Chapter XXX: Epilogue (1)

Now is the stately column broke
The beacon-light is quench'd in smoke,
The trumpet's silver sound is still
The warder silent on the hill.
SCOTT, _Marmion_.

This noble epitaph to the memory of Pitt conveys an impression alike of heroic endeavour and of irretrievable failure. It is the Funeral March of Chopin, not of Handel, and it echoes the feeling of the time. An impenetrable darkness hung over England. Ulm, Austerlitz, the armistice, and the desertion of the Allies by Prussia were successive waves of calamity, which obliterated all landmarks and all means of safety. The dying words of Pitt found response in every breast, with this difference, that, while he was proudly conscious of the correctness of his aims, the many, who judge solely by tangible results, imputed to him the disasters of the war and the collapse of the Coalition. Even Auckland exclaimed that the continental alliances had been wretchedly mismanaged, a remark which Malmesbury treated with quiet contempt. Grenville, who was about to move a vote of censure on the Ministry, burst into an agony of tears on hearing that Pitt was at death's door. His distress of mind probably arose from a belated perception of the factiousness of his own conduct and from grief at the unrelieved gloom of the end of a career whose meridian splendour had shed lustre upon him.

The House of Commons did not whole-heartedly accord to the deceased statesman a burial in Westminster Abbey in the tomb of Chatham. A motion to that effect, moved by Lascelles and seconded by the Marquis of Titchfield, was strongly opposed by Fox, George Ponsonby, Windham, and three other speakers. It passed by 258 votes to 59. Still more painful was the discussion in the Common Council of the City of London, where a proposal to erect a monument to Pitt was carried only by 77 votes to 71. It is safe to say that, if the fortune of war had gone against France at Ulm and Austerlitz, Pitt would have been ecstatically hailed as the saviour of Europe, as indeed he was at the Guildhall after Trafalgar. How long was it before it dawned on Auckland, Windham, and the seventy-one councillors of the City of London, that the censures cast on the memory of Pitt ought to have been levelled at the defender of Ulm, the Czar Alexander and his equally presumptuous advisers at Austerlitz, and most of all at the cringing politicians of Berlin?

It is now abundantly clear that Pitt fell a victim to his confidence in the rulers of three great monarchies, whose means were vast, whose promises were lofty, and whose surrender after the first reverses baffled all forecasts. The descendants of Maria Theresa and Catharine tamely retired from the fray after a single adverse blow; and the successor of the great Frederick sheathed his sword after the unpardonable insult at Anspach.

In truth, the career of Pitt came to a climax at a time of unexampled decadence of the ancient dynasties. The destinies of the allied Houses of Bourbon rested upon Louis XVI of France and Charles IV of Spain. To the ineptitude of the former the French Revolution was in large measure due. To the weakness and falsity of the latter we may ascribe the desertion of the royalist cause by Spain in 1795-6, with the train of disastrous results in the Mediterranean and the West Indies. In Central Europe Francis of Austria was scarcely more than a tool in the hands of those subtle schemers, Thugut and Cobenzl. The boundless resources of Russia were at the disposal of Paul and Alexander, who, with all their generous impulses, were incapable of steadily applying them to one definite end. Only after weary years of subservience to Napoleon did Alexander develop that firmness of character which finally brought salvation to the Continent. From Frederick William even deeper humiliations failed to evoke any heroic resolve. Among the statesmen of those three monarchies at the time of Pitt there is but one who was a fit compeer to him; and the fates willed that Stein should not control affairs until the year 1807. The age of Pitt was the age of Godoy, Thugut, and Haugwitz--weavers of old-world schemes of partition or barter, and blind to the storm gathering in the West.

The importance of his achievements in curbing their ambitions and saving the smaller States has not received due recognition. He did much to rescue the Dutch Netherlands from anarchy, and Sweden and Turkey from the clutches of powerful neighbours. He failed, indeed, in his diplomatic contest with Catharine; but the duplicity of the Court of Berlin, and the factious opposition of the Whigs, made success impossible; and he had thereafter to look on helplessly at the final Partitions of Poland. Only those who have probed the policy of Russia, Austria, and Prussia in the years 1787-92 can fully realize the difficulties which attended his efforts to frame a solid league against Revolutionary France. As well might one attempt out of rubble to build a cannon-proof rampart.

At home Pitt had to deal with George III. Now, even under a limited monarchy the fortunes of a statesman depend largely on the character of his Sovereign. While possessing the initiative which proffers timely advice, it should be under the control of unfailing tact. Dowered with insight into character and foresight as to the trend of events, the Monarch must, for the most part, subordinate energy to self-repression and the prophetic instinct to the warnings of courtly sagacity. Yet the ideal British ruler must at times assert his will, albeit indirectly, and with the personal charm which ensures the smooth working of this delicately poised machine. He should therefore be the embodiment of all the political virtues. Will even the admirers of George claim that he realized that ideal? However excellent as Elector of Hanover, he was a doubtful blessing as King of Great Britain and Ireland.

In truth, the Hanoverian strain in his nature had not been toned to the degree of fineness needful for the kingly office in these islands. In a time of peculiar difficulty he sought to govern almost absolutely by means which ensured the temporary subservience of Parliament, and in a spirit which brought disruption upon the Empire. The former half of Pitt's career was largely occupied in repairing the financial waste consequent on the American War, or in making good long arrears of legislation. Here, indeed, is his most abiding contribution to the national welfare. But his indebtedness to the King on questions of foreign and domestic policy is rarely apparent. Reform, whether Economical or Parliamentary, encountered the more or less declared opposition of the Sovereign. On the other hand, George showed marked ability in the support of corporate interests and the management of men; so that his relations to Pitt were not unlike those of the Duke of Newcastle to Chatham. The Pitts supplied the brain power while the Monarch or the Duke by the award of favours ensured the needful degree of subservience at the polls or in the lobbies of St. Stephens.

After the "surrender" at the close of the American War, the attitude of George towards his British subjects was one of scarcely concealed scorn. Now and again his feelings burst forth uncontrollably. Shortly before his second attack of lunacy, which occurred near the end of the fortieth year of his reign, he astonished the congregation in church by repeating in loud and emphatic tones the response: "Forty years long was I grieved with this generation and said: 'It is a people that do err in their hearts, for they have not known My ways.'" The tones of the voice betokened the approach of lunacy, but the conviction of the mind was always the same. For the most part, however, scorn was tempered by calculation. His letters to Pitt are full of commendation of the House of Commons when it unquestioningly passed Government Bills or the Supplies; whereas he looked on Fox and Burke as baneful and wearisome talkers, consumers of time, and foes to healthful slumber. Similarly, in his political catechism, the whole duty of Parliament was to help Ministers to govern; while their proper function was to raise the maximum of revenue with the minimum of fuss and change. In short, to maintain the existing social order; to allow no change in a constitution which aroused the wonder or envy of other nations; to use peerages and bishoprics, pocket boroughs and sinecures, as a means of buttressing that fabric, such were the aims of the third George.

Failing materially to weaken the force of this mighty engine of patronage, Pitt was fain to make the best of things as they were. The defeat of his Reform Bill in 1785 was the chief crisis in his early career; for it involved the failure of the Abolition Bill, perhaps also of the schemes for the relief of the poor which he outlined in 1797. In fact, after the year 1785, and still more so after 1790, he had to govern mainly as King's Minister, not as the people's Minister. Worst of all, the centre of political gravity remained dangerously high throughout the storms of the Revolutionary Era. How much of the nation's energy then went forth in justifiable discontent and futile efforts at repression has already appeared. Up to the year 1798 the struggle against France was largely one of the governing class against a nation; and for this the King and the British oligarchy, not Pitt, were responsible. Personal charm and the magnetic gift of evoking enthusiasm have in some monarchs counterbalanced defects of narrowness and intolerance. George was not deficient in courtly grace and tact--witness his remark to Pitt at their first interview after the long separation of the years 1801-1804. When Pitt ventured to compliment the King on his looking better than after the illness of 1801, the latter at once replied: "That is not to be wondered at: I was then on the point of parting with an old friend. Now I am about to regain one." But these gracious remarks came rarely in his closing years, which were marked by increasing harshness to his family, petulance on the most trivial affairs, and an outlook more narrowly personal than ever.

Such a nature chafes its surroundings. It arouses no enthusiasm; it merely begets heat by friction. Pitt has been blamed for spending too much time and energy in speeches about the war. But there was no other way of kindling the nation's zeal. The Princes very rarely spoke in the House of Lords, except under an overmastering fear of the abolition of the Slave Trade. None of the Ministers, except Windham, had the gift of oratory. On Pitt alone devolved the task of arousing a national spirit; and a cruel destiny cut short his life at the very time when his inspiring presence was most needed. How much England then lost can never be known. Vorontzoff, Russian ambassador at London, who had earlier been a bitter enemy of Pitt, now expressed the fervent desire that death had carried off his weary old frame, rather than that of the potential Saviour of Europe. The words are instinct with prescience. The personality and the actions of Pitt were alike a summons to a life of dignity and manly independence. His successors had perforce to take a course not unlike that which they were about to censure in him; and the distrust which the Czar Alexander felt for them in part accounts for the collapse at Tilsit and the ensuing years of bondage to Napoleon.

The disintegrating effects of the party system, or rather of its factious use by the Whig leaders, have been explained in these pages. Its first result was seen in the divergence of the careers of Pitt and Fox. The cause of Reform ought to have received their undivided support; but little by little they were edged apart, and their hostility was perhaps the most lasting of the many evils wrought by the unnatural Coalition of Fox and North. For a time Pitt gathered around him a national party, which became avowedly so on the junction of the Old Whigs in 1794. But in the last years of his life the denuding influences of partisan and personal feuds disastrously thinned his following. From the refusal of George to grant Catholic Emancipation, and the consequent resignation of Pitt in the spring of 1801, we may trace three sinister results. The Union with Ireland was bereft of its natural sequel, Catholic Emancipation; the Ministerial ranks were cleft in twain; and the crisis brought to the front Addington, a man utterly incapable of confronting Napoleon. Had Pitt remained in power, the Peace of Amiens would have been less one-sided, its maintenance more dignified; and the First Consul, who respected the strong but bullied the weak, would probably have acquiesced in a settlement consonant with the reviving prestige of England. But though the Union Jack won notable triumphs in the spring of 1801, yet at London everything went awry. Moved by consideration for the King, then recovering from lunacy, Pitt weakly promised not to bring forward Catholic Emancipation during his life, an act which annoyed the Grenville-Windham group. His rash promise to support Addington tied his hands in the following years; and even after the renewal of war he too scrupulously refrained from overthrowing a Ministry whose weakness had invited foreign aggressions and was powerless to avenge them. Finally, the Grenvilles joined Fox; and thus the King's perversity nullified the efforts of Pitt to form an Administration worthy to cope with Napoleon.

Nevertheless, the challenge flung down to England by the French regicides in 1793 was such as to enhance the person of the Monarch in these islands; and the Revolutionary War, which was fatal to several dynasties on the Continent, served to consolidate the power of the House of Brunswick. For, though Pitt sought to keep the war from becoming a royalist crusade, it almost inevitably assumed that character. During hostilities there can be but two sharply defined parties. Accordingly, Pitt, who opened his career with a bold attack upon the prerogatives of George III, ended it as his champion, even consenting to surrender a cherished conviction in order that the Monarch's peace of mind might not be troubled. Was ever a Minister beset by more baffling problems, by more hampering restrictions? Peace might have solved and shattered them. But peace he could not secure in the years 1796, 1797; and when finally it came it proved to be no peace, merely a pause before a still greater cycle of war.

The grandeur of Pitt's efforts for ensuring the independence of Europe has somewhat obscured his services as Empire builder. Yet, with the possible exception of Chatham, no statesman has exercised a greater influence on the destinies of the British race. On two occasions he sternly set his face against the cession of Gibraltar; he took keen interest in the settlement of New South Wales; his arrangements for the government of Canada deserve far higher praise than they have usually secured; and his firmness in repelling the archaic claims of Spain to the shores of the Northern Pacific gained for his people the future colony of British Columbia. Cherishing a belief in the pacific nature of Bonaparte's policy at the time of the Treaty of Amiens, he condoned the retrocession of the Cape of Good Hope and of Malta, on condition of the gain of Ceylon and Trinidad; but after the revival of French schemes of aggression in the East he saw the imperative need of planting or maintaining the Union Jack at those commanding points. He, who has been accused of excessive trust in allies, prepared to forego the alliance of Russia rather than give up Malta; and, even before Nelson gained the mastery at sea, Pitt sent forth an expedition to conquer the Cape. In his magnanimous desire of securing to Europe the blessings of a lasting peace he was ready to surrender maritime conquests of greater pecuniary value so long as England held the keys of the overland and sea routes to India. To that empire his just and statesmanlike policy brought a new sense of confidence and therefore a time of comparative rest, until the threatening orientation of Bonaparte's plans once more placed everything at hazard. Thanks to the exertions of Dundas and the Wellesleys, the crisis was averted; but the policy which assured British supremacy in the East was essentially that of Pitt.

* * * * *

It is far easier to assess the importance of the life work of Pitt than to set forth his character in living traits. Those who knew him well agree as the charm of his personality; but they supply few illuminating details, perhaps out of respect for the reserve which was his usual panoply. Like Chatham he rarely revealed his inmost self. The beauties of his conversation, informed with learning, sparkling with wit, always vivacious yet never spiteful, never appeared in their full glow except in the circle of his dearest friends; but by singular ill fortune they who could have handed on those treasures, were satisfied with entries such as: "Pitt talked a great deal among his friends"; or, "In society he was remarkably cheerful and pleasant, full of wit and playfulness";[786] or again, "His great delight was society. There he shone with a degree of calm and steady lustre which often astonished me more than his most splendid efforts in Parliament; ... he seemed utterly unconscious of his own superiority and much more disposed to listen than to talk; ... his appearance dispelled all care, his brow was never clouded even in the severest public trials."[787] These are only the _hors d'oeuvres_ of what must have been a feast of delight; but even they suffice to refute the Whig slanders as to Pitt's austerity and selfishness. Under happier auspices he would have been known as the most lovable of English statesmen; and his exceptional fondness for children would alone suffice to expose the falsity of his alleged reply to a manufacturer who complained that he could not get enough men--"Then you must take the children."[788] Cynicism at the expense of the weak was a trait utterly alien to him. It is also incorrect to assert, with Macaulay, that "pride pervaded the whole man, was written in the harsh rigid lines of his face, was marked by the way in which he walked, in which he sat, in which he stood, and, above all, in which he bowed." The Whig historian, here following the Whig tradition, formed his estimate of the whole man from what was merely a parliamentary mannerism. Pitt, as we have seen, was a prey to shyness and _gaucherie_; and the rigid attitude which he adopted for the House was not so much the outcome of a sense of superiority (though he had an able man's consciousness of worth) as a screen to hide those defects. A curiously stilted manner has been the bane of many gifted orators and actors; but the real test is whether they could throw it off in private. That Pitt threw it off in the circle of his friends they all agree. The only defects which Wilberforce saw in him were an inadequate knowledge of human nature, a too sanguine estimate of men and of the course of events, and, in later years, occasional displays of petulance in face of opposition.[789] The first are the defects of a noble nature, the last those of a man whose strength has long been overtaxed.

In fact, Pitt's constitution was unequal to the prolonged strain. In childhood his astonishingly precocious powers needed judicious repression. Instead, they were unduly forced by the paternal pride of Chatham. At Cambridge, at Lincoln's Inn, and in Parliament the intellectual pressure was maintained, with the result that his weakly frame was constantly overwrought and attenuated by a too active mind. Further, the pressure at Westminster was so continuous as to preclude all chance of widening his nature by foreign travel. He caught but a glimpse of the life of France in 1783; and his knowledge of other peoples and politics was therefore perforce derived from books. It is therefore surprising that the young Prime Minister displayed the sagacity and tolerance which marked his career.

But his faculties, though not transcendently great, were singularly well balanced, besides being controlled by an indomitable will and tact that rarely was at fault. In oratory he did not equal Sheridan in wit and brilliance, Burke in richness of thought and majesty of diction, or Fox in massive strength and debating facility; but, while falling little short of Fox in debate, he excelled him in elegance and conciseness, Burke in point and common sense, Sheridan in dignity and argumentative power, and all of them in the felicitous wedding of elevated thought or vigorous argument to noble diction. By the side of his serried yet persuasive periods the efforts of Fox seemed ragged, those of Burke philosophic essays, those of Sheridan rhetorical tinsel. And this harmony was not the effect of long and painful training. His maiden speech of 26th February 1781 displayed the grace and forcefulness which marked his classic utterance at the Lord Mayor's banquet ten weeks before his death.

Precocious maturity also characterized his financial plans, which displayed alike the shrewd common sense of those of Walpole and the wider aims of Adam Smith. Before his twenty-sixth year Pitt laid the basis of a system which, whatever its defects, ensured the speedy recovery of national credit and belied the spiteful croakings of foreign rivals. Four days after his death, Fox freely admitted that the establishment of the Sinking Fund had been most beneficial; and this belief, though we now see it to be ill-founded, certainly endowed the nation with courage to continue the struggle against the overgrown power of France. Scarcely less remarkable is his record of legislative achievement. His India Bill of 1784, his attempt to free Anglo-Irish trade from antiquated shackles, his effort to present to Parliament a palatable yet not ineffective scheme of Reform, raise him above the other law-givers of the eighteenth century in the grandeur of his aims if not in his actual achievements. By the India Bill of 1784 he reconciled the almost incompatible claims of eastern autocracy and western democracy. If he failed to carry fiscal and Parliamentary Reform, it was due less to tactical defects on his part than to prejudice and selfishness among those whom he sought to benefit.

On the other hand, his intense hopefulness often led him to overlook obstacles and to credit all men with his own high standard of intelligence and probity, a noble defect which not seldom marred his diplomatic and military arrangements during the Great War. At no point have I slurred over his mistakes, his diffusion of effort over too large an area of conflict, and his perhaps undue trust in doubtful allies. But, even so, as I have shown, a careful examination of all the available evidence generally reveals the reasons for his confidence; and failures due to this cause are far less disastrous, because less dispiriting to the nation, than those which are the outcome of sluggishness or cowardice. Of those unpardonable sins Pitt has never been accused even by his severest critics. After the repulse of his pacific overtures by the French Directory in September 1797 his attitude was one almost of defiance, witness his curt rejection of similar offers by Bonaparte early in 1800, which may be pronounced the gravest defect of his diplomatic career.

In that age the action of statesmen was often dilatory; and we must admit that in regard to the Act of Union with Ireland Pitt's procedure was halting and ineffective, so that finally he was driven to use corrupt means to force through the corrupt Irish Parliament a measure which in the autumn of 1798 would have been accepted thankfully by the dominant caste. His Bill of 1797 for the relief of the poor and his Land Tax Commutation Act of 1798 are examples of improvident legislation. But from a leader overburdened with the details of war and diplomacy we should not expect the keen foresight, the minute care as to details, which distinguished Gladstone. To compare the achievements of a statesman hard pressed by the problems of the Revolutionary Era with those of a peaceful age when the standard of legislative effort had been greatly raised is unfair; and the criticism of Pitt by a distinguished historian evinces partiality towards the Victorian statesman rather than an adequate appreciation of the difficulties besetting a Minister of George III in those times of turmoil.[790] It is true that Pitt did not inaugurate Factory legislation; that was the work of the Addington Cabinet in 1802; he did not link his name with the efforts of Romilly and others for the reform of the brutal Penal Code; and he did little for art and literature; but neither the personality of George nor the state of the national finances favoured the rise of a Maecenas.

Concentration of effort on political and diplomatic questions was the alpha and omega of Pitt's creed. The terrible pressure of events forbade his looking far ahead or far afield; he marched straight onward, hoping by his untiring efforts first to restore national prosperity and thereafter to secure a peace which would inaugurate a brighter future. His overtaxed strength collapsed when the strain was most tense; and his life therefore figures as a torso, which should not be criticized as if it were the perfect statue. Yet, as moral grandeur is always inspiring, Pitt's efforts were finally to be crowned with success by the statesmen who had found wisdom in his teaching, inspiration in his quenchless hope, enthusiasm in his all-absorbing love of country. An egoist never founds a school of the prophets. But Pitt, who

Spurn'd at the sordid lust of pelf
And served his Albion for herself,

trained and inspired a band of devoted disciples such as no other leader of the eighteenth century left behind him. Some were unimaginative plodders, as Perceval; others were capable administrators and shrewd diplomatists, as Castlereagh; to one alone was vouchsafed the fire of genius, the sympathetic insight, the soaring ambition held in check by overmastering patriotism, which were commingled in the personality of the master; and Canning afterwards declared that he buried his political allegiance in the grave of Pitt. It was granted to these men to labour on in the cause for which he gave his life, and finally, in the years 1814-15, to bring back France to her old frontiers by arrangements which he clearly outlined in the years 1798 and 1805. Of the numerous annexations and changes of boundaries effected by Napoleon, only one, the Valtelline, was destined to survive. But Europe after Waterloo testified alike to the sagacity and the limitations of the mind of William Pitt.

FOOTNOTES:

[786] "Life of Wilberforce," v, 260; "Private Papers of Wilberforce," 68.

[787] Marquis Wellesley, "Quarterly Rev." (1836).

[788] Michelet, "La Femme," Introd., ch. ii, quoted by Stanhope, iv, 405.

[789] "Private Papers of Wilberforce," 67-72.

[790] Lord Acton, "Letters to Mary Gladstone," 45, 46, 56.

STATISTICS OF THE YEARS 1792-1801

_N.B._--The figures under the heading "money borrowed" are taken from the official statistics presented by the Rt. Hon. George Rose, "Brief Examination into the Increase of the Revenue, Commerce and Navigation of Great Britain" (London, 1806), p. 16. The total statistics are given in round numbers.

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------
YEAR.| PERMANENT | | | | | MONEY
| TAXES. | IMPORTS. | EXPORTS. | NAVY. | ARMY. | BORROWED.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------
1792 | 14,284,000| 19,659,000| 24,465,000| 1,985,000| 1,819,000| ----
1793 | 13,941,000| 19,256,000| 19,676,000| 3,971,000| 3,993,000| 4,500,000
1794 | 13,858,000| 22,288,000| 25,111,000| 5,525,000| 6,641,000| 12,907,000
1795 | 13,557,000| 22,736,000| 25,036,000| 6,315,000| 11,610,000| 19,490,000
1796 | 14,292,000| 23,187,000| 28,025,000| 11,883,000| 14,911,000| 29,726,000
1797 | 13,332,000| 21,013,000| 26,315,000| 13,033,000| 15,488,000| 44,029,000
1798 | 14,275,000| 27,857,000| 30,289,000| 13,449,000| 12,852,000| 15,000,000
1799 | 15,727,000| 26,837,000| 33,640,000| 13,642,000| 11,840,000| 15,500,000
1800 | 14,238,000| 30,570,000| 38,119,000| 13,619,000| 11,941,000| 18,500,000
1801 | 14,641,000| 32,795,000| 37,786,000| 15,857,000| 12,117,000| 25,500,000
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------

INDEX

Abbot, Charles (afterwards Lord Colchester), 298, 306 _n._, 330 _n._, 346;
Speaker, 520.

Abercorn, Lord, 402.

Abercromby, Sir Ralph, 216;
Commander-in-Chief in the West Indies, 226, 239, 240, 241, 246;
in Ireland, 352-354;
resigns, 354, 363;
campaign in Holland, 381, 382;
in Egypt, 387;
his death, 240.

Aboukir Bay, 367-369.

"Accurate Observer," the, 466.

Acton, General, 150 _n._

Acton, Lord, on Pitt and the execution of Louis XVI, refuted, 94 _n._, 569.

Adair, Robert, 337 _n._

Adams, W. D., Pitt's secretary, 531.

Addington, Henry (afterwards Viscount Sidmouth), Speaker, 180, 255, 302,
368, 436 _n._;
suggests the Patriotic Contribution, 331;
at the duel between Pitt and Tierney, 334, 335;
Pitt at his house, 435;
tries to dissuade Pitt from Catholic Emancipation, 437;
urged by the King to form a Ministry, 437;
Prime Minister, 439, 445-448, 450, 451, 468, 469, 487, 488;
Pitt supports him, 471, 472, 478, 479, 488, 496, 503, 504;
visits Pitt at Walmer, 473, 477;
his finance, 480-482;
failure of his negotiations with Pitt, 483-487;
plans for his overthrow, 495-499;
resigns, 499;
opposes abolition of the Slave Trade, 502;
union with Pitt, 517;
created Viscount Sidmouth, 517;
Lord President, 517, 520-522;
resigns, 530.

Addington, Hiley, 530.

Agriculture, Board of, instituted, 165, 293.

Agriculture, flourishing state of, 291;
influence of enclosures on, 291, 292.

Alava, General, 524.

Alcudia, Duke of. _See_ Godoy.

Alexander I, Czar, 487, 508, 515;
his instructions to Novossiltzoff, 522, 525;
his terms of alliance, 525-527;
his designs on Malta, 527;
at Berlin, 537;
treaty of Potsdam, 539;
battle of Austerlitz, 544, 560.

Aliens' Bill (1792), 94;
its withdrawal demanded by France, 101, 103;
renewal of (1798), 333.

Alkmaar, Convention of, 382.

All the Talents, Administration of, 496.

Alsace, 46, 53, 122, 129, 142, 197, 199, 200.

Alvanley, Lord. _See_ Arden, Richard Pepper.

Amherst, Lord, Commander-in-Chief, 270.

Amiens, Treaty of, 248, 470, 472, 477, 564, 565.

Anckarström, Johann Jakob, assassinates Gustavus III, 46.

Anspach, Principality of, overrun by Napoleon, 534, 537, 560.

"Anti-Jacobin," the, 327, 336, 337, 464.

"Anti-Levelling Society," the, 68.

Antwerp, trade of, strangled by the Dutch, 72;
reduction of the citadel, 76;
proposed fortification of, 83;
conference at (1793), 132.

Aranda, Count of, Spanish Minister, 46.

Arcola, battle of, 321.

Arden, Sir Richard Pepper (Lord Alvanley), Master of the Rolls, 34, 476;
on Irish affairs, 341.

"Argus," the, 66;
in the pay of the French Embassy, 66 _n._

Armed Neutrality League, 290;
collapse of, 468, 478.

Army, the, debate on the Estimates, 29, 30;
state of 1793, 124, 266, 267;
Pitt's measures for increasing, 278-280, 305;
disaffection in, 318, 319.

Army of Reserve Act, 499, 509, 510.

Artois, Comte d' (afterwards Charles X), 2, 3, 5, 6;
and the Quiberon Expedition, 259, 261-263, 287;
retires to Holyrood, 263;
dines with Pitt and Grenville, 377.

Assaye, battle of, 463, 505.

_Assignats_, royalist, manufacture of, 261.

"Associated Friends of the Constitution," the, at Glasgow, 173, 174.

Auckland, Lord (William Eden), Ambassador at The Hague, 38, 51, 68, 69,
71 _n._, 72-74, 76, 82, 97, 99, 107, 109, 111, 126, 189;
Pitt's intimacy with his daughter, 299-303;
Postmaster-General, 303, 330, 331, 342, 355, 356, 394-396, 415, 421, 434;
his reported intrigues, 443, 445;
rupture with Pitt, 452;
his "inquisitiveness," 479, 480 _n._;
559, 560.

Augereau, P. F. C., Duc de Castiglione, 324.

Austerlitz, battle of, 536, 544, 560;
reception of the news of in England, 548, 549.

Austria, alliance with Prussia (1791), 5, 43;
war with France, 23, 46;
her share in the partition of Poland, 53, 122;
evacuates Brussels, 74;
end of estrangement with England, 84;
her aims in the war, 122, 123, 129;
alliance with England (1793), 123, 143, 147;
fails to send reinforcements to Toulon, 152, 153, 157, 158, 161, 268;
disputes with Prussia, 200-202;
evacuation of the Netherlands, 209, 211, 212;
treaty with Russia and England (1795), 235;
receives financial aid from England, 304;
her struggle with Napoleon, 304, 321, 322;
treaty of Campo Formio (1797), 327, 365;
appeals to England, 366;
schemes for expansion in Italy, 371, 378;
declares War against France (1799), 374;
negotiations with England (1799), 383;
her defeats at Marengo, 386, 387,
Ulm, 534, 542,
and Austerlitz, 544, 552, 560.
_See_ Francis II.

Avignon, annexed by France, 220, 276.

Aylesbury, county meeting at, 188.

Baillie, Dr., 554.

Baird, Sir David, his expedition to the Cape, 532, 539.

Bank of England, crisis in 1797, 304, 308, 309.

Bankes, Sir Henry, 290, 428, 454, 520.

Bantry Bay, expedition to, 277, 308, 346.

Barère de Vieuzac, Bertrand, 83, 167.

Barham, Lord (Sir Charles Middleton), Pitt visits him at Teston, 479;
appointed First Lord of the Admiralty, 521, 522, 532, 550, 551;
created Lord Barham, 522.

Baring, Sir Francis, on the Cape, 251.

Barlow, Joel, 66, 70, 115, 172.

Barnard, Lady Anne, her "South Africa a Century Ago," 254.

Barras, Paul François Nicolas, Comte de, 263, 325, 328;
promises help to Ireland, 348, 363.

Barrington, Sir Jonah, 411, 412.

Barthélemy, François, Marquis de, French envoy in Switzerland, 105, 217,
233, 236, 346.

Basle, Treaties of (1795), 217, 233, 236, 237.

Bassano, Duc de. _See_ Maret.

Bath, French refugees in, 165;
Pitt's stay at, 479, 547-553.

Bathurst, Bragge, 517, 518.

Bathurst, Lord, 476, 549, 550.

Bavaria, Electorate of, proposal for exchange, 122, 123, 129, 210.

Beaufoy, Henry, M.P., 10, 11.

Bedford, Duke of, 312.

Belfast, French sympathies in, 71, 78;
sedition in, 181.

Belgic Provinces, French designs on, 47, 48;
French conquest of, 69, 79;
demand independence, 83;
annexed by France, 111, 121;
Austrian proposal for exchange, 122, 129, 210;
reconquered, 126;
Austrian evacuation of, 208-212;
plans for, 371.

Belmore, Lord, 402.

Benoît, Pierre Victor, 60.

Beresford, John, Irish Chief Commissioner of the Revenue, 340, 346, 355,
356, 418, 419, 420, 424;
Lord Fitzwilliam and, 341, 342;
on the Irish Rebellion, 394, 395;
on the Union, 401-404, 410.

Berg, Duchy of, 46.

Bergen-op-Zoom, 126, 213;
failure of attack on, 382.

Bethencourt, battle of, 208.

Binns, John, 283, 286, 349, 350.

Birmingham, riots in (1791), 10, 17-19;
malcontents in, 186;
the "Loyal True Blues," 188, 189;
riots in (1795), 287, 288.

Biron, Duc de, his mission to London, 42, 43;
arrested for debt, 43.

Bischoffswerder, Baron von, Prussian Minister, 2, 5, 203.

Blankett, Commodore, expedition to the Cape, 251.

Boissy d'Anglas, François Antoine de, 233.

Bolton, Lord. _See_ Orde, Thomas.

Bonaparte, Joseph, 506, 526.

Bonaparte, Napoleon. _See_ Napoleon.

Bond, 530.

Bone, John, 318.

Bonham, arrested, 350.

Bonney, arrested, 190;
discharged, 193.

Booth, his evidence against Thomas Walker, 185.

Boyd, Sir R., 158.

Boyd, Walter, 325, 326.

Brabant. _See_ Belgic Provinces.

Breda, captured by Dumouriez, 126.

Brest, naval preparations at, 349, 418, 420, 421;
proposed attack on, 383, 386.

Bridport, Lord (Alexander Hood), 261;
and the mutiny at the Nore, 311-313;
blockades Brest, 420, 421.

Brissot, Jacques Pierre, 107, 223 _n._, 248.

British Columbia, 565.

British Convention, meets at Edinburgh, 181, 182, 184.

Brook, John, attorney and Mayor of Birmingham, 18, 186.

Brooks's Club, 20.

Brown, Matthew C., of Sheffield, 181, 182.

Brown, Colonel, 512.

Bruix, Admiral, 381 _n._, 420, 430.

Brunswick, Charles, Duke of, 46;
his manifesto, 52, 57;
his retreat through the Argonne, 62;
campaign on the Rhine, 142, 200, 201;
superseded, 201;
opposed to continuation of the war, 207;
refuses to take command in Holland, 214-216, 274.

Brunswick, Duchess of, 214, 215, 216.

Brunswick-Oels, Frederick, Duke of, 121.

Brussels, evacuated by the Austrians, 74.

Buccleugh, Duke of, 476.

Buckingham, Marquis of (George Grenville, Earl Temple), 19, 62, 158,
240, 336;
on the state of Ireland, 395, 396, 412;
on Lord Loughborough, 432.

Buckinghamshire, Earl of (Lord Hobart), 462, 487, 494, 495;
Chancellor of the Duchy, 517, 521;
resigns, 530.

Buckner, Vice-Admiral, 314.

Burdett, Sir Francis, 332.

Burges, Bland, 51, 64, 86, 259.

Burgh, Dr., 472.

Burgoing, special envoy to Madrid, 233, 235.

Burgoyne, General, 30.

Burke, Edmund, interview with Pitt and Grenville, 7, 8;
fears the spread of French principles, 9, 10, 61;
on Reform, 12, 24;
Paine's reply to his "Reflections," 15, 16;
other replies, 16;
his "Appeal from the New to the Old Whigs," 16;
his "Reflections," 19, 20, 70 _n._;
letter to Grenville after the September massacres, 60, 61;
on the Treasury Bench, 89;
declares the death of Louis inevitable, 91, 92;
his speech on the Aliens Bill, 64, 94;
his view of the war, 119, 120, 136, 137, 259, 275, 321;
on the Traitorous Correspondence Bill, 164;
proposes Coalition Ministry (1794), 191;
his Economy Bill, 467;
as an orator, compared with Pitt, 567;
his death, 326.

Burke, Richard, at Coblentz, 7.

Burney, Fanny, 64.

Burton Pynsent, expenses of, 476.

Butler, Simon, 180, 181.

Bute, Earl of, sent to Madrid, 233, 235-237, 242-244.

Buzot, F. L. Nicolas, 62.

Cadusey, de, 220.

Calder, Admiral, 532, 536.

Caldiero, battle of, 321.

Calonne, Charles Alexandre de, his mission to England, 3, 5.

Calvi, capture of, 256.

Camage, W., of Sheffield, arrested, 186, 191.

Cambacérès, J. J. Régis de, 233.

Camden, Charles Pratt, 1st Earl, 33, 44.

Camden, John Jeffreys Pratt, 2nd Earl (afterwards Marquis), Lord Lieutenant
of Ireland, 342-348, 352-364, 391, 392, 393, 395, 402, 406, 409, 422;
his friendship with Pitt, 475, 476, 481, 491;
Secretary at War, etc., 501, 507, 514;
President of the Council, 530, 557.

Camelford, Lord (Thomas Pitt), 37;
on Pitt's duel with Tierney, 336.

Campbell, Thomas, at the trial of Gerrald, 183.

Camperdown, battle of, 328, 347.

Campo Formio, Treaty of, 327, 328, 365.

Canada, Upper, establishment of Government of, 31.

Canning, George, 39;
his interview with Pitt, 40, 41;
the "Anti-Jacobin," 327, 336, 337, 464;
on conditions of peace with France, 383, 384;
resigns the Under-Secretaryship, 376, 421;
strongly supports the Union, 421, 422;
on Catholic Emancipation, 442;
resigns office (1801), 451, 465;
on Pitt's generosity, 457;
his relations with Pitt, 459, 464-466, 567;
his marriage, 464;
opposed to peace (1801), 469, 470;
on Pitt's position, 471;
his poems, 474, 518;
urges Pitt to action, 481, 482;
Treasurer of the Navy, 501;
falls out with Hawkesbury, 518;
defends Melville, 520;
his sympathy with Spanish patriots, 524;
disapproves of the expedition to Hanover, 542, 547;
anxious for Pitt's health, 547;
with Pitt at Bath, 549, 550, 553;
mentioned, 286, 325, 375, 390, 450, 488.

Canterbury, Archbishop of. _See_ Moore, John, and Sutton, Charles Manners.

Cape of Good Hope, the, 216, 250;
British conquest of, 251-255, 274, 276, 323, 325, 371, 469, 470, 478,
480, 565;
Baird's expedition to, 532, 539.

Cape Town, capture of, 252-254;
population of, 253.

Carew, 294.

Carles, John, of Birmingham, 18, 186.

Carlisle, Earl of, 322, 350;
on Irish affairs, 391, 392, 394.

Carlyle, Thomas, on the September massacres, 61.

Carmarthen, Marquis of. _See_ Leeds, Duke of.

Carnot, L. N. M., French general and Minister of War, 125, 135, 138, 141,
208, 212, 217, 266, 272, 279, 280.

Caroline, Princess, of Brunswick, 214, 216;
as Princess of Wales, 508.

Carrington, Lord, 330, 476, 489, 557.

Carteaux, Jean François, 145.

Cartwright, Major John, 23;
his "Commonwealth in Danger," 280.

Carver, Edward, of Birmingham, 189.

Carysfort, Lord, 412, 495.

Castiglione, battle of, 243.

"Castlebar Races," the, 362.

Castlereagh, Viscount, 370, 569;
account of, 398, 399;
Irish Chief Secretary, 399, 402, 408, 410-412, 416, 423-425, 435-437,
441, 446, 449, 486;
resigns, 440;
President of the India Board, 501;
defends Melville, 520;
Minister at War, 530;
letters to Pitt, 531, 532, 549-551;
interview with Pitt at Bath, 551, 552;
at Putney, 555.

Catalonia, French invasion of, 197;
Republican rising in, 231, 233, 234.

Catharine II, Czarina, 4, 6, 7, 231;
her designs on Poland, 9, 46, 122;
encourages Polish malcontents, 52;
invades Poland, 53, 54;
her success, 55;
offers alliance to England, 99;
treaty with England and Austria (1795), 235;
her death, 258, 321.

Cathelineau, Jacques, 136.

Catholic Emancipation, question of, 396-401, 414, 418, 426, 428, 431, 433,
452, 486, 487;
opposed by the King, 433-439, 564;
division in the Cabinet on, 443-445;
motion for, rejected, 518, 519.

Catholics, the, in Ireland, 390, 395-401;
in favour of the Union, 412, 417-419;
courted by Cornwallis, 422, 423;
question of promises made to them, 441-446.

Cazalès, Jacques Antoine Marie de, 43.

Ceylon, 323, 325, 371, 468-470, 565.

Chalk Farm, mass meeting at, 188, 193.

Chandermagore, 198.

Charette, François, 261-263.

Charlemont, Lord, 408.

Charleroi, surrender of, 209, 210.

Charles, Archduke of Austria, 126, 205, 206, 377, 378.

Charles IV, of Spain, appeals to France on behalf of Louis, 93;
his weakness and extravagance, 197, 230, 231, 513, 560;
his policy, 231, 233.

Charles X, 2.

Charles Emmanuel IV, King of Sardinia (1796-8), his abdication, 373, 378.

Charles Theodore, Elector of Bavaria, 122, 123.

Charlotte, Queen, her relations with the King, 506, 507.

Charmilly, de, delegate from Hayti, 220, 227, 229, 239.

Chatham, John Pitt, Earl of, First Lord of the Admiralty, 68, 125,
145, 268;
his incompetence, 137, 140, 215;
made Lord Privy Seal, 216, 273, 299;
borrows money of Pitt, 302, 303, 476;
engaged in Holland, 382;
Lord President, 440, 446;
letter to Pitt on his resignation, 440;
Master of the Ordnance, 501, 557.

Chatham, William Pitt, 1st Lord, and Pitt compared, 320, 474, 490,
562, 565.

Chatham, Lady, 68.

Chatham, Dowager Lady, Pitt's mother, 299, 302, 476;
her death, 488, 490.

Chaumont, Treaty of (1814), 523.

Chauvelin, Marquis de, French Ambassador in London, 48, 84;
his cold reception, 49, 50;
account of, 59, 60;
tries to stir up discontent, 69;
interview with Grenville, 78, 79;
piqued at Pitt's interview with Maret, 80, 82, 116, 117;
refused official recognition, 84, 98, 101, 115;
conversation with Sheridan, 87;
Lebrun's instructions to, 96;
note to Grenville, 97, 98;
protests against the Aliens Bill, 101, 103;
interview with Grenville, 104, 105;
ordered to leave England, 108-111, 117;
his responsibility for the war, 115-117.

China, British embassy to, 32.

Chouans, the, 260-264, 284, 326.

Christie, William, his "Catechism of the French Constitution," 22;
175.

"Church and King Club," 13, 185.

Churchill, Charles, on Lord Loughborough, 432.

Cinque Ports Volunteers, Pitt and the, 474, 477, 488-490.

Cisalpine Republic, the, 470.

Clare, Earl of (Baron Fitzgibbon), Lord Chancellor of Ireland, 340, 342,
393, 406, 410;
interviews with Pitt, 397-400;
opposes Catholic Emancipation, 437.

Clarence, Duke of, 31.

Clarke, Major-General Alured, his expedition to the Cape, 251, 253.

Clarke, General, agrees to send a French expedition to Ireland, 345, 346.

Clarkson, Thomas, 502.

Clavière, Etienne, French Minister of Finance, 45, 58.

Clerfait, Field Marshal, 209, 213-215.

Clifden, Lord, 346, 402.

Clubs, political, growth of, 12, 13, 16, 21-23;
their aims, 25, 26;
accused of foreign connections, 51;
their rejoicings at the Revolution, 61;
addresses to French National Convention, 65-67, 70, 71, 73, 76, 77, 86,
114, 115, 164, 172;
growth of, in 1793, 167;
their organization, 168, 169.
_See_ Chap. VII.

Coalition, the First, 123, 125, 132;
weakness of, 195, 196, 278;
the Second, _see_ Chap. XVII;
the Third, 529, 534 _et seq._

Cobenzl, Count Ludwig, 373, 375.

Cobenzl, Count Philip, Austrian Chancellor, 75, 120 _n._, 560;
his fall, 129.

Coblentz, Royalist leaders at, 2, 3, 20.

Coburg, Duke of, his campaign in Flanders, 121, 126, 127, 130-133, 138-141,
205, 206, 209, 210, 267.

Cochrane, Admiral, 514.

Cockburn, Lord, on the Scots, 173.

Coke of Norfolk, 188, 294.

Colchester, Lord. _See_ Abbot, Charles.

Colpoys, Vice-Admiral, 311, 312.

Condé, captured by the Allies, 134, 136;
surrendered, 210.

Conolly, Captain, 159.

Conscription, in France, 266.

Consols, great rise in (1783-1792), 31;
rise in (1796), 305;
fall after the Nore mutiny, 315.

Constitutional Information, London Society for, 12 _n._, 21, 22, 65, 66,
70, 167, 181, 184, 190.

Cooke, Edward, his letters to Auckland and Castlereagh on the Irish
question, 355, 356, 362 _n._, 395, 396, 404, 405, 418-420, 422,
424, 425, 435-437;
his pamphlet on the Union, 405, 408;
his conduct during the debate on the Union, 412.

Coote, General, 379.

Copenhagen, battle of, 388, 450.

Cork, despatch of troops from, 146, 152 _n._, 153;
sentiments of the Grand Jury on the Union, 416, 417.

Corn Laws, 288, 289.

Cornwall, representation of, 173.

Cornwallis, Admiral, 514, 532.

Cornwallis, Marquis, suggested as Commander-in-Chief in Flanders, 205,
214, 272;
Master-General of the Ordnance, 273;
Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, 359, 362, 363, 389, 391-412, 417, 418,
421-426, 435, 436, 441, 443, 449;
resigns, 440;
Viceroy of India, 463;
negotiates the Treaty of Amiens, 470, 477.

Corporation Act, the, efforts to repeal, 10, 11.

Corresponding Society for Reform of Parliamentary Representation, 21, 26,
65, 66, 167, 168, 184, 186-190, 193;
monster meeting at Islington, 283, 286;
supposed connection with the mutiny at the Nore, 316-318;
becomes a revolutionary body, 349, 350;
its papers seized, 351.

Corsica, 143, 144, 150 _n._, 155, 156, 158, 210, 228, 232, 233, 235,
244, 267;
British occupation of, 255-257, 269;
evacuated, 258, 275.

County Reform Associations, the, 23.

"Courier," the, 67.

Courtenay, John, M.P., 238.

Couthon, Georges, 134, 135.

Coutts, Thomas, 306 _n._, 308 _n._, 475-477.

Cowper, W., his pension, 455 _n._, 456.

Craig, Major-General Sir James, in command at the Cape, 251-254;
his expedition to Malta, 368, 524, 525;
Mornington's opinion of, 461.

Crancé, Dubois, 266.

Craufurd, Major-General Robert, 510.

Creevey, Thomas, 497, 521.

Crossfield, Secretary of the London Corresponding Society, 349.

Cumberland, Duke of, 448.

Curragh, affair on the, 357, 358.

Curt, delegate from Guadeloupe, 221.

Custine, General, Comte de, 73, 85, 121, 133.

Czartoryski, Prince, 522, 526.

Daer, Lord, 174.

Dalrymple, Colonel William, 173, 174.

Daly, Denis, 341.

Danton, George Jacques, Minister of Justice, 58;
his alleged offer to save Louis, 94 _n._;
his decree annexing Belgium, 111, 112, 116, 121.

D'Arçon, 135.

Davison, Richard, of Sheffield, 189, 191, 193.

De Clifford, Lord, 420, 422.

Delacroix, Jacques Vincent, French Foreign Minister, 322.

Del Campo, Marquis, 233.

Delessart, A. de Valdec, French Foreign Minister, 43, 44;
arrested, 45.

Demerara, Dutch, 241.

Democracy, new birth of, 23;
progress of, 62-68;
opposition to, 68.

Derby, Society for Constitutional Information at, 70.

Despard, Colonel, arrested, 350.

"Devil's Own," the, 489.

Devonshire, Duke of, 402, 497.

Devonshire, Duchess of, 497.

Dibdin, Charles, 337.

Dillon, General Theobald, murdered by his troops, 49.

Dissenters. _See_ Nonconformists.

Dominica, revolt in, 239.

Don, General, 542, 545.

Donegal, Lord, 420, 422.

Dover Loyal Association, address to Pitt, 86.

Downes, Sir William, 395.

Downshire, Lord, 398;
his opposition to the Union, 402, 418, 420, 422-424.

Doyle, General, expedition to la Vendée, 237, 262, 263.

Drake, Francis, British agent at Genoa, 155.

Drane, Mr., Mayor of Reading, 180.

Duckworth, Sir James, 532 _n._

Duff, General, 357, 358.

Dumouriez, General, French Foreign Minister, 45, 46, 72;
his "Reflections on Negotiations with England," 47, 48;
appeals to England to prevent war with Prussia, 51;
his resignation, 59;
Campaign in the Low Countries, 69, 73, 74, 76, 80, 82, 83, 85, 106,
107, 267;
his proposed mission to London, 109-111, 118;
his self-confidence, 117;
correspondence with Pache, 121;
failure of his campaign in Belgium, 121, 126;
his treason, 126, 131-132;
Memoir on the defence of England, 509.

Duncan, Admiral Lord, 315, 328, 336, 347.

Duncombe, C. S., M.P., 12.

Dundas, Major-General Sir David, at Toulon, 157, 159, 160;
in Corsica, 256, 257;
his scheme of coast defence, 277, 287;
and the Volunteers, 491, 492, 512.

Dundas, Henry (afterwards Lord Melville), Home Secretary, 34, 35, 63, 64,
89, 186, 190;
opposes repeal of the Test Act in Scotland, 14;
puts down the Birmingham riots, 18, 79;
on the proclamation against seditious writings, 25;
anxious for union with the Old Whigs, 36, 38;
friendly to France, 44;
on sedition in Scotland, 77;
his scheme for rearranging the Cabinet, 124, 125;
his many offices, 124, 125, 270, 271;
his conduct of the war, 125, 137, 140, 147, 157, 158;
ignorant of military affairs, 128;
his influence in Scotland, 173, 409;
and the Scottish prosecutions, 176, 178-180, 182, 184;
burnt in effigy at Dundee, 177;
Secretary of State for War, 191, 205, 210, 213, 216, 221, 224, 225,
238-240, 241, 243, 245-248, 257, 260, 267, 268, 325, 326, 331, 362,
363, 381, 384, 386;
President of the India Board, 251, 254;
letter to Pitt on the idea of a War Minister, 271, 272;
his friendship with Pitt, 299, 454, 476;
urges the Egyptian expedition, 387, 388;
his conversations with the King on Catholic Emancipation, 433, 436,
444, 449;
resigns, 440;
on Pitt's resignation, 440, 441, 450;
created Lord Melville, 483;
his mission to Pitt at Walmer, 483, 484;
on the Volunteers, 494;
on the King's illness, 497;
First Lord of the Admiralty, 501, 511, 514;
his impeachment, 519-521;
acquitted, 521;
on India, 565.

Dundas, General Ralph, 357, 358, 361.

Dundas, Robert, Lord Advocate for Scotland, 14, 174, 176, 178, 179,
182-184.

Dundas, William, Secretary at War, 501.

Dundee, political agitation in, 77, 173, 174, 177, 178.

Dungannon, Ulster Volunteers in, 78.

Dunkirk, siege of, 127, 130, 131, 138-141, 147, 267;
Napoleon at, 349.

Dunlop, John, Lord Provost of Glasgow, 175 _n._, 178.

Duroc, General, Duc de Frioul, his mission to Berlin, 535, 537.

Dutch, the, their rights over the Scheldt, 71, 72;
their apathy, 213, 216, 274;
at the Cape, 250-255;
defeated at battle of Camperdown, 328, 347.

Dutch East India Company, 250, 252.

Dutch Republic, the, 47;
treaty with England (1788), 72;
threatened by France, 73-76, 80, 82, 84, 107;
English assurances to, 74, 114;
plots of the "Patriots," 74, 75;
appeals to England for help, 77;
unprepared for war, 98, 107;
France declares war on, 112;
French conquest of, 213-216, 250;
peace with Spain, 236;
alliance with France (1795), 251, 261, 274;
Anglo-Russian expedition to, 379-383;
remodelled by Bonaparte, 470;
proposal to offer it to Prussia, 552.

East India Company, renewal of Charter, 165.

Eaton, Daniel Isaac, prosecution of, 184.

Eden, Eleanor, Pitt's relations with, 300-303, 465, 491;
her marriage, 462 _n._

Eden, Morton, Ambassador at Vienna, 129, 161, 199, 200, 202-204, 235,
331, 380.

Edge, Captain, 160.

Edinburgh, Conventions of Friends of the People at, 174, 179, 180;
Radical club at, 178;
British Convention at, 181, 182.

Egypt, Napoleon's expedition to, 255, 277 _n._, 278, 327, 328, 368, 377;
English expedition to, 387, 388;
surrender of French garrisons in, 468;
to be restored to the Sultan, 468.

Ehrenthal, Swedish envoy at Madrid, 242.

El Arish, Convention of, 387.

Elba, evacuation of, 258, 275.

Eldon, Lord (Sir John Scott), 34, 35, 499, 501, 506, 514.

Eliot, Edward J., his death, 325.

Elliot, Sir Gilbert. _See_ Minto, Earl of.

Elliot, William, Irish Under-Secretary at War, 400.

Elphinstone, Rear-Admiral Sir Keith, his expedition to the Cape, 251,
252, 254.

Ely, Lord, 393, 402.

Emmett, Addis, 394.

Enclosures, 166, 288, 291-298.

Enghien, Duc d', execution of, 516.

England, discontent in (1793), 165-167;
(1795), _see_ Chap. XIII;
(1798), 333;
fears of invasion, 277;
national defence, 278-281;
shortage of corn, 288-291;
state of agriculture, 291;
policy of enclosures, 291-298;
financial crisis (1797), 304, 308, 309;
increasing prosperity, 330;
public opinion in (1798), 338.

"English Chronicle," the, 66, 67.

Enniskillen, Lord, 408.

Epsom, county meeting at, 188.

Erskine, Thomas, Baron, 23, 24, 89, 172, 176, 192, 488.

Euston, Lord, 412.

Evans, Thomas, Secretary of the London Corresponding Society, 349, 350;
arrested, 350.

Famars, evacuated by the French, 133, 134.

Farquhar, Sir Walter, 548, 553, 554, 557.

Federalism, advocated by Fox, 413.

Fellows, Henry, 318.

Ferdinand IV, King of Naples, 199, 231, 365, 366.

Ferrol, expedition to (1800), 386.

Fersen, Count, 4, 49.

Fingall, Lord, 393, 442, 449, 518, 519.

Finisterre, Cape, battle off, 532, 536.

Fitzgerald, Lord Edward, 23, 345, 346;
his capture and death, 354, 355.

Fitzgerald, Pamela, 79, 345.

Fitzgibbon, Baron. _See_ Clare, Earl of.

Fitzharris, Lord, 520.

Fitzwilliam, Earl, Viceroy of Ireland, 213, 339-342, 392, 432, 433,
452, 500.

Fleurus, battle of, 209, 210, 267, 270.

Flood, Henry, M.P., his motion for Reform, 11, 12.

Floridablanca, Count, his fall, 46.

Forbes, Major-General, Commander-in-Chief in Hayti, 240, 245.

Ford, Captain, 513.

Fortiquerri, Marshal, 150 _n._

Foster, John (afterwards Baron Oriel), Irish Speaker, 393, 398;
interview with Pitt, 400, 401;
his opposition to the Union, 414, 418-420.

Foster, son of the Speaker, 412.

Fouché, Joseph, Duke of Otranto, 528, 529.

Fox, Charles James, gains ground with Nonconformists, 11, 12;
on the Army Estimates (1792), 30;
his Libel Bill, 33;
opposes proclamations against seditious writings, 36;
suggested coalition with Pitt, 36, 37;
unpatriotic speeches, 87-89, 91, 278, 333;
intimate with the French embassy, 89;
opposes the Aliens Bill, 94;
disapproves of the Radical Clubs, 168;
opposes erection of barracks, 169;
on the Scottish prosecutions, 179;
in favour of peace, 198, 276, 277;
on slaves in Jamaica, 238;
on the massacre of royalists at Quiberon, 262;
on the Treasonable Practices Bill, 285, 286;
on the Bank crisis (1797), 308, 309;
and the mutinies in the fleet, 312, 313, 316;
his "secession," 316, 330;
on the Finance Bills of 1797-8, 330, 370;
his name removed from the Privy Council, 333;
and Arthur O'Connor, 350;
his views on the Union and Federalism, 413;
on Pitt's resignation, 445;
intrigues with the Prince of Wales, 449, 497;
on the peace proposals, 470;
on the war (1803), 488;
on the Volunteers, 494;
alliance with Grenville, 496;
attack on Addington, 499;
the King objects to his inclusion in Pitt's ministry, 499, 500;
supports abolition of the Slave Trade, 502;
his motion of Catholic Emancipation, 518, 519;
opposes Pitt's burial in the Abbey, 559;
as an orator, compared with Pitt, 567;
mentioned, 24, 156, 165, 188, 191, 283, 293, 506, 517, 518, 555, 557,
562, 563.