust even to the King himself; and, therefore, I must think, we ought not to vest any such power in his Majesty's lord chamberlain....

... The Bill now before us cannot so properly be called a Bill for restraining licentiousness, as it may be called a Bill for restraining the liberty of the stage, and for restraining it too in that branch which in all countries has been the most useful; therefore I must look upon the Bill as a most dangerous encroachment upon liberty in general. Nay, farther, my Lords, it is not only an encroachment upon liberty, but it is likewise an encroachment upon property. Wit, my Lords, is a sort of property: it is the property of those that have it, and too often the only property they have to depend on. It is, indeed, but a precarious dependence. Thank God! we, my Lords, have a dependence of another kind; we have a much less precarious support, and therefore cannot feel the inconveniences of the Bill now before us; but it is our duty to encourage and protect wit, whosoever's property it may be. Those gentlemen who have any such property, are all, I hope, our friends: do not let us subject them to any unnecessary and arbitrary restraint. I must own, I cannot easily agree to the laying of any tax upon wit; but by this Bill it is to be heavily taxed, it is to be excised;[15] for if this Bill passes, it cannot be retailed in a proper way without a permit; and the lord chamberlain is to have the honour of being chief gauger, supervisor, commissioner, judge and jury: but what is still more hard, though the poor author, the proprietor I should say, cannot perhaps dine till he has found out and agreed with a purchaser: yet before he can propose to seek for a purchaser, he must patiently submit to have his goods rummaged at this new excise-office, where they may be detained for fourteen days, and even then he may find them returned as prohibited goods, by which his chief and best market will be for ever shut against him; and that without any cause, without the least shadow of reason, either from the laws of his country, or the laws of the stage....

[14] It had been rushed through the House of Commons at the very end of the session.

[15] Walpole's Excise Bill had been withdrawn under strong pressure four years earlier (see p. 22). Hence the cogency of this allusion here.

DEATH OF QUEEN CAROLINE (1737): HER CHARACTER DESCRIBED BY GEORGE II.

+Source.+--Hervey's _Memoirs_. Vol. ii., pp. 531-533.

During this time [of the Queen's fatal illness in 1737] the King talked perpetually to Lord Hervey, the physicians and surgeons, and his children, who were the only people he ever saw out of the Queen's room, of the Queen's good qualities, his fondness for her, his anxiety for her welfare, and the irreparable loss her death would be to him; and repeated every day, and many times in the day, all her merits in every capacity with regard to him and every other body she had to do with. He said she was the best wife, the best mother, the best companion, the best friend, the best woman that ever was born; that she was the wisest, the most agreeable, and the most useful body, man or woman, that he had ever been acquainted with; that he firmly believed she never, since he first knew her, ever thought of anything she was to do or say, but with the view of doing or saying it in what manner it would be most agreeable to his pleasure or most serviceable for his interest; that he had never seen her out of humour in his life; that he had passed more hours with her than he believed any other two people in the world had ever passed together, and that he had never been tired in her company one minute; and that he was sure he could have been happy with no other woman upon earth for a wife, and that if she had not been his wife, he had rather have had her for his mistress than any woman he had ever been acquainted with; that he believed she never had had a thought of people or things which she had not communicated to him; that she had the best head, the best heart, and the best temper that God Almighty had ever given to any human creature, man or woman; and that she had not only softened all his leisure hours, but been of more use to him as a minister than any other body had ever been to him or to any other prince; that with a patience which he knew _he_ was not master of, she had listened to the nonsense of all the impertinent fools that wanted to talk to him, and had taken all that trouble off his hands, reporting nothing to him that was unnecessary or that would have been tedious for him to hear, and never forgetting anything that was material, useful, or entertaining for him to know. He said that, joined to all the softness and delicacy of her own sex, she had all the personal as well as political courage of the finest and bravest man; that not only he and her family, but the whole nation, would feel the loss of her if she died, and that, as to all the _brillant_ and _enjouement_ of the Court, there would be an end of it when she was gone; and that there would be no bearing a drawing-room when the only body that ever enlivened it, and one that always enlivened it, was no longer there. "Poor woman, how she always found something obliging, agreeable, and pleasing to say to somebody, and always sent people away from her better satisfied than they came! _Comme elle soutenoit sa dignité avec grace, avec politesse, avec douceur!_"

THE WAR OF JENKINS' EAR (1739).

I.

REAR-ADMIRAL CHARLES STEWART'S LETTER TO THE GOVERNOR OF THE HAVANA AND THE DUKE OF NEWCASTLE.

+Source.+--_English Historical Review._ Vol. iv., pp. 743, 742.

_12 Sept., 1731._

... I have repeated assurances that you allow vessels to be fitted out of your harbour, particularly one Fandino and others, who have committed the most cruel piratical outrages on several ships and vessels of the King my master's subjects, particularly about the 20th April last [N.S.] sailed out of your harbour in one of those Guarda Costas [Spanish revenue cutters], and met a ship of this island [Jamaica] bound for England; and after using the captain in a most barbarous inhuman manner, taking all his money, cutting off one of his ears, plundering him of those necessaries which were to carry the ship safe home, without doubt with the intent that she should perish in her passage; but as she has providentially got safe home, and likewise several others that have met with no better usage off the Havana, and the King my master having so much reason to believe that these repeated insults on his subjects could never be continued but by the connivance of several Spanish governors in these parts, is determined for his own honour as well as for the honour of his Catholic Majesty who he is now in the strictest friendship with, to endeavour to put a stop to these piratical proceedings.

_12 Oct., 1731._

... It is without doubt irksome to every honest man to hear such cruelties are committed in these seas; but give me leave to say that you only hear one side of the question; and I can assure you the sloops that sail from this island, manned and armed on that illicit trade, has (_sic_) more than once bragged to me of their having murdered 7 or 8 Spaniards on their own shore.... It is, I think, a little unreasonable for us to do injuries and not know how to bear them. But villainy is inherent to this climate, and I should be partial if I was to judge whether the trading part of the Island [Jamaica] or those we complain of among the Spaniards are most exquisite in that trade....

I was a little surprised to hear of the usage Captain Jenkins met with off the Havana, as I know the Governor there has the character of being an honest good man, and don't find anybody thinks he would connive or countenance such villainies.

II.

ACCOUNT OF THE EXAMINATION OF JENKINS BEFORE THE HOUSE OF COMMONS (1738).

+Source.+--Samuel Boyse: _An Historical Review of the Transactions of Europe_. Vol. i., p. 29. Reading, 1747.

There was amongst the rest, one Instance that made so much Noise at this time, it cannot well be omitted. One Capt. _Jenkins_, Commander of a _Scotch_ Vessel, was in his Passage home boarded by a _Guarda Costa_, the Captain of which was an _Irishman_. The _Spaniards_, after rummaging, finding their Hopes disappointed, tearing off part of his ear, and bidding him carry it to the _English King_, and tell him they would serve him in the same manner if they had him in their Power: This Villainy was attended with other Circumstances of Cruelty too shocking to mention. The Captain, on his Return, was examined at the Bar of the House of Commons; and being ask'd what his Sentiments were, when threaten'd with Death? nobly reply'd, _That he recommended his Soul to God, and his Cause to his Country_;--which Words, and the Sight of his Ear, made a visible Impression on that great Assembly.

THE OPPOSITION SUSPECTS WALPOLE OF DOUBLE-DEALING.

+Source.+--Memorial from the Earl of Stair to Alexander Earl of Marchmont, December, 1739. Printed in _Papers of the Earls of Marchmont_, 1831. Vol. ii., pp. 170-172.

I shall take it for granted, that Great Britain has it in her power to make a prosperous war against Spain, spite of all the opposition that can possibly be made, even though France should meddle in the quarrel, by taking the Havannah, which can be done by raising troops in our colonies of America, headed by a very few regular troops sent from Britain. I mention the Havannah only, because _cela décide la guerre_. The Havannah once taken, the body of troops can be employed in several other expeditions, which may be very useful and very practicable. I say nothing of the method of raising these troops in America; that is a consideration of another time and place. I shall only say, that by the means of our colonies in America Britain should get the better of any nation in a war in America. By a proper use made of our colonies, I do not know what we are not able to do in America.

This proposition is demonstrably true; but, I believe, it is no less true, that Sir Robert has no such intention. The disposition of raising men in America would appear; but as no such disposition appears, we may conclude, that Sir Robert's scheme is different. I am afraid, that it is to make a treaty with Spain by the mediation of France. If that treaty should be apparently good, Great Britain will find herself in the state of the horse in Horace's fable:

"Sed postquam victor violens discessit at hoste,
Non equitem dorso, non frenum depulit ore."

This being the case, as I am afraid it is, that we can neither secure our constitution at home, nor make a prosperous war abroad, whilst Sir Robert has the sole direction of our affairs, foreign and domestic, there is a preliminary absolutely necessary to the saving of the nation, and that is, the removing of Sir Robert. The question is, How can that be done? I shall freely tell my opinion, with great submission to better judgments. In the first place, there must be a perfect union amongst the leaders of the country party; they must make one common cause of preserving their country, which indeed stands in the utmost danger; all the operations must be directed by one common council. Though there are many great and able men on the side of their country, yet in my opinion the great strength of the party is the people, who are well-disposed to follow their leaders, to save themselves and their country from impending slavery. If the leaders will advise the communities to declare their sentiments on a very few public points, and instruct their representatives in Parliament accordingly, the strength of the country party will very soon appear so very great, that it will very soon put Sir Robert's gang out of countenance, and occasion a great many of them to think of changing their side. At the same time, it will be impossible for Sir Robert to continue to deceive his Majesty, by pretending that either the nation is of his side, or that by means of the Houses of Parliament, which are with him, he can govern the nation as he pleases. This method of proceeding appears to me a certain one, which the leaders of the opposition have entirely in their own power; I can see no objection to the using of it. Does it hinder anything else? If there is any good to be done by negociations, or other ways, does it hinder? On the contrary, must not everybody feel, that the credit of the strength of the people must be very favourable to negociations in either House of Parliament?

I need say no more. In my opinion at this critical moment Britain may not only be saved, but she may come out of this war with safety and honour, nay, with great glory to her deliverers. But if the opportunity of this session of Parliament is neglected, to-morrow will be Sir Robert's and France's, without any possibility of relief.

ADMIRAL VERNON'S VICTORY AT PORTOBELLO (1740).

I. _ADMIRAL HOSIER'S GHOST._

_To the Tune of, "Come and Listen to my Ditty."_

+Source.+--Original broadside of 1740 in the British Museum.

[This ballad, by the Opposition poet and pamphleteer Richard Glover, implies that Walpole would willingly have let Vernon and his fleet perish in 1740 as Hosier and his fleet had perished in 1726.]

I.

As, near _Porto-Bello_ lying,
On the Gently swelling Flood,
At Midnight, with Streamers flying,
Our triumphant Navy rode,
There, while _Vernon_ sate all Glorious
From the _Spaniards_ late Defeat,
And his Crew with Shouts victorious
Drank Success to England's Fleet;

II.

On a sudden, shrilly sounding,
Hideous Yells and Shrieks were heard;
Then, each Heart with fear confounding,
A sad Troop of Ghosts appear'd;
All in dreary Hammocks shrouded,
Which for winding Sheets they wore;
And with Looks by Sorrow clouded,
Frowning on that hostile Shore.

III.

On them gleam'd the Moon's wan Lustre,
When the Shade of _Hosier_ brave
His Pale Bands was seen to muster,
Rising from their wat'ry Grave;
O'er the glimmering Wave he hy'd him,
Where the _Burford_[16] rear'd her Sail,
With three thousand Ghosts beside him,
And in Groans did _Vernon_ hail.

IV.

"Heed, oh heed our fatal Story!
"I am _Hosier's_ injur'd Ghost;
"You, who now have purchas'd Glory
"At this Place, where I was lost;
"Tho' in _Porto-Bello's_ ruin
"You now triumph, free from fears,
"When you think on our undoing,
"You will mix your Joy with Tears,

V.

"See these mournful Spectres sweeping,
"Ghastly, o'er this hated wave,
"Whose wan Cheeks are stain'd with _weeping_,
"These were English Captains brave;
"Mark those Numbers pale and horrid,
"Who were once my Sailors bold;
"Lo, each hangs his drooping forehead,
"While his dismal Fate is told.

VI.

"I by twenty Sail attended,
"Did this _Spanish_ Town affright,
"Nothing then its wealth defended,
"But my Orders not to fight;
"Oh that in this rolling Ocean
"I had cast them with disdain,
"And obey'd my heart's warm motion
"To reduce the Pride of _Spain_.

VII.

"For resistance I could fear none.
"But with twenty Ships had done,
"What thou, brave and happy _Vernon_,
"Hast achiev'd with Six alone.
"Then the Bastimentos never
"Had our foul Dishonour seen,
"Nor the Sea the sad Receiver
"Of this gallant train had been.

VIII.

"Thus, like thee, proud _Spain_ dismaying,
"And her Galleons leading home,
"Tho' condemn'd for disobeying,
"I had met a Traytor's Doom:
"To have fall'n, my Country crying
"He has play'd an _English_ part,
"Had been better far than Dying,
"Of a griev'd and broken Heart.

IX.

"Unrepining at thy Glory,
"Thy successful Arms we hail,
"But remember our sad Story
"And let _Hosier's_ wrongs prevail;
"After this proud Foe subduing,
"When your Patriot Friends you see,
"Think of Vengeance for my ruin,
"And for _England_ sham'd in me."

II. _GREAT BRITAIN'S GLORY; OR, THE STAY-AT-HOME FLEET._

A NEW BALLAD.

_Tune of, "Packington's Pound."_

+Source.+--First verse of original broadside in the British Museum.

Come, ye Lovers of Peace, who are said to have sold
Your Votes, that the War of Queen _ANNE_ it might cease;
Come, ye lovers of war, who 'tis certain, of old,
Would have hang'd, if ye could, all the lovers of peace;
Come, you _Whigg_ and you _Tory_,
Attend to my Story,
For you ne'er heard the like, nor your Fathers before ye;
How _Britain_, Great _Britain_! is Queen of the main,
And her Navies in Port are the terror of Spain.

[16] Admiral Vernon's ship.

THE NEW MINISTERS (1742).

I.

+Source.+--Hervey's _Memoirs_. Vol. ii., p. 581.

Their _sanctum sanctorum_ is composed of my Lord Carteret, Lord Winchilsea his adherent, the Duke of Newcastle and his quibbling friend my Lord Chancellor [Hardwicke], Mr. Pulteney, and Harry Pelham. Lord Carteret, Duke of Newcastle, and Mr. Pulteney, while they act seemingly in concert at this juncture, having distinct views and different interests of their own to pursue, are all striving to deceive and overreach one another; and each separately relating to their own private friends what passes at these conferences conducive to their own points, the whole of the conference, through different channels, flows into the world. Lord Carteret, feeling he has the strength of the closet and the confidence and favour of the King, whilst he is making his court by foreign politics,[17] hates and detests Mr. Pulteney for all the trouble he gives him in pursuing his points at home; and knowing that the moment Mr. Pulteney goes into the House of Lords, he will become an absolute nullity, he is ready to feed the exorbitant appetite of his demands with any morsels it craves for at present, provided in return he can gain that one point of Mr. Pulteney's going into the House of Lords. On the other hand, Mr. Pulteney, knowing he has at present the House of Commons in his hands, and seeing too plainly that though he has the power of the closet, he has none of the favour, and that every point he carries there is extorted, not granted--carried by force, not by persuasion--hates my Lord Carteret for engrossing that favour which he proposed at least to share, if not to engross himself; and whilst he is forcing seven or eight of his followers into employment, proposes to remain himself in the House of Commons in order to retain the same power, in order to force a new batch of his friends, three or four months hence, in the same manner upon the King, which reduces the struggle between Lord Carteret and him to this short point, that if Mr. Pulteney goes into the House of Lords, Lord Carteret dupes him; if he does not, he dupes my Lord Carteret. The Duke of Newcastle, whose envy is so strong that he is jealous of everybody, and whose understanding is so weak that nobody is jealous of him, is reciprocally made use of by these two men to promote their different ends; and being jealous of Lord Carteret from feeling his superior interest with the King, and jealous of Mr. Pulteney from his superior interest to his brother [Mr. Pelham] in the House of Commons, is like the hungry ass in the fable between the two bundles of hay, and allured by both without knowing which to go to, tastes neither, and will starve between them. He wants Mr. Pulteney's power in the House of Commons to be kept as a check and bridle upon Lord Carteret, who has outrun him so far in the palace, and yet wants Mr. Pulteney out of the House of Commons to strengthen his own power there by the proxy medium of his brother. Thus stands the private contest and seeming union among these present rulers, or rather combatants for rule.

II.

ON THE MINISTRY OF LORD CARTERET, FEB., 1742.

+Source.+--_Sir Charles Hanbury Williams_, quoted by Horace Walpole to Sir Horace Mann, Sept. 11, 1742; and also to be found in Williams' _Collected Poems_.

O my poor country! is this all
You've gain'd by the long-labour'd fall
Of Walpole and his tools?
He was a knave indeed,--what then?
He'd parts,--but this new set of men
A'n't only knaves, but fools.

III.

ON PULTENEY'S ACCEPTANCE OF A PEERAGE, JULY, 1742.

+Source.+--_A Collection of Poems, principally consisting of the most celebrated pieces of Sir Charles Hanbury Williams_, 1763, p. 36. The names in the British Museum copy, from which this and the following are transcribed, are filled in by Horace Walpole, to whom this copy belonged.

I'm not the man you knew before,
For I am P[ultene]y now no more,
My titles hide my name.
(Oh how I blush to own my case!)
My dignity was my disgrace,
And I was rais'd to shame.

[17] _I.e._, by advancing the King's views in favour of Hanover and encouraging the passion for war which Walpole had so long repressed. Carteret attended George II. throughout the campaign of 1743, and was even present--the last prime minister to take part in an action--at the Battle of Dettingen. He spoke German well, which greatly endeared him to the King.

THE ORIGIN OF THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR (1741-1748).

+Source.+--Samuel Boyse: _Historical Review of the Transactions of Europe_, 1739-45, pp. 69-73.

The late Emperor, in order to preserve the Succession of his hereditary Dominions entire, had obtain'd from the chief Powers in _Europe_, the _Guarantee_ of the _Pragmatic Sanction_ of which it is therefore necessary to give the Reader some Account. _Leopold_, his Father, apprehensive of the Troubles which the Failure of the Male Line in his Family might excite not only in _Germany_, but in _Europe_, form'd the Design of settling the Succession in the Female Line, as the only way to prevent all Disputes, and keep his Dominions entire. He communicated his Intentions to his Sons _Joseph_ and _Charles_ (who both succeeded him) by whom this Regulation was approved; and afterwards by his Ministers he had it ratify'd in the Imperial Dyet. _Joseph_, his Successor, made no Alteration in it, and died without Male Issue. _Charles_ VI. seven Years after his Accession, having no Male Heir, and seeing that if the Male Line should end in him, the right of Succession would remain in his Nieces, and not his Daughters, in order to secure the Succession to his own Posterity, by confining the Entail, had a new Instrument drawn up, which in 1720, after being approved by his Council, was sworn to by all the Estates of his hereditary Dominions. But foreign Courts, foreseeing the Difficulties that might attend it, were averse to intermeddle with it. In 1724 _Great Britain_ and _France_ refused to guarantee it, tho' then Mediators between the _Emperor_ and _Spain_. This occasion'd the first Treaty of _Vienna_ in 1725, in which this Prince threw himself into the Hands of _Spain_, and gave up _Naples_ and _Sicily_ on the sole Condition of that Crown's guaranteeing the _Pragmatic Sanction_. In 1726 he obtain'd the Guarantee of _Russia_, and some Months after the Imperial Dyet confirmed it as a Publick irrevocable Law. In 1731, by the second Treaty of _Vienna_, we consented to give it our Sanction; and in 1732, the King of _Denmark_, and the _States General_ follow'd our Example. The Elector of _Saxony_ in 1733 acquiesced in it, on account of the Emperor's contributing to raise him to the Throne of _Poland_, and by the last Treaty of _Vienna_ in 1738, _France_ also confirm'd it, in Consideration of the Cession of _Lorrain_. Yet both the Courts of _Paris_ and _Madrid_, who had obtain'd large Accessions of Territory for their Guarantees, were the first to violate their Engagements; whereas _Great Britain_, _Holland_ and _Russia_, who got nothing by theirs, continued firm to what they had promis'd.

The only Princes who refus'd to acknowledge it at the Emperor's Death, were the Electors of _Bavaria_, _Cologne_, and _Palatine_. As to the two first, their Interests were too nearly concern'd not to oppose a measure that defeated the Claim of their House to so rich and powerful a Succession: As to the latter, it is not well known what his Motives were, unless a Disinclination to the _Austrian_ Interests, which he discover'd all his Life.

The Emperor in 1736, had married the Archduchess _Mary Teresa_, his eldest Daughter, to the Duke of _Lorrain_, for whom, by the succeeding Treaty of _Vienna_, he obtain'd the Grand Duchy of _Tuscany_. The eminent Services his august House had received from this Prince and his Ancestors, very well entitled him to this illustrious Alliance. Had this monarch liv'd a little longer, it is thought he would have procured his Son-in-Law the Dignity of King of the _Romans_, a Step that would, in a great measure, have prevented the Confusions that follow'd, and which almost brought his Family to the Brink of Ruin. This fatal Neglect was owing to the Empress's Youth, and the Hopes conceived she might still have a Male Heir.

The Emperor was no sooner dead, than pursuant to his will, Mary Teresa, his eldest Daughter, was declared Queen of _Hungary_ and _Bohemia_, and peaceably invested in the Sovereignty of all his hereditary Dominions. This Princess immediately took care to notify her Accession to the different Courts of _Europe_, by whom she was acknowledged, and especially by that of _France_, who on this occasion renew'd its Assurance, in the strongest Terms, of performing its Guarantee of the _Pragmatic Sanction_. But her Letters of Notification to the Court of _Munich_ were returned unopen'd, the Elector declaring he could not acknowledge the Princess's Titles, without Prejudice to his own Claim, as founded on the Will of _Ferdinand I._, which imported, "That the eldest Archduchess, Daughter of the said _Ferdinand_, who should be alive when the said Succession should be _open_, should succeed to the two Crowns of _Hungary_ and _Bohemia_, in case there be no _Male Heir_ of any of the three Brothers of that Emperor." Now the Male Line of that House being extinct by the Death of _Charles_ VI., the Elector being descended from _Anne_, second daughter to _Ferdinand I._ (the eldest dying issueless) claimed the Succession as now _open_ by the Terms of the Will. On the other hand, the Court of _Vienna_ maintain'd that the Succession was not _open_, the last Words of the Will, according to the original Copy in the _Austrian_ Archives being "in case there shall be no _lawful Heir_ living of any of the Emperor's three Brothers."

It is easy to see, the Elector's Claim was to no less than the _Whole_ of the late Emperor's succession. The King of _Spain_ also publish'd his Pretensions to all the late Emperor's Dominions, and made Preparations for invading _Italy_. In short the new Queen beheld that Storm gathering, which quickly overspread _Germany_, and which gave her but too much Occasion for exerting that Magnanimity and Constancy of Mind, which heighten her eminent Virtues, and have render'd her justly the Admiration of her Enemies themselves.

To these Claimants, whose Pretensions might have been foreseen, appear'd a third no way expected, but whose Title seem'd to be as well founded, as his Power to support it was unquestionable. This was the young King of _Prussia_, who claim'd the Principality of _Silesia_, as antiently belonging to the _Brandenburgh_ Family, from whom the House of _Austria_ had gain'd it by unjust means. As this Prince assembled a numerous Army on the _Emperor's_ Death, every one imagined it was to support the _Pragmatic Sanction_. But, instead of this, in _November_ he enter'd _Silesia_, at the head of 30,000 Men, and soon made himself master of _Breslaw_, the Capital, and the greatest Part of the Country, the _Austrians_ being in no Condition to oppose him. His Behaviour to the vanquish'd was so generous, as easily won their Affections; the rather, as the major Part of that People were of the reform'd Communion, and had suffer'd on that Account much Persecution from the House of _Austria_; whereas the Court of _Berlin_ had always declared and often interposed in their Favour.

As soon as the King of _Prussia_ had struck his Blow, he caused, by his Ministers, the following verbal Proposals to be laid before the Court of _Vienna_:

I. _That he would guarantee the Queen's Dominions in_ Germany _with his whole Force. And for that End_

II. _He would enter into a close Alliance with the Courts of_ Vienna, Petersburgh, _and the Maritime_ Powers.

III. _That he would use his utmost Endeavours to get the D. of_ Lorrain _raised to the Imperial Throne_.

IV. _That he would advance the Queen in ready Money two Millions of Florins._

V. _In Consideration of all which, he only desired the absolute cession of Silesia._

The Queen's Answer was strong and peremptory: She thank'd the King for his Offers with regard to the D. of Lorrain; but as the Election, by the Golden Rule, should be free, she thought raising a War in Germany was no likely means of contributing to that End. That as to the Offer of two Millions, the contributions his Army had raised in Silesia amounted to more: And, as to the cession of that Province, her Majesty being resolved to maintain the Pragmatic Sanction, could never consent to the Dismembring any Province belonging to the Succession handed down to her, without violating her Honour and her Conscience....

THE '45.

I.

LANDING OF THE YOUNG PRETENDER; THE RAISING OF THE STANDARD; SURRENDER OF EDINBURGH.

+Source.+--Robert Forbes: _The Lyon in Mourning_. Edited by H. Paton for the Scottish History Society 1895. Vol. xx., pp. 201-210.

_Journal of the Prince's imbarkation and arrival, etc., the greatest part of which was taken from Duncan Cameron at several different conversations I had with him._

After the battle of Fontenoy and taking of Tournay, among other regiments the one commanded by Lord John Drummond was garrisoned in Tournay, in which corps Duncan Cameron (some time servant to old Lochiel at Boulogne in France) served. When Duncan was in Tournay he received a letter from Mr. Æneas MacDonald, banker in Paris, desiring him forthwith to repair to Amiens, and if possible to post it without sleeping, where he should receive orders about what he was to do. Accordingly Duncan set out, and in a very short time posted to Amiens, from whence Æneas, etc., had set out, but had left a letter for Duncan, ordering him to follow them to Nantes, to which place he set out without taking any rest, where he found the Prince and his small retinue, consisting of seven only, besides servants.

The seven were the Duke of Athol, Sir Thomas Sheridan, Sir John Macdonald, Colonel Strickland, Captain O'Sullivan, Mr. George Kelly (a nonjurant clergyman), and Æneas MacDonald, banker at Paris, brother to Kinlochmoidart.

As Duncan Cameron had been brought up in the island of Barra, and knew the coast of the Long Isle well, in some part of which the Prince intended to land first, so Duncan's business was to descry to them the Long Isle.

At Nantes the Prince and his few attendants waited about fifteen days before the _Elizabeth_ ship of war came, which was to be their convoy in the expedition. To cover the design the better, Sir Thomas Sheridan passed for the father, and the Prince for the son, for none knew the Prince to be in company but the seven, some few others, and Mr. Welch (an Irishman, a very rich merchant in Nantes) who was to command the frigate of sixteen guns, on board of which the Prince and the few faithful friends with the servants were to imbark.

After the Prince was on board he dispatched letters to his father, and the King of France, and the King of Spain, advising them of his design, and no doubt desiring assistance.

The Prince when in Scotland, used to say that the 10th of June was the day on which he stole off, and that he did not mind it to be his father's birth-day till night was far spent. From whence some have affirmed that to have been the day of the embarkation, and others to have been the day when he left Paris and began to be incog.

They had not been above five or six days at sea till one evening the _Lyon_ ship of war appeared, and came pretty near them and then disappeared. Next morning she came again in view and disappeared. She continued to do so three or four times, and the last time of her appearing she came within a mile or so of them: when the captain of the _Elizabeth_ (a Frenchman) came on board the frigate, and told Mr. Welch if he would assist him by keeping one side of the _Lyon_ in play at a distance, he would immediately put all things in order for the attack. Mr. Welch, well knowing the trust he had on board, answered him civilly, and told him it was what he could not think of doing, and withal remarked to him it was his humble opinion that he should not think of fighting unless he should happen to be attacked, because his business was to be convoy to the frigate in the voyage. However, he said, as he pretended not to any command over him, he might do as he thought proper.

The French captain to all this replied, that from the _Lion's_ appearing and disappearing so often, it seemed as if she were looking out for another ship to assist her, and if she should happen to be joined by any other, they no doubt would instantly fall upon the _Elizabeth_ and the frigate, and devour them both: and therefore he behoved to think it the wisest course to fight the _Lion_ when single, because the _Elizabeth_ in that case was fit enough for the engagement, and would bid fair enough to give a good account of the _Lion_. Upon this the French captain drew his sword, took leave of Mr. Welch and his company, went on board the _Elizabeth_ with his sword still drawn in his hand, and gave the necessary orders for the attack.

Immediately the _Elizabeth_ bore down upon the _Lion_ (each of them consisting of about sixty guns, and therefore equally matched), and begun the attack with great briskness. The fight continued for five or six hours, when the _Lion_ was obliged to sheer off like a tub upon the water.

About the time when the captain came on board the frigate, the Prince was making ready to go on board the _Elizabeth_ for more air and greater conveniency every way, the frigate being crowded with the gentlemen, the servants, and the crew. His friends reckoned it very lucky that he had not gone on board.

The frigate all the time of the engagement lay at such a small distance, that (as the Prince observed to several friends in Scotland) the _Lion_ might have sunk her with the greatest ease. But he said it was their good fortune that the _Lion_ had despised them, and thought not the frigate worth the while. Besides the _Lion_ found enough of employment for all her hands in playing her part against the _Elizabeth_.

During the time of the fight the Prince several times observed to Mr. Welch what a small assistance would serve to give the _Elizabeth_ the possession of the _Lion_, and importuned him to engage in the quarrel. But Mr. Welch positively refused, and at last behoved to desire the Prince not to insist any more, otherwise he would order him down to the cabin.

After the fight was all over, Mr. Welch sailed round the _Elizabeth_, and enquired particularly how matters stood with the captain and the crew. A lieutenant came upon deck from the captain, who was wounded in his cabin, and told Mr. Welch that between thirty and forty officers and gentlemen (besides common men) were killed and wounded, and that if Mr. Welch could supply him with a mainmast and some rigging, he would still make out the voyage with him.

Mr. Welch replied that he could not furnish him with either mainmast or rigging, and that although he should have happened to be capable to serve him in these things, yet he would not have made it his choice to lose so much time as it would require to put the _Elizabeth_ in some better order. He desired to tell the captain it was his opinion he should without loss of time return to France, and that he himself would do his best to make out the intended voyage. The _Elizabeth_ accordingly returned to France, and the frigate continued her course to the coast of Scotland. She had not been long parted from the _Elizabeth_ till the crew descried two ships of war at some distance, which they could not have well got off from, but that a mist luckily intervened, and brought them out of sight.

Two or three hours before landing, an eagle came hovering over the frigate, and continued so to do until they were all safe on shore. Before dinner the Duke of Athol had spied the eagle: but (as he told several friends in Scotland) he did not chuse then to take any notice of it, lest they should have called it a Highland freit[18] in him. When he came upon deck after dinner, he saw the eagle still hovering about in the same manner, and following the frigate in her course, and then he could not help remarking it to the Prince and his small retinue, which they looked upon with pleasure. His grace, turning to the prince, said, "Sir, I hope this is an excellent omen, and promises good things to us. The King of birds is come to welcome your royal highness upon your arrival in Scotland."

When they were near the shore of the Long Isle, Duncan Cameron was sent out in the long boat to fetch them a proper pilot. When he landed he accidentally met with Barra's piper, who was his old acquaintance, and brought him on board. The piper piloted them safely into Eriska (about July 21st), a small island lying between Barra and South Uist. "At this time," said Duncan Cameron, "there was a _devil of a minister_ that happened to be in the island of Barra, who did us a' the mischief that lay in his power. For when he had got any inkling about us, he dispatched away expresses with information against us. But as the good luck was, he was not well believed, or else we would have been a' tane by the neck."

When Duncan spoke these words, "_a devil of a minister_," he bowed low and said to me, "Sir, I ask you ten thousand pardons for saying so in your presence. But, good faith, I can assure you, sir (asking your pardon), he was nothing else but the _devil of a minister_."

When they landed in Eriska, they could not find a grain of meal or one inch of bread. But they catched some flounders, which they roasted upon the bare coals in a mean low hut they had gone into near the shore, and Duncan Cameron stood cook. The Prince sat at the cheek of the little ingle, upon a fail[19] sunk, and laughed heartily at Duncan's cookery, for he himself owned he played his part awkwardly enough.

Next day the Prince sent for young Clanranald's uncle (Alexander MacDonald of Boisdale), who lived in South Uist, and discovered himself to him. This gentleman spoke in a very discouraging manner to the Prince, and advised him to return home. To which it is said the Prince replied, "I am come home, sir, and I will entertain no notion at all of returning to that place from whence I came; for that I am persuaded my faithful Highlanders will stand by me." Mr. MacDonald told him he was afraid he would find the contrary. The Prince condescended upon Sir Alexander MacDonald and the Laird of MacLeod as persons he might confide in. Mr. MacDonald begged leave to tell him that he had pitched upon the wrong persons; for from his own certain knowledge he could assure him these gentlemen would not adhere in his interest; on the contrary, they might chance to act an opposite part. And seeing the Prince had been pleased to mention Sir Alexander MacDonald's name, Boisdale desired he might run off an express to him, and let his return be the test of what he had advanced. He added withal, that if Sir Alexander MacDonald and the Laird of MacLeod declared for him, it was his opinion he might then land on the continent, for that he doubted not but he would succeed in the attempt. But if they should happen to refuse their assistance (which he still insisted would be the case) then their example would prove of bad consequence, and would tend only to make others backward and to keep at home. And in that event he still thought it advisable to suggest his returning back to where he came from.

According to this advice the Prince did send a message to Sir Alexander MacDonald, intimating his arrival, and demanding assistance. Before the messenger could return, Æneas MacDonald (anxious to have the honour of seeing the Prince in the house of his brother, the Laird of Kinlochmoidart) prevailed upon the Prince to set out for the continent, and they arrived at Boradale in Moidart, or rather Arisaig, upon July 25th, St. James's day, 1745. When the messenger returned to the Prince he brought no answer with him, for Sir Alexander refused to give any.

It is worth remarking here that though MacDonald of Boisdale had played the game of the government by doing all he could to dissuade the Prince from making the attempt: and after the standard was set up, by keeping back all Clanranald's men (to the number of four or five hundred good stout fellows) that lived in South Uist and the other isles, yet his conduct could not screen him from rough and severe treatment. For after the battle of Culloden he suffered in his effects as well as others, and had the misfortune to be made a prisoner and to be carried to London by sea, in which expedition he had the additional affliction of having his brother, the Laird of Clanranald, senior (who had never stirred from his own fireside), and his lady to bear him company, and none of them were released till the 4th July, 1747. However, to do Boisdale justice, he was of very great use to the Prince (as Donald MacLeod and Malcolm have both declared) when wandering up and down through South Uist, Benbicula, and other parts of the Long Isle, and exerted his utmost power to keep him out of the hands of his enemies.

After the Prince's arrival upon the continent [mainland] some friends met to consult what was to be done, and I have heard it affirmed by good authority the Keppoch honestly and bravely gave it as his opinion that since the Prince had risqued his person and generously thrown himself into the hands of his friends, therefore it was their duty to raise their men instantly merely for the protection of his person, let the consequence be what it would. Certain it is that if Keppoch, Lochiel, young Clanranald, etc., had not joined him, he would either have fallen into the hands of his enemies or been forced immediately to cross the seas again.

The royal standard was set up at Glenfinnan (August 19th), the property of Clanranald, at the head of Lochshiel, which marches with Lochiel's ground, and lies about ten miles west from Fort William. The Prince had been a full week before this, viz. from Sunday the 11th at Kinlochmoydart's house, and Lochiel had been raising his men who came up with them just as the standard was setting up.

The Prince stayed where the standard was set up two days, and I have heard Major MacDonell frequently say in the Castle of Edinburgh, that, he had never seen the Prince more cheerful at any time, and in higher spirits than when he had got together four or five hundred men about the standard. Major MacDonell presented the Prince with the first good horse he mounted in Scotland, which the Major had taken from Captain Scott, son of Scotstarvet.

On Friday, August 23d, the Prince lodged in Fassafern, three miles down the Loch Eil, and about five miles from Fort William. On sight of a warship which lay opposite to the garrison, the Prince crossed a hill, and went to Moy or Moidh, a village on the river Lochy belonging to Lochiel. There he stayed till Monday, August 26th, waiting intelligence about General Cope; and that day he crossed the river Lochy, and lodged in a village called Leterfinla, on the side of Loch Lochy. At 12 o'clock at night, being very stormy and boisterous, he learned that General Cope was at Garvaimor, whereupon the men stood to arms all night. But the General had altered his route, and by forced marches was making the best of his way to Inverness, which (as was given out) happened by an express from President Forbes advising the General not to attempt going up the country to attack the Highlanders at the Pass of Corierag (very strong ground) where they had posted themselves, but to make all the haste he could to Inverness, where he might expect the Monroes, etc., to join him, whereby he would be considerably reinforced.

Upon notice that the General was marching towards Inverness, about six hundred of the Highlanders urged the being allowed to follow him under cloud of night and promised to come up with him, and to give a good account of him and his command. But the Prince would not hear of such an attempt, and desired them to wait for a more favourable opportunity. It was with much difficulty that they could be prevailed upon to lay aside the thoughts of any such enterprise. This I had from the brave Major MacDonell.

When the Prince was coming down the Highlands to meet General Cope (as was supposed) he walked sixteen miles in boots, and one of the heels happening to come off, the Highlanders said they were unco glad to hear it, for they hoped the want of the heel would make him march at more leisure. So speedily he marched that he was like to fatigue them all.

_August 27th._ The Prince slept at Glengary's house, and next night lay at Aberchallader, a village belonging to Glengary.

_August 30th._ The Prince and his army were at Dalnacardoch, a publick house in Wade's Road, as appears from a letter writ by the Duke of Athol to a lady desiring her to repair to Blair Castle to put it in some order, and to do the honours of that house when the Prince should happen to come there, which he did the day following, August 31st. I saw the letter and took the date of it.

When the Prince was at Blair he went into the garden, and taking a walk upon the bowling-green, he said he had never seen a bowling-green before. Upon which the above lady called for some bowls that he might see them; but he told her that he had got a present of some bowls sent him as a curiosity to Rome from England.

_September 2d._ He left Blair and went to the house of Lude, where he was very cheerful and took his share in several dances, such as minuets, Highland reels (the first reel the Prince called for was, "This is not mine ain house," etc.), and a Strathspey minuet.

_September 3d._ He was at Dunkeld, and next day he dined at Nairn House where some of the Company happening to observe what a thoughtful state his father would now be in from the consideration of those dangers and difficulties he had to encounter with, and that upon this account he was much to be pitied, because his mind behoved to be much upon the rack--the Prince replied that he did not half so much pity his father as his brother. "For," said he, "the king has been inured to disappointments and distresses and has learnt to bear up easily under the misfortunes of life. But poor Harry! his young and tender years make him much to be pitied, for few brothers love as we do!"

_September 4th._ In the evening he made his entrance into Perth upon the horse that Major MacDonell had presented him with.

_September 11th._ Early in the morning he went on foot attended by few and took a view of the house of Scoon; and leaving Perth that day, he took a second breakfast at Gask, dined at Tullibardine, and that night went towards Dumblain and next day to Down.

_September 14th._ In the morning the Prince after refreshing himself and his army at the Laird of Leckie's house, marched by Stirling Castle and through St. Ninians. From Stirling Castle a six-pounder was discharged four times at him, which determined Lord Nairn, who was bringing up the second division of the army, to go farther up the country in order to be out of the reach of the canon of the Castle. When the Prince was in St. Ninians with the first division, Mr. Christie, provost of Stirling, sent out to them from Stirling a quantity of bread, cheese, and ale in abundance, an order having come before by little Andrew Symmer desiring such a refreshment. Colonel Gardiner and his dragoons had galloped off towards Edinburgh from their camp near Stirling Castle the night before, or rather the same morning, when it was dark, September 14th, without beat of drum.

_September 16th._ The Prince and his army were at Gray's Mill upon the Water of Leith, when he sent a summons to the Provost and Town Council of Edinburgh to receive him quietly and peacably into the city. Two several deputations were sent from Edinburgh to the Prince begging a delay till they should deliberate upon what was fittest to be done. Meantime eight or nine hundred Highlanders under the command of Keppoch, young Lochiel, and O'Sullivan, marched in between the Long Dykes without a hush of noise, under the favour of a dark night, and lurked at the head of the Canongate about the Nether Bow Port till they should find a favourable opportunity for their design, which soon happened. The hackney coach, which brought back the second deputation, entered at the West Port, and after setting down the deputies at their proper place upon the street, drove down the street towards the Canongate, and when the Nether Bow Port was made open to let out the coach, the lurking Highlanders rushed in (it being then peep of day) and made themselves masters of the city without any opposition, or the smallest noise.

II.

TREATMENT OF THE VANQUISHED.

1. _After Preston Pans._

+Source.+--_Lockhart Papers._ Quoted in Jesse, _Memoirs of the Pretenders_, p. 187.