Chapter XX: ――history (18)

A treaty similar to the preceding was made by Great Britain with China somewhat earlier. A new era has commenced in the history of that extensive empire. And now that access to her population is comparatively easy, and religious instruction is allowed to be disseminated by means of missionaries, tracts, &c., a happy change may be anticipated in respect to a people where religion, laws and customs have remained without alteration for centuries. Thus good has resulted from evil. The conduct of England in respect to the opium trade a few years since, was reprobated by all civilized nations; but Providence has overruled events so that the light of Christianity will at no distant day enlighten and bless China, with her hundreds of millions of now ignorant and superstitious idolators.

The rejection by the senate of the treaty concluded by the President with Texas, noticed page 824, in no wise abated the ardor of the Executive in respect to her annexation to the United States. In his annual message, as already observed, he proposed to effect her admission into the Union by a joint resolution of congress. Unconstitutional as such a mode of annexation was deemed to be by many sound and patriotic men, the measure found favor with a large party in the United States, and a corresponding party in congress. The resolution was opposed with great force, and by powerful argument. The consequences were clearly set forth――those which were certain, and other consequences which were probable. It was urged as an act of injustice to Mexico, and that hostilities with that government would likely ensue――that our territory was sufficiently extended――that our public debt should not be enlarged by the assumption of hers――and finally, and more than all, that the evils of slavery would be greatly augmented as its theatre would be widely extended. But the President and other friends of the measure regarded it with great favor. General Jackson, now in the decline of life, and even on the verge of the grave, was appealed to, and not in vain, to urge the democratic party to consummate the annexation before his departure. The discussion of the subject in congress, and in the public papers was strong and animated. At length on the 23d of January, 1845, the question was taken in the house of representatives, and the resolution adopted by a vote of 118 to 101.

The democratic votes in favor of the resolution were 53 from free, and 59 from slave states. Eight whigs, all from slave states, voted in favor. Of the votes in the negative, 28 were democratic from free states; 70 were whig――52 from free states, and 18 from slave states.

The resolution from the house underwent important amendments in the senate, in which body it passed by a vote of 27 to 25. In these amendments the house concurred by a vote of 132 to 76.

The resolution thus passed was as follows.

_Resolved_, &c., That congress doth consent that the territory properly included within, and rightfully belonging to, the republic of Texas, may be created into a new state, to be called the state of Texas, with a republican form of government to be adopted by the people of said republic by deputies in convention assembled, with the consent of the existing government in order that the same may be admitted under the states of this Union.

The consent of congress to this resolution was given upon certain conditions――the first was that a constitution adopted by the people of said republic should be laid before congress on or before the 1st day of January, 1846――the second was, that all mines, minerals, fortifications, harbors, arms, navy, &c., should be ceded to the United States――public lands to be retained by Texas for the payment of her debts――a third condition was, that new states might hereafter be formed out of the said territory of Texas.

An amendment of the above resolutions proposed by Mr. Walker was adopted by a vote of 27 to 25.

This amendment allowed the President of the United States, instead of proceeding to submit the foregoing resolutions to the republic of Texas as an overture on the part of the United States for admission, to negotiate with that republic, then

_Be it resolved_, That a state to be formed out of the present republic of Texas, with suitable extent and boundaries, and with two representatives in congress until the next apportionment of representation, shall be admitted into the Union by virtue of this act, on an equal footing with the existing states, as soon as the terms and condition of such admission and the cession of the remaining Texian territory to the United States shall be agreed upon by the governments of Texas and the United States. This amendment was concurred in by the house by a vote of 132 to 76.

As these measures in regard to the admission of Texas were adopted at the close of the session of congress, it was expected that Mr. Tyler would leave it to his successor to consummate the wishes of congress, and it was also understood that Mr. Polk had determined to negotiate a treaty with Texas under the alternative offered by Mr. Walker’s amendment. President Tyler, however, determined to forestall the action of his successor, and hence despatched an express to communicate to Texas, that he had decided to invite Texas into the Union, under the provisions of the resolutions as they passed the house of representatives, without the exercise of farther treaty making power.

During the preceding session of congress, the subject of a change in existing rates of postage had been discussed, and a bill making alterations had passed one branch of the national legislature. At the present session, the subject was revived, and a bill reducing the rates introduced. It was understood to find no favor with the postmaster-general and some others――but a reduction of rates had long been demanded by the public, and, in accordance with the public sentiment, the bill passed the senate February 8th, by a vote of 38 to 12: in the house, on the 16th, 158 to 74――to go into operation the 1st of July, following.

On the 12th of February, the ceremony of opening and counting the votes of the electors of President and vice-president of the United States took place in the presence of both houses of congress. Tellers were appointed as usual, who, having read and counted the votes, made duplicate lists thereof. These being delivered to the president of the senate, he made declaration of the result; viz., That the whole number of votes given was 275, of which James K. Polk, of Tennessee, had 170, and was duly elected President of the United States for four years from the 4th day of March ensuing. Henry Clay had 105 for the same office. The vote for vice-president stood 170 for George M. Dallas, of Pennsylvania; for Theodore Frelinghuysen, of New York, 105.

On the 4th of March, at half past two in the morning, the second session of the 28th congress was brought to a close, and at the same time was terminated the presidential career of John Tyler, who soon after retired to his farm in Virginia.

In reviewing the presidential career of Mr. Tyler, it is impossible to free him from the charge of inconsistency. In the Harrisburg convention, he was a member, a vice-president, and an ardent supporter of Mr. Clay――and when, after some three days’ deliberation, it was decided to place General Harrison in nomination, few, if any, appeared more deeply aggrieved than Mr. Tyler, that the claims of Mr. Clay were set aside.

The selection of a candidate for vice-president, next became an object of deep solicitude. The friends of General Harrison were naturally anxious that the choice should fall upon a known and ardent Clay man. To this end, the name of John J. Crittenden was brought forward, but his friends felt unauthorized to pledge his assent. Others were named――Governor Dudley――ex-Governor Owen, and Benjamin Watkins Leigh; but for various reasons their names were withdrawn. At length the name of John Tyler was introduced, and under a belief that he was an uncompromising whig, he received the unanimous vote of the convention.

On the death of General Harrison, Mr. Tyler succeeded to the presidency. Thereupon he issued an address to the people, which was plainly and generally understood to indicate his resolution to unite in such measures with regard to the currency, as the new whig congress (which General Harrison had called to meet in extra session at an early day) should deem advisable. A variety of circumstances concurred to evince that such was at that time his intention. But the tenor and language of his conduct were soon changed. He differed from the party which elevated him to office――repeatedly vetoed their most important and most valued measures――removed from office nearly all who had contributed to his election, and threw his entire influence into the hands of the opposite political party.

The retirement of Mr. Tyler, is, perhaps, too recent to justify a decided opinion as to the merits of his administration. During the heat of party strife, an impartial judgment is seldom apt to be exercised. We look at men and measures, at such times, through a false medium. In order to [give] a fair and full estimate of the measures of a government, it is necessary that years should pass by, and with them the political pride and party prejudice of the principal actors at the time of their adoption and influence. But whatever may be the ultimate decision of posterity in regard to the administration of Mr. Tyler, as a whole, it is certain, that nothing can rescue him from the charge of a vacillating policy, by which he alienated from his society and friendship nearly every man, who aided in elevating him to office; and that without securing the esteem of the party whose cause he espoused, and the members of which he honored with office. Measures beneficial to the country, were indeed adopted during his administration; but it is also true that, through his exercise of the veto power beyond all former precedent, other measures of no less importance in the view of his former friends, and which had been perfected at the expense of much time and labor, were frustrated. In short, during nearly the whole of his administration, Mr. Tyler went counter, in the opinion of his friends, to those principles which he had avowed prior to, and early after, his accession to the presidency. And in so doing, he sadly disappointed his early political friends and associates, while he secured to himself, it is well known, neither the respect nor support of the democratic party.

ADMINISTRATION OF JAMES K. POLK.

On the 4th of March, 1845, James K. Polk was duly inaugurated as President of the United States. The ceremonies at the Capitol on the occasion were witnessed by a large concourse of citizens, both from the vicinity and a distance. As is usual, the President elect, on taking the oath of office, delivered an address explanatory of his political sentiments, or those fundamental principles, by which he designed to administer the government during his presidential term.

After expressing his thanks to his countrymen for the unsolicited confidence reposed in him, and invoking the aid of the Almighty Ruler of the universe, he said: “It will be my first care to administer the government in the true spirit of the constitution, and to assume no powers not expressly granted or clearly implied in its terms.” It would also be his aim to see that the general government did not trench on the rights of the states, nor the states overstep the limits of power reserved to them. He should steadily aim to perpetuate the blessings enjoyed under the constitution, and especially to preserve the Federal Union in its integrity, and in all that pertains to its honor and prosperity. He expressed himself opposed, to a national bank, and all other extraneous institutions planted around the government to control or strengthen it, in opposition to the will of its authors. In respect to the expenditure of the public money, he should feel it to be his duty to recommend the strictest economy compatible with the public interest. In regard to the adjustment of our revenue laws, and the levying of taxes necessary to the support of the government, he considered it a cardinal principle, that no more money should be collected than the necessities of an economical administration required. He was in favor of a tariff for revenue, and such as would afford incidental protection to our home industry, but was opposed to a tariff for protection merely. He was in favor of the annexation of Texas, and congratulated the country that measures were in progress for her _reunion_. In respect to Oregon, he claimed our title to it to be “clear and unquestionable.” In the management of foreign relations, he would aim to preserve a careful respect for the rights of other nations, while our own would be the subject of constant watchfulness. Public officers would be held to a strict performance of their duties, especially those charged with the collection and disbursement of the public revenues. Although chosen by a party, in his official actions he would not be the President of a part only, but of the whole people of the United States. In conclusion he said, “I enter upon the discharge of the high duties which have been assigned me by the people, humbly supplicating that Divine Being, who has watched over and protected our beloved country from its infancy to the present hour, to continue his gracious benedictions upon us, that we may continue a prosperous and happy people.”

The President immediately after his induction into office, proceeded to the formation of his cabinet. The new senate being in session, he nominated James Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, as secretary of state; Robert J. Walker, of Mississippi, secretary of the treasury; William L. Marcy, of New York, secretary of war; George Bancroft, of Massachusetts, secretary of the navy; Cave Johnson, of Tennessee, postmaster-general, and John Y. Mason, of Virginia, attorney-general.

On the evening of the 8th of June, an event occurred calculated to make a deep impression upon the whole people of the United States. This was the death of General Jackson, who breathed his last, at his residence at the Hermitage, Tennessee, in the 79th year of his age. His funeral solemnities took place on Tuesday, the 10th, the Rev. Dr. Edgar preaching a most impressive and eloquent sermon on the occasion. After the religious services were ended, the body was conveyed to the vault prepared many years since for its reception. Several thousands of persons were present at the solemn ceremonies, which were closed by the discharge of three volleys over the grave.

We have elsewhere spoken of General Jackson in respect to his military and political character. That he was “a soldier of dauntless courage, vigor, and perseverance, an officer of skill and sagacity, of quickness of perception, and of prompt and resolute execution of his purpose, there is, probably, and hereafter there will probably, be no division of opinion, either at home or abroad. That he was sometimes stern and severe, too stern and severe, none can doubt; nor will it be questioned probably, that while in general he sought to distinguish himself by exalting the character and honor of his country, he was not unfrequently rash, and too obstinately bent on pursuing his plans and purposes to their end, in despite of the opinion and advice of his political friends and associates.”

To all, however, whatever estimates they may have formed of the excellence or defects of his administration, it must be pleasant to learn that the closing days of his life were devoted, according to statements made to the public, to a wise preparation for that eternity to which he was hastening. He claimed to rest his hopes for acceptance with God, on the merits of Jesus Christ. His final interview with his family was deeply tender and impressive. He took leave of each one with great deliberation, and in a manner most kind and affectionate. He took leave with similar tenderness of his servants, who had collected in his room, or at the windows, and in conclusion he expressed the hope, that he should meet them all again in a world of glory.

The solemn event was every where received with due sensibility, and its announcement followed by appropriate demonstrations of respect to the memory of the departed. The President of the United States issued his public order, directing suitable demonstrations of public sorrow and sympathy to be made at the several naval and military stations of the country. With great propriety did that public order conclude by saying, “Let the virtues of the illustrious dead retain their influence, and when energy and courage are called to trial, emulate his example.”

The first session of the 29th congress commenced December 1st, 1845. The Hon. John W. Davis, of Indiana, was elected speaker of the house of representatives.

On the following day, the President transmitted his message to both houses of congress. The principal topics of public interest contained in the message related to Texas――to Oregon――to our relations with Mexico――to the public lands――and to the sub-treasury.

In regard to Texas, the President informed congress, that the terms of annexation which were offered by the United States to that government, by the joint resolution of the last congress, had been accepted by Texas, and that nothing, therefore, remained to consummate that annexation, but the passage of an act by congress, to admit the state of Texas into the Union, upon an equal footing with the original states. “Strong reasons exist,” he observed, “why this should be done at an early period of the session. By the constitution of Texas, the existing government is continued only till congress can act; and the third Monday of the present month is the day appointed for holding the first general election. I cannot,” added the Executive, “too earnestly recommend prompt action on this important subject.”

The President next spoke of our relations with Mexico, “which,” he observed, “have not since the last session been of the most amicable character. On the 6th of March, the Mexican envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to the United States, made a formal protest against the annexation of Texas; in which he regarded that annexation as a violation of the rights of Mexico, and in consequence of it, he had demanded his passports. Thus, by the act of Mexico, all diplomatic intercourse between the two countries had been suspended.” Nor was this all. The belligerent conduct of Mexico had rendered it necessary, in the opinion of the President, to take measures to protect and defend Texas against her menaced attack. “I deemed it proper, therefore,” observed the President, “as a precautionary measure, to order a strong squadron to the coast of Mexico, and to concentrate a sufficient military force on the western frontier of Texas. Our army was ordered to take position in the country between the Neuces and the Del Norte, and to repel any invasion of the Texan territory which might be attempted by the Mexican forces. Our squadron in the Gulf was ordered to co-operate with the army.” Up to the date of the message, however, Mexico had made no aggressive movement, nor had the American forces, on their part, committed any act of hostility. Such was the position of our affairs with Mexico on the opening of the session of congress.

The President next adverted to the subject of the Oregon territory. Previous to his induction to office, three several attempts had been made to settle the questions in dispute about Oregon between the two countries by negotiation, upon the principle of compromise, each of which, however, had proved unsuccessful.

These negotiations look place at London, in the years 1818, 1824, and 1826: the first two under the administration of Mr. Monroe, the last under that of Mr. Adams. The negotiations of 1818 having failed to accomplish its object, resulted in the convention of the 20th of October of that year. By the third article of that convention, it was “agreed that any country that may be claimed by either party, on the north-west coast of America, westward of the Stony mountains, shall, together with its harbors, bays, and creeks, and the navigation of all rivers within the same, be free and open for the term of ten years from the date of the signature of the present convention, to the vessels, citizens, and subjects of the two Powers; it being well understood that this agreement is not to be construed to the prejudice of any claim which either of the two high contracting parties may have to any part of the said country, nor shall it be taken to affect the claims of any other Power or State to any part of said country; the only object of the high contracting parties in that respect, being to prevent disputes and differences among themselves.”

The negotiation of 1824 was productive of no result, and the convention of 1818 was left unchanged.

The negotiation of 1826 having also failed to effect an adjustment by compromise, resulted in the convention of August the 6th, 1827, by which it was agreed to continue in force, for an indefinite period, the provisions of the third article of the convention of the 20th of October, 1818; and it was further provided, that it shall be competent, however, to either of the high contracting parties, in case either should think fit, at any time after the 20th of October, 1828, on giving due notice of twelve months to the other contracting party, to annul and abrogate this convention; and it shall, in such case, be accordingly entirely annulled and abrogated after the expiration of said term of notice.

From this time, for several years, the subject rested in quietness. At length, in October, 1843, the minister of the United States in London, made a similar offer to those of 1818 and 1826. Thus stood the question when the negotiation was transferred to Washington. On the 26th of August, 1844, the British plenipotentiary offered to divide the Oregon territory by the 49th parallel of north latitude, leaving the free navigation of the Columbia river to be enjoyed in common by both parties. This proposition was rejected by the American plenipotentiary on the day it was submitted. The British plenipotentiary next, in turn, requested that a proposal should be made by the United States, for an equitable adjustment of the question.

Such was the state of the negotiation on the accession of Mr. Polk to the presidency. “Anxious to settle this long pending controversy, I was induced,” he observed, “to make a further proposition, which was a repetition of the offer of the parallel for 49 degrees of north latitude, without the free navigation of the Columbia river. This proposition was rejected by the British plenipotentiary, and here all negotiation ceased.”

Such was the state of this important and delicate question on the meeting of congress. Attempts at compromise had failed. Great anxiety was beginning to be felt by statesmen on both side the waters in relation to this subject. More and more sensitiveness was prevailing, in reference to the claims of the respective parties. The President, under a belief that the question should be settled, advised that the year’s notice, required by the convention of the 6th of August, 1827, should be given to Great Britain.

“By so doing, at the expiration of a year, we shall have reached a period,” said the President, “when our national rights in Oregon must either be abandoned, or firmly maintained.”

In regard to the tariff, the message was explicit. The President reaffirmed doctrines, which, before his elevation to the Executive chair, he was known to profess in regard to the protective system. He was against it――against the tariff act of 1842――a revision and modification of which he strongly recommended.

In respect to the public domain, the President proposed to reduce the price to one dollar per acre, and to graduate the price to lower rates upon such portions as should remain for any considerable time unsold. Next, he adverted to the safe keeping of the public money. “Entertaining the opinion,” said he, “that the separation of the moneys of the government from banking institutions is indispensable for the safety of the funds of the government, and the rights of the people, I recommend to congress that provision be made by law for such separation, and that a constitutional treasury be created for the safe keeping of the public money. The constitutional treasury recommended is designed as a secure depository for the public money, without any power to make loans or discounts, or to issue any paper whatever, as a currency or circulation. I cannot doubt that such a treasury as was contemplated by the constitution, should be independent of all banking corporations.”

Such were the views of the Executive in regard to these great questions of national policy. Great differences of opinion existed among the American people in relation to several of them. It was foreseen that the public discussion of them would intensely excite the nation, and great apprehensions were entertained lest hostilities should grow out of the question pending between the United States and Great Britain. A war with Mexico at even an earlier day had been predicted, and the message of the President was not calculated to allay anxiety respecting it.

Indeed, this anxiety was destined to be increased by the course adopted by certain political leaders in congress. As early as the 9th of December, General Cass introduced into the senate the following resolutions:

“_Resolved_, That the committee on military affairs be instructed to inquire into the condition of the national fortifications, and of their armaments; and whether other defensive works are necessary; and into the condition and quantity of the military supplies; and into the state of the means possessed by the government for the defence of the country.

“_Resolved_, That the committee on the militia be instructed to inquire into the present condition of that great branch of the public service; and into the state of the militia laws; and that they be further instructed to report such changes in the existing system, as will give more experience and efficacy to that arm of defence, and will place it in the best condition for protecting the country, should it be exposed to foreign invasion.

“_Resolved_, That the committee on naval affairs be instructed to inquire into the condition of the navy of the United States, and into the quantity and condition of supplies now on hand; and whether an increase of them is not necessary to the efficient operation of the navy, and to its preservation and augmentation; and, generally, into its capacity for defending our coasts and our commerce; and for any service the exigencies of the country may probably require.”

The belligerent aspect of these resolutions was not to be mistaken; and, at length, when taken up for consideration, the mover of them, while he disclaimed any wish to hasten hostilities between Great Britain and America, expressed his conviction that a crisis was approaching.

The United States would not and could not relinquish her claim upon Oregon. “Shall we recede?” he inquired. “No, sir, as to receding it is not to be thought of for a moment. It is a thing I allude to, only to denounce it. War,” he added, “was a great calamity, and should if possible be avoided: but there were other calamities more to be dreaded than war, and among those calamities was national dishonor.”

To these resolutions, thus introduced, it was replied, that there could be nothing urged by way of objection in themselves considered. It was right to inquire into the state of our national defence, and to provide against the possible contingency of war; but it was the remarks of the mover of them which gave them their peculiar significance. They were in effect a declaration of war. They would be so considered, and would awaken the anxieties of the entire country. They might also seriously interfere with and retard the settlement of a question of vast moment pending between the United States and Great Britain. After a full consideration of these resolutions, however, and suitable explanations on both sides, the resolutions were unanimously referred to the committee on military affairs.

In accordance with the recommendation of Mr. Polk, at an early day of the session, joint resolutions for the admission of the state of Texas into the Union were introduced into the house of representatives. These resolutions with a preamble were as follows.

“Joint resolutions for the admission of the state of Texas into the Union.

“Whereas the congress of the United States, by a ‘_joint resolution_,’ approved March the 1st, 1846, did consent, that the territory properly included within, and rightfully belonging to, the republic of Texas, might be erected into a new state, to be called the _state of Texas_, with a republican form of government, to be adopted by the people of said republic by deputies in convention assembled, with the consent of the existing government, in order that the same might be admitted as one of the states of the Union; which consent of congress was given upon certain conditions specified in the 1st and 2d sections of said joint resolutions: and whereas the people of the said republic of Texas, by deputies in convention assembled, with the consent of the existing government, did adopt a constitution, and erect a new state, with a republican form of government, and in the name of the people of Texas, and by their authority, did ordain and declare, that they assented to and accepted the proposals, conditions, and guaranties contained in said 1st and 2d sections of said resolutions: and whereas the said constitution, with the proper evidence of its adoption by the people of the republic of Texas, has been transmitted to the President of the United States, and laid before congress, in conformity to the provisions of said joint resolutions; Therefore

“_Be it resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled_, That the state of Texas shall be one, and is hereby declared to be one, of the United States of America, and admitted into the Union on an equal footing with the original states in all respects whatever.

“_Be it further enacted_, That until the representatives in congress shall be apportioned, according to an actual enumeration of the inhabitants of the United States, the state of Texas shall be entitled to choose two representatives.”

It was scarcely within the reasonable hopes of the opposers of the annexation of Texas, that after the adoption of the measures, with that object in view, by the preceding congress, the present congress would do any thing by which to prevent her admission into the Union. A few, perhaps, indulged the belief, that further proceedings might be stayed; and with that object in view, petitions and remonstrances were sent in from various parts of the Union. The President had, indeed, in his message congratulated congress and the nation that “this accession (of Texas) to our territory had been a bloodless achievement. No arm of force had been raised to produce the result. The sword has had no part in the victory. We have not sought to extend our territorial possessions by conquest, or our republican institutions over a reluctant people.” This was admitted by the opposite party, but they predicted war as a consequence, and this danger of a collision with Mexico they would have avoided, by preventing the admission of Texas. Besides, the extension of slavery was more distressing to many in all quarters of the Union; and, moreover, it was urged that it was of dangerous tendency and doubtful consequences to enlarge the boundaries of this government or territory over which our laws are now established. “There must be some limit,” said a wise and aged statesman, “to the extent of our territory if we would make our institutions permanent.”

The opposers of annexation, in various parts of the country, were anticipating a warm and exciting debate on the subject in congress, and members of that body, who represented this party, were themselves, it is believed, prepared to present strong, and to themselves, satisfactory reasons, why the project should be abandoned. But to the surprise of all, when the subject came up for consideration, discussion was prevented by an early movement of the previous question. To such a summary process strong remonstrances were made; but to the friends of the measure in congress, who believed the most valuable benefits would result to the Union by its consummation, debate seemed needless; and, consequently, the resolutions were urged to a speedy adoption. On the 16th of December, the question was taken, and the resolutions were adopted by a majority of 141 to 56. A few days after they received the sanction of the senate. In this latter body, however, an opportunity was given for the opposers of annexation to urge their objections. This was done with great dignity; but a majority in the senate, as in the house, if not in the country, were found in favour of the measure.

Thus by a novel, and to many an unconstitutional process, was Texas admitted into the Union, and “without any intermediate time of probation, such as other territories had undergone before their admission, she was vested with a right to send _two_ representatives to congress, while her population was insufficient to entitle her to one, except, under the specific provision of the constitution, that each state shall have at least one representative.”

As early as October, 1845, an inquiry had been made by order of the President, of the Mexican minister for foreign affairs, whether his government “would receive an envoy from the United States, intrusted with full powers to adjust all questions in dispute between the two governments.” During the same month, an affirmative answer having been received; in November, the Hon. John Slidell, of Louisiana, was commissioned as such, and on the 30th of the same month arrived at Vera Cruz. The government of Mexico, notwithstanding its pledge, refused to receive him in the diplomatic character to which he had been appointed; and, after spending some time in the country, he returned to the United States.

The military force, which the President in his annual message informed congress he had ordered to take a position “between the Neuces and the Del Norte,” was for some months concentrated under General Taylor at Corpus Christi: but, on learning the probable refusal of the Mexican government to receive our envoy; and moreover, Texas having by her act of a previous date, declared the Rio del Norte to be her boundary, the President, in January, directed General Taylor to remove from Corpus Christi, and to concentrate his troops on the left bank of the Del Norte. At the same time all aggressive acts were strictly forbidden.

Accordingly, on the 11th of March the troops were put in motion, and on the 28th of that month arrived on the left bank of the Del Norte, opposite to Matamoras. About the same time a depôt was established at Point Isabel, near the Brasos Santiago, thirty miles in the rear of the encampment.

These measures, adopted by the President, by which the American troops passed the Neuces, the boundary claimed by Mexico, was considered by a large portion of the people of the United States as impolitic, if not unjust; and strongly tending to strengthen the misunderstanding already existing between the two governments. At least, the territory thus occupied was a subject of dispute, and by many its occupation was deemed a belligerent act.

It was naturally so considered by Ampudia, who was commanding the Mexican forces at Matamoras, and who notified the American general to break up his camp within twenty four hours, and retire beyond the Neuces. On the 24th of April, General Arista superseded Ampudia in command, and forthwith communicated to General Taylor, that “he considered hostilities commenced, and should prosecute them.” On the same day, a party of dragoons of sixty-three men and officers from the American camp, who had been despatched up the Del Norte to reconnoitre, were attacked by a body of Mexican troops. Sixteen were killed and wounded, and the remainder taken prisoners.

For a time following the occupation of the left bank of the Del Norte, the situation of the American army was considered exceedingly critical. In point of numbers, it fell far short of the Mexican force under General Arista, and supplies of food were difficult to be obtained. In this situation, General Taylor availed himself of authority given him by the President to call upon the governor of Texas for four regiments of state troops, and on the governor of Louisiana for four regiments, to be sent him as soon as practicable. These eight regiments were expected to make a force of nearly 5000 men, and were, in the opinion of General Taylor, sufficient: but General Gaines, having command in the southern department, under an apprehension that a much larger force would be necessary, made requisitions upon several of the governors of the southern states for a large volunteer force. In consequence of this call, a large force was ultimately concentrated under General Taylor――more than was deemed needful, and they were dismissed, while General Gaines, though considered patriotic in his measures, was adjudged to have transcended his authority.

Before, however, any of the above troops had reached the camp of General Taylor, his situation had become alarming. His provisions were nearly exhausted. The Mexicans were surrounding him, and his communication with Point Isabel was liable to be interrupted. At length, leaving a garrison of 700 or 800 men at his works opposite Matamoras, he set out with his other forces on Friday, the 1st of May, for Point Isabel to give protection to that place, and re-establish his communication with his supplies.

This movement upon Point Isabel was effected, without encountering a single Mexican. In place of molesting General Taylor, the enemy concentrated his forces about the camp which he had just left. On the morning of the 3d, the American works were attacked by the Mexican batteries from the opposite side of the river, while a detachment of their forces made a simultaneous attack on this side of the Rio Grande, in the rear. The Americans returned the fire with so much effect as to silence, in a short time, the Mexican batteries, while the attack in the rear was still more easily repulsed. The Americans lost but a single man. The Mexican loss was considerable. Matamoras itself suffered considerably.

On the 7th General Taylor commenced his return to his camp. He anticipated opposition, but little did anyone apprehend such attacks and such victories as the Americans won.

On the 8th, the Mexican forces had reached Palo Alto, with an intention to intercept the American general, and if practicable to prevent his return to his camp. The two armies met, and for five hours such a battle raged as the annals of history seldom record. The Mexican force exceeded 5000 men, with seven pieces of artillery and 800 cavalry. The American troops were 2300, with but two eighteen pounders and two light batteries. The loss of the Americans was comparatively trifling. Two brave officers were severely wounded. Major Ringgold and Captain Page, the former of whom soon after died. The loss of the Mexicans, according to the official report of General Arista, was, in killed, 98――wounded and missing, 142. The American army encamped on the field.

On the following day, General Taylor again moved with his forces towards his camp opposite Matamoras; and, on reaching Resaca de la Palma, a few miles only from his destination, he again encountered the enemy, and a battle, shorter in its continuance, but far more severe, ensued. The Americans were still more triumphant, capturing eight pieces of artillery, with a large quantity of ammunition; three standards, and several hundred prisoners, among whom was General La Vega. The loss of the Americans in this action exceeded that of the preceding day. According to the report of General Taylor in both actions there were 3 officers and 40 men killed, and 13 officers and 400 men wounded. General Arista reported as killed, officers and men, 154; wounded, 205, and missing, 156; making a total of 515.

“The glory of the American arms,” says a writer, “never shone brighter than in the brilliant contest of Palo Alto of the 8th, and in the even more brilliant contest of Resaca de la Palma of the 9th of May. On both days our soldiers

“‘Fought like brave men, long and well.’

“They fought at great odds, with a foe superior in numbers, and in a position which the enemy had selected. But these only gave opportunities for more striking displays of personal valor. These disadvantages only served to show the decided superior power of the American arms.”

It was the wish of the American general to follow up the advantage thus obtained, but having no adequate means of crossing the river, he was obliged to content himself with the victories he had won. The American force once more took up its quarters at the camp opposite Matamoras, while the Mexican general retreated up higher into the country.

While affairs were thus progressing in the south between the two contending armies, an intense interest was kindling up in every part of the United States――and while, with but few exceptions, the people regretted the occurrence of any misunderstanding with Mexico, a general sympathy was felt for the American army (intelligence had not yet been received of the battles of the 8th and 9th,) environed as it was supposed to be by a superior force, and nearly destitute of supplies. In this state of things, a bill for “an act providing for the prosecution of the existing war, &c., was introduced into congress, the preamble to which was as follows. “Whereas, by the act of the republic of Mexico, a state of war exists between that government and the United States,” &c. To this preamble strong objections were expressed by some, but the bill, nevertheless passed both houses by large majorities. By this act, the President was authorized to employ the militia, naval, and military forces of the United States, and to call for, and accept the services of any number of volunteers not exceeding 50,000, either cavalry, artillery, infantry, or riflemen, &c. Besides the above, the regular army was increased several thousand, the enlistments being made for five years.

On the day the foregoing act was approved, the President issued his proclamation announcing the existence of war, “by the act of the republic of Mexico,” and calling upon the “good people of the United States to exert themselves in preserving order, and in maintaining the authority of the laws, and in supporting such measures as might be adopted for obtaining a speedy, a just, and an honorable peace.”

The winter had been spent by congress in the discussion of topics of great national interest, among which the most prominent related to Oregon; and particularly to the question arising out of the recommendation of the President in his annual message, whether the convention of August 6th, 1827, between the United States and Great Britain, in relation to the joint occupation of that territory, should be abrogated by giving to the latter government the year’s notice required by said convention.

Since the formation of the government, no question perhaps excited greater interest, or elicited warmer discussion than this. By not a few it was apprehended that the practical effect of such notice would be a war between the two governments. The debate took a wide range, and several were the modes suggested, or the resolutions offered, according to the terms of which the notice should be given. But, at length, on the 16th of April, the question was taken in the senate on a resolution, which had originated in the house and been amended in the senate, to give said notice, and decided in the affirmative by a majority of 40 to 14. On being returned to the house, the latter agreed to the senate’s amendments, but added still further amendments. These latter, however, were negatived by the senate, and the house insisting, a conference was solicited by the latter. This being accepted by the senate, a committee of conference was appointed, who reported the following preamble and resolution, which passed the senate by a vote of 42 to 10, and the house by a vote of 142 to 46.

“_A Joint Resolution concerning the Oregon territory._――Whereas, by the convention concluded the twentieth day of October, eighteen hundred and eighteen, between the United States of America and the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, for the period of ten years, and afterwards indefinitely extended and continued in force by another convention of the same parties, concluded the sixth day of August, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and twenty-seven, it was agreed that any country that may be claimed by either party on the north-west coast of America westward of the Stony or Rocky mountains, now commonly called the Oregon territory, should, together with its harbors, bays, and creeks, and the navigation of all rivers within the same, be “free and open” to the vessels, citizens, and subjects of the two powers, but without prejudice to any claim which either of the parties might have to any part of said country; and with this further provision, in the second article of the said convention of the sixth of August, eighteen hundred and twenty-seven, that either party might abrogate and annul said convention, or give due notice of twelve months to the other contracting party――

“And whereas it has now become desirable that the respective claims of the United States and Great Britain should be definitely settled, and that said territory may no longer than need be remain subject to the evil consequences of the divided allegiance of its American and British population, and of the confusion and conflict of national jurisdictions, dangerous to the cherished peace and good understanding of the two countries――

“With a view, therefore, that steps be taken for the abrogation of the said convention of the sixth of August, eighteen hundred and twenty seven, in the mode prescribed in its second article, and that the attention of the governments of both countries may be the more earnestly and immediately directed to the adoption of all proper measures for a speedy and amicable adjustment of the difficulties and disputes in respect to said territory――

“_Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States, in Congress assembled_, That the President of the United States be, and he is hereby authorized, at his discretion, to give the British government the notice required by its said second article for the abrogation of the said convention of the sixth of August, eighteen hundred and twenty-seven.”

Thus was decided a question which had greatly agitated the entire country, and which, in the progress of discussion, had occasioned observations and reflections strongly calculated to disturb the harmony of the two governments, and which, in the opinion of some, were designed to produce such an effect. But the folly and guilt of engendering war between two nations so allied, and in which Christian principle was bound to hold sway, was, on several occasions, and by some of the principal men of the nation, pointed out. Solemn warning was given to those, who would madly have rushed to arms by setting up claims of doubtful validity, and which, it was well known, would never be acceded to by the British government. But, at length, the troubled waters grew calmer; and, while to a small portion of congress and of the nation, the resolutions adopted were still obnoxious, a vast majority of the people were gratified at their mild and conciliatory tenor.

It still remained to be known in what spirit this resolution would be received by her majesty’s government: but it was devoutly desired that it might lead to a final and harmonious settlement of all questions pertaining to the territory of Oregon.

And so it resulted fortunately, for the peace of the two powers immediately concerned, and to the peace of the continental powers of Europe.

On the 28th of April, the President gave official notice to her Majesty, Queen Victoria, that “the convention of August 6th, 1827, would terminate at the end of twelve months from and after the delivery of these presents.”

Before the delivery of this notice, however, the subject of an amicable settlement of all questions relating to Oregon, had occupied her Majesty’s government, and, on the 18th of May, Mr. M’Lane, our minister, informed Mr. Buchanan that the British minister at Washington would soon receive instructions to submit a new and further proposition, on the part of the British government, for a partition of the territory in dispute.

On the 10th of June, the President made a special and confidential communication to the senate, informing that body, that such a proposal had been made, and requesting their advice as to the action, which, in their judgment, it was proper to take in reference to it. At the same time he reiterated the views which he had expressed in his annual message, “that no compromise which the United States ought to accept, could be affected;” “that our title to the whole of Oregon” was maintained “by irrefragable facts and arguments,” and that the claim “could not be abandoned without a sacrifice of both national honor and interests.” Such was the tenor of the President’s communication. But he solicited advice.

On the 12th, the senate adopted, 38 to 12, the following resolution. “_Resolved_, (two-thirds of the senate concurring,) That the President of the United States be and he is hereby advised to accept the proposal of the British government accompanying his message to the senate, dated June 10th, 1846, for a convention to settle boundaries, &c., between the United States and Great Britain, west of the Rocky or Stony mountains.”

On the 16th of June, the President communicated to the senate a copy of a convention, or treaty, which had been concluded and signed on the 15th inst. settling boundaries, &c., in relation to Oregon――whereupon the senate by a vote of 41 to 14 advised and consented to the ratification of the same.

The two principal articles of this treaty are as follows.

“Art. 1, From the point on the 49th parallel of north latitude, where the boundary laid down in existing treaties and conventions between Great Britain and the United States terminates, the line of boundary between the territories of her Brittannic Majesty and those of the United States shall be continued westward along the 49th parallel of north latitude to the middle of the channel which separates the continent from Vancouver’s Island, and thence southerly through the middle of the said channel, and of Fuca’s Straits, to the Pacific Ocean; provided, however, that the navigation of the said channel and straits, south of the 49th parallel of north latitude, remain free and open to both parties.

“Art. 2, From the point at which the 49th parallel of north latitude shall be found to intersect the great Northern branch of the Columbia river, the navigation of the said branch shall be free, and open to the Hudson’s Bay Company, and to all British subjects trading with the same, to the point where the said branch meets the main stream of the Columbia, and thence down the said main stream to the ocean, with free access into and through the said river or rivers――it being understood that all the usual portages along the line thus described, shall in like manner be free and open. In navigating the said river or rivers, British subjects, with their goods and produce, shall be treated on the same footing as citizens of the United States――It being, however, always understood, that nothing in this article shall be construed as preventing, or intended to prevent, the government of the United States from making any regulations respecting the navigation of the said river or rivers, not inconsistent with the present treaty.”

Thus was finally settled (ratifications being afterwards duly exchanged) a question which had involved the two governments in discussions long and wearisome for a series of years, and which, in its progress, was threatening the peace and amity of the two nations. The treaty thus confirmed was not in all its provisions quite acceptable, nor was it considered the most advantageous that could have been negotiated; but the senate received, as it was entitled to, the thanks of the country for terminating a controversy fraught with dangers every month that it continued.