Chapter VIII: ――government

THE political association of the American people commenced at a very early period. A long time before the revolutionary troubles, it was generally perceived and acknowledged that the true safety and prosperity of the colonies were to be found only in their union. In the year 1643, the colonies of Massachusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut, and New Haven, entered into a perpetual league, offensive and defensive, for mutual protection against the claims of their Dutch neighbors, and to resist apprehended aggression from the Indians. By their articles of confederation, the jurisdiction of each colony within its own borders was to be exclusive; in every war, each of the confederates was to furnish its quota of men and provisions, according to its population; and an annual congress of two commissioners from each colony was to be held, with power to decide on all matters of general interest. With some alterations, this confederacy existed more than forty years; and it was dissolved only in 1686, when the charters of the New England colonies were vacated by a commission from king James II.

In the year 1754, a congress of a very interesting character assembled at Albany. It was called at the instance of the lords commissioners for trade and the plantations, and consisted of delegates from the New England provinces, New York, Pennsylvania, and Maryland. The object of the meeting was to consider the best means of defending the colonies, in the case of a war with France. The lords commissioners had reference merely to forming friendly connections with the Indian tribes; but the colonies indulged more extensive views. This convention proposed a plan of union, for which, however, public sentiment was not yet ripe, and it met with the singular fortune of being rejected both by the crown and the people. Local jealousies and disputes in regard to boundaries, had at that time so excited the different colonies, that governor Pownal felt himself authorized to say, in his work on the Administration of the Colonies, that they had no one principle of association among them, and that their manner of settlement, diversity of charters, conflicting interests, and mutual rivalship and jealousies, would render an union impracticable. Happy for our people that the stone which they rejected has become the corner stone of our political temple; for the whole edifice must be crushed and crumbled, when profane hands shall be laid upon that which is its strength and foundation!

Men could not, however, remain insensible of the great advantages that must inevitably result from a federate union. A common interest was destined to be made more apparent and pressing by a common danger and soon after the first unfriendly measures of the British government, a congress of delegates from nine colonies was assembled at New York in October, 1765. This step was adopted at the suggestion of Massachusetts, and was preparatory to a more extensive and general association of the colonies, which took place in September, 1774, and laid the foundation of permanent independence. At this last period, the impending oppressions of Great Britain induced the colonies to unite in sending delegates to a congress at Philadelphia, with authority to consult together for the common welfare. The measures adopted by this assembly met with a prompt and general obedience, and the union thus auspiciously formed was continued by a succession of delegates in congress; it has continued through the struggles of a revolution, foreign war and domestic dissension.――God grant that it may be perpetual.

In May, 1775, a congress, with ample discretionary powers, assembled in Philadelphia. Georgia soon after acceded to the measures that had been adopted, and completed the confederacy of the thirteen colonies. In Massachusetts, hostilities had been already commenced, and the appeal to arms was now considered as the only resource. Congress prepared to support this measure, and, gradually assuming all the attributes of sovereignty, on the fourth day of July, 1776, declared the united colonies to be free and independent states. The consequences of this step belong more properly to another portion of this volume. In June, 1776, congress undertook to prepare articles of confederation; but it was not till November of the following year that they were able so far to unite discordant interests, as to adopt these articles. In passing through the states, they met with still stronger impediments, and it was not till three years after their first promulgation, that they received the unanimous approbation of the United States. This confederation proved imbecile and insignificant, and it was only by the assumption of power not granted by the fundamental charter of the union, that congress could rescue the country from the most humiliating consequences. A quorum of congress could with difficulty be assembled; the finances of the nation were annihilated; in 1784, the whole army amounted but to eighty men, and the states were urged to provide some of the militia to garrison the western posts. In short, to use the impressive and melancholy language of the Federalist, ‘each state, yielding to the voice of immediate interest or convenience, successively withdrew its support from the confederation, till the frail and tottering edifice was ready to fall upon our heads, and to crush us beneath its ruins.’

The first effort to relieve the country from the miseries and dangers of the confederation originated in Virginia, in the proposition for a convention of delegates to regulate our foreign commerce. A partial representation of the states was in this manner collected at Annapolis, and the plan of a national convention was by this body strongly recommended to congress, for the purpose of devising a government that should be adequate to the exigencies of the nation. Congress adopted the suggestion, and immediately acted upon it; with the exception of Rhode Island, all the states acceded to the proposal of a general convention, and their delegates assembled at Philadelphia in May, 1787. This assembly united men of the most distinguished talents, high-minded integrity, and disinterested patriotism, and commanded the public regard and confidence in their fullest extent. After a tranquil deliberation of several months, the plan of government, which now forms the constitution of the United States, was adopted with unprecedented unanimity. Nearly a year elapsed before it received the assent of a sufficient number of states to give it a political existence; but on the fourth of March, 1789, the government was duly organized and set in motion. It was not till the year 1790, that the constitution had received the unanimous ratification of all the members of the original confederacy. ‘The peaceable adoption of this government,’ says chancellor Kent, ‘under all the circumstances which attended it, presented the case of an effort of deliberation, combined with a spirit of amity and of mutual concession, which was without example. It must be a source of just pride, and of the most grateful recollection, to every American, who reflects seriously on the difficulty of the experiment, the manner in which it was conducted, the felicity of its issue, and the fate of similar trials in other nations of the earth.’ The following is a copy of the constitution as adopted, with its subsequent amendments:

WE, the people of the United States, in order to form a more
perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity,
provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and
secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity,
do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States
of America.

ARTICLE I.