Chapter LXXXVI: Part III: Three Apostles (3)

vi. Then, after a second washing of hands, taking two of
the unleavened cakes, the Celebrant broke one of them,
pronouncing the consecration in these words; _Blessed be
Thou, O Lord our God, King of the Universe, who bringest
forth fruit out of the earth_, and distributed a piece
to each person around him, saying, _This is the Bread of
Affliction which our fathers did eat in the land of Egypt_.
All present then dipped their portions with the bitter
herbs into the Charoseth and ate them.

vii. The flesh of the Lamb was now eaten, and the
Celebrant, lifting up his hands, blessed the third cup of
wine, specially known as the _Cup of Blessing_, and handed
it round to each person.

viii. After thanksgiving for the food of which they had
partaken, for the delivery from Egypt, the covenant of
circumcision, and the Law, a fourth cup was filled and
drunk, known as the _Cup of Joy_, for the remainder of
the Hallel, Ps. cxv‒cxviii. was now sung.

ix. Occasionally a fifth cup was drunk, while Psalms
cxx‒cxxviii. were chanted, but no more. See Buxtorf, _de
Cœnâ Domini_; Lightfoot’s _Temple Service_; Pedahzur’s
_Book of Jewish Ceremonies_, 51–56; Freeman’s _Principles
of Divine Service_, II. 29–39.

493 ‒ The view here taken, then, is that (i) the Supper,
to which our Lord sat down, was, as the first three
Evangelists (Mtt. xxvi. 17; Mk. xiv. 12; Lk. xxii. 7)
clearly intimate, a _Paschal_ Supper; (ii) that He ate it
on the eve with which Nisan 14 commenced; (iii) and thus
twenty-four hours earlier than the time when it was eaten
by the chief priests and rest of the nation. See Ellicott,
322, and notes.

494 ‒ Even if δείπνου γενομένου be the right reading in Jn.
xiii. 2, the meaning must be _when supper was begun_.
A preferable reading is γινομένου.

495 ‒ The portion of bread dipped into the sauce _charoseth_,
and consisting according to some of vinegar and water,
according to others of a “mixture of vinegar, figs, dates,
almonds, and spice.” Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._ II. 716.

496 ‒ Τοῦτό ἐστι τὸ σῶμά μου (Mtt., Mk., Lk., 1 Cor. xi. 24),
τὸ ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν διδόμενον (Lk.), τὸ ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν [κλώμενον],
(1 Cor. xi. 24), τοῦτο ποιεῖτε εἰς τὴν ἐμὴν ἀνάμνησιν
(1 Cor. xi. 24).

497 ‒ Πίετε ἐξ αὐτοῦ πάντες (Mtt.), τοῦτο γάρ ἐστι τὸ αἷμά μου
τῆς διαθήκης (Mtt., Mk.), ἡ καινὴ διαθήκη ἐν τῷ αἵματί μου
(Lk., 1 Cor. xi. 25), τὸ περὶ πολλῶν ἐκχυνόμενον (Mtt.),
τὸ ἐκχυνόμενον ὑπὲρ πολλῶν (Mk.), τὸ ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν ἐκχυνόμενον
(Lk.), εἰς ἄφεσιν ἁμαρτιῶν (Mtt.), τοῦτο ποιεῖτε, ὁσάκις
ἂν πίνητε εἰς τὴν ἐμὴν ἀνάμνησιν (1 Cor. xi. 25).

498 ‒ The site of the modern Gethsemane lies somewhat to the
East of the valley of Kedron, at a point where two paths
meet, each leading over the Mount of Olives. Descending
from St Stephen’s gate and crossing a bridge it is easily
reached. Within the enclosure are 8 venerable olive-trees,
their trunks much decayed, but their branches flourishing.
“The most venerable of their race on the face of the earth,
their gnarled trunks and scanty foliage will always be
regarded as the most affecting of the sacred memorials in
or about Jerusalem.” Stanley, _S. and P._, p. 455.

499 ‒ See Ellicott, p. 327, and note.

500 ‒ Witnesses before (i) of the resurrection of the
daughter of Jairus, see above, p. 201, and (ii) of the
Transfiguration, see above, p. 222.

501 ‒ Though the Paschal moon was at the full. On the rocky
valley of the Kedron “there fell great deep shadows from
the declivity of the mountain and projecting rocks; there
were there caverns and grottoes, into which a fugitive
might retreat; finally, there was probably a garden-house
and towers, into whose gloom it might be necessary for a
searcher to throw light around,” Lange, IV. 292.

502 ‒ Stationed during the Feast at the Tower of Antonia.

503 ‒ Of the movements of Judas, after he left the Supper, none
of the Evangelists give us an account. It seems, however,
most probable that going immediately to Caiaphas, or
some other leading members of the Sanhedrin, he informed
them where Jesus was likely to be found (Jn. xviii. 2),
and announced that he was ready to fulfil his agreement,
and at once make the arrest. “It was not the intention
to arrest HIM during the Feast, lest there should be a
popular tumult (Mtt. xxvi. 5), but now that an opportunity
offered of seizing Him secretly at dead of night, and
therefore without danger of interference or uproar, His
enemies could not hesitate. Once in their hands, the rest
was easy. A hasty trial, a pre-judged condemnation, an
immediate execution, and the hated prophet of Galilee
might be for ever removed out of their way.” Andrews,
p. 414.

504 ‒ Lange, IV. 293.

505 ‒ “At this moment Judas was already back among the people.
He must have hastened back quickly upon the sharp rebuke
of Christ. Probably by this hasty retreat he threw the
first element of sympathetic terror into the mass, which
now fully developed itself at the saying of Christ.” Lange,
IV. 294.

506 ‒ From St Luke’s account, xxii. 52, it is clear that not
only the officers of the Temple, but some of the Sanhedrin
had now joined the crowd.

507 ‒ Lange, IV. 301.

508 ‒ On the history of Annas, see above, p. 149, and notes.
He obtained the high-priesthood not only for Caiaphas his
son-in-law, but subsequently for four other sons. Jos.
XX. 9. 1.

509 ‒ Milman, I. 309.

510 ‒ “An Oriental house is usually built around a quadrangular
interior court, into which there is a passage (sometimes
arched) through the front part of the house, closed next
the street by a heavy folding-gate with a smaller wicket
for single persons, kept by a porter. In the text, the
interior court, often paved and flagged, and open to
the sky, is the αὐλή (translated _palace_, _hall_, and
_court_), where the attendants made a fire; and the passage
beneath the front of the house, from the street to this
court, is the προαύλιον or πύλων (both translated _porch_).
The place where Jesus stood before the high-priest
may have been an open room or place of audience on the
ground-floor, in the rear or on one side of the court; such
rooms open in front being customary.” Robinson’s _Harmony_,
p. 225.

511 ‒ See above, p. 177, n.

512 ‒ Lange, IV. 316.

513 ‒ _Ibid._ IV. 305.

514 ‒ Lange, IV. 313; Ellicott’s _Lectures_, 334.

515 ‒ See above, p. 145, n.; Lange, IV. 317.

516 ‒ Such is the full force of ἐκλείπῃ in Lk. xxii. 32: “I have
prayed for thee that thy faith may not _utterly fail_,” or
be _totally extinguished_. Comp. Heb. i. 12.

517 ‒ The order of the denials of the Apostle here given mainly
coincides with that suggested in Lange’s _Life of Christ_,
IV. 314–319; Ellicott’s _Lectures_, 334, n.; Andrews, pp.
426, 427.

518 ‒ See above, p. 164.

519 ‒ Herein probably alluding to the prophecy of Daniel vii.
13, 14, universally admitted to refer to the reign of the
Messiah.

520 ‒ Andrews, p. 428; Alford’s note on John xviii. 31.

521 ‒ See Lightfoot on Mtt. xxvi. 3.

522 ‒ Milman, I. 317.

523 ‒ Ewald’s _Life of Christ_; Lange, IV. 337, n.

524 ‒ Lange’s _Life of Christ_, IV. 338, n.; comp. Jos. _B. J._
II. 14. 8; II. 15. 5; Ellicott, 339, n.

525 ‒ Milman, I. 317.

526 ‒ “He might readily learn that Jesus had been condemned.
But he also _saw_ it, from the procession in which the
Pharisees conducted Jesus to Pilate, which could have no
other object than to procure His condemnation.” Lange on
Mtt. xxvii. 3; _Life of Christ_, IV. 335.

527 ‒ Ῥίψας τὰ ἀργύρια ἐν τῷ ναῷ, the inner portion of the
Temple, the sanctuary. See Lange on Mtt. ♦xxvii. 5, and
Ellicott, 339, n. If while a deputation of the Sanhedrin
attended the Saviour to the _prætorium_ of Pilate, the
rest retired to their own council-chamber in the Temple,
it is easy to understand how he could be near the
sanctuary.

528 ‒ It is not improbable that Judas hanged himself over an
abyss, perhaps the valley of Hinnom, and the rope giving
way, or the branch to which he hung breaking, he fell
down headlong (on his face, πρηνής, Acts i. 18), and
was crushed and mangled on the rocky pavement below. See
the quotation from Hackett’s _Ill. Script._, in Andrews,
p. 440; Ebrard’s _Gospel History_, p. 427; Ellicott, 339;
Lange’s _Life of Christ_, IV. 334.

529 ‒ St Matthew (xxvii. 7, 8) states that the chief priests
bought with the money the potter’s field to bury strangers
in, and that therefore that place was called the _Field
of Blood_. St Peter (Acts i. 18) says that Judas purchased
a field with the reward of iniquity. Perhaps the latter
statement may be understood as meaning to say, that
whereas Judas had with the rest of the Apostles obtained
the glorious lot of the apostolate (Acts i. 17), yet
actually he had purchased for himself a mere corner of
a field in the valley of Genhinnom, as the reward of
unrighteousness. The field was bought not by himself in
person, but with his money, the wages of his iniquity, and
received the name of the _Field of Blood_, (i) as the spot
on which his mangled body fell, and (ii) as purchased by
the chief priests with the blood-money. See Lange’s _Life
of Christ_, IV. 333–336; Ebrard’s _Gospel History_, p. 427;
Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._ Art. _Judas_.

530 ‒ “_The Field of Blood_ is now shewn on the steep southern
face of the valley or ravine of Hinnom, near its eastern
end on a narrow plateau, more than halfway up the
hill-side.” Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._

531 ‒ Stier, VII. 339.

532 ‒ Stier, VII. 340; Lange, IV. 339.

533 ‒ Stier, VII. 343.

534 ‒ “Pilate being only a Procurator, though a _Procurator cum
potestate_, had no quæstor to conduct the examination, and
thus, as the Gospels most accurately record, performs that
office himself.” Ellicott, 342, n.; Smith’s _Classical
Dictionary_, Art. _Provincia_.

535 ‒ Milman, I. 322.

536 ‒ Σύ is emphatic in Jn. xviii. 37.

537 ‒ Neander’s _Life of Christ_, p. 460.

538 ‒ Milman, I. 323; Stier, VII. 370; Ellicott, 342, n.

539 ‒ Compare Horace, _Epist._ II. i. 106:

_Ad summum sapiens uno minor est Jove, dives,
Liber, honoratus, pulcher, Rex denique regum._

and _Sat._ I. iii. 125, and _Epist._ I. i. 59:

_At pueri ludentes, rex eris, inquit,
Si recte facias..._

quoted in Milman, I. 332.

540 ‒ It was not an unusual practice to refer the case of a
criminal from the _forum apprehensionis_ to the _forum
originis_. Comp. Acts xxvi. 3. Lange, IV. 347.

541 ‒ Stier, VII. 378; Milman, I. 324.

542 ‒ The cause is not known. Some think it was the recent
slaughter of the Galilæans (Lk. xiii. 1).

543 ‒ Where Herod was now residing is not known: some think
he occupied his father’s palace with Pilate; others,
that while the Procurator resided in the fortress Antonia,
Herod occupied his father’s palace; others would make his
abode the old palace of the Maccabees. Jos. _Ant._ XX.
8. 11.

544 ‒ See above, p. 205.

545 ‒ See above, p. 88, n.; Milman, I. 325.

546 ‒ Lange, IV. 353.

547 ‒ Possibly it was of Jewish origin, adopted and continued by
the Roman governors from motives of policy. According to
Lk. xxiii. 18 the request respecting Barabbas came first
from the people; according to Mtt. xxvii. 17, from Pilate;
Mark, however (ch. xv. 8), seems “to represent the people
as making the request in general terms, while Pilate
availed himself of it in the present emergency of this
particular case.” Ellicott, 345, n.

548 ‒ A patronymic denoting _Son of Abba_. Many of the later MSS.
of Mtt. xxvii. 16 give his name as Ἰησοῦς Βαραββᾶς.

549 ‒ The βῆμα was a portable tribunal (see above, p. 147, n.)
and stood, St John tells us (Jn. xix. 13), on a tesselated
pavement, called in Greek Λιθόστρωτον, in Hebrew
_Gabbatha_, which “perhaps formed the front of the
Procurator’s residence,” Ellicott, 346, n. So necessary
was the tesselated pavement and the tribunal deemed to
the forms of justice, that Cæsar carried about with him,
on his expeditions, pieces of marble ready fitted and a
tribunal. Suet. _Jul._ c. 46.

550 ‒ In early times the Roman magistrates had not been
permitted to take their wives with them into the provinces.
This rule, however, had gradually been relaxed, and lately
a proposition of Cæcina to enforce it had been rejected,
Tac. _Ann._ III. 33, 34. According to tradition, the name
of Pilate’s wife was Procula, or Claudia Procula, and she
is said to have belonged to the class of proselytes of the
gate. Lange’s _Life of Christ_, IV. 351.

551 ‒ Lange, IV. 351.

552 ‒ Lange, IV. 355. Hengstenberg on Jn. xix. 1.

553 ‒ “Generally the scourging before crucifixion (Jos. _B. J._
II. 14. 9; V. 11. 1; VII. 6. 4; Livy, XXXIII. 56) was
inflicted by lictors. But Pilate, as sub-governor, had no
lictors at his disposal, and therefore had it inflicted by
soldiers.” Lange, IV. 356, n. The Roman scourging was so
painful and horrible, nails and pieces of bone being stuck
into the scourges, that the sufferer not unfrequently
died under it. Compare the _horribile_ flagellum of Hor.
_Sat._ I. iii. 119; Smith’s _Dict. of Antiquities_, Art.
_Flagellum_.

554 ‒ Χλαμύδα κοκκίνην, Mtt. xxvii. 28; πορφύραν, Mk. xv. 17;
ἱμάτιον πορφυροῦν, Jn. xix. 2. “A war-cloak, such as
princes, generals, and soldiers wore, dyed with purple;
probably therefore, a cast-off robe of state out of the
prætorian wardrobe,” Lange, IV. 357; Ellicott, 348, n.

555 ‒ What exact species is unknown. “As _mockery_ seems to have
been the primary object, the choice of the plant was not
suggested by the sharpness of its thorns: the soldiers
took what first came to hand, utterly careless whether it
was likely to inflict pain or no.” Ellicott, 348, n.

556 ‒ Comp. Isai. liii. 3; Ps. xxii. 7.

557 ‒ Comp. Lev. xxiv. 16.

558 ‒ The mysterious title υἱὸς θεοῦ suggested to Pilate that
He might be one of his own heroes or demi-gods. Fearing
he might be braving the wrath of some unknown deity,
he enquired whether His descent was indeed such as the
title seemed to imply, Lange’s _Life of Christ_, IV. 361;
Hengstenberg on Jn. xix. 8.

559 ‒ Probably the reference is to Caiaphas, who “formally gave
over our Lord to the Roman governor (Mtt. xxvii. 2; Mk.
xv. 1),” Ellicott, 349, n.

560 ‒ See above, p. 150.

561 ‒ Addito majestatis (treason) crimine, quod tum omnium
accusationum complementum erat, Tacitus, _Ann._ III. 38.
Atrocissimè exercebat leges majestatis, Sueton. _Vit. Tib._
c. 58. The release of a criminal from punishment came
under the head of majestas; see Merivale’s _History of the
Romans_, V. 251.

562 ‒ All that he feared, however, came upon him. On the
complaint of the Samaritans of Pilate’s cruelty, Vitellius,
the prefect of Syria, in A.D. 36, sent his friend
Marcellus to administer the affairs of Judæa, and ordered
Pilate to repair to Rome, to answer the accusation before
the emperor (Jos. _Ant._ XVIII. 4. 2). Tiberius, however,
died before he reached the capital, and Pilate is said
to have laid violent hands upon himself about A.D. 40.
See Euseb. _Hist. Eccl._ II. 7. “From the confidence with
which Tiberius was appealed to on a matter of such remote
concern, it would seem that the vigilance of his control
was not generally relaxed even in the last moments of his
life,” Merivale’s _History of the Romans_, V. 420.

563 ‒ Pilate not having lictors, to whom this duty specially
belonged, soldiers would be naturally employed on this
occasion.

564 ‒ Not from being, as some think, strewn with the remains of
condemned malefactors, for the Jews always buried them.

565 ‒ St Luke, according to his usual practice, omits the
Hebrew word Golgotha, and gives (xxiii. 33) only the Greek
equivalent κρανίον, _the place called a Skull_. From the
Vulgate rendering of this verse _et postquam venerunt in
locum, qui vocatur Calvariæ_ (= _a bare skull_), the word
_Calvary_ has been introduced into the English Version,
obscuring the Evangelist’s meaning. It was (a) apparently
a well-known spot, (b) outside the gate (comp. Heb.
xiii. 12), but (c) near the city (Jn. xix. 20), and (d) on
a thoroughfare leading into the country (Lk. xxiii. 26),
and (e) contained a garden or orchard, κῆπος (Jn. xix. 41).
See Robinson’s _Bib. Res._ I. 376, n.

566 ‒ Patibulum ferat per urbem, deinde affigatur cruci, Plaut.
_Carbonar_. Hence the term _furcifer_ = cross-bearer.
This was typified by Isaac bearing the wood of the
burnt-offering, Gen. xxii. 6. Pearson _On the Creed_,
Art. IV.

567 ‒ Exactor mortis; Tac. _Ann._ III. 14; XI. 37. Centurio
supplicio præpositus, Seneca. Lange, _Life of Christ_,
IV. 373.

568 ‒ The cause of execution was generally inscribed on a white
tablet, called σανίς, λεύκωμα, titulus, αἰτία, (_Titulus,
qui causam pœnæ indicaret_, Sueton. _Calig._ 32) and borne
either suspended from the neck, or carried before the
sufferer, _precedente titulo_, Sueton. The latter was
probably the mode in our Lord’s case. Lange, IV. 373.
Pearson _On the Creed_, Art. IV.

569 ‒ He was a Hellenistic Jew, the father of Alexander and
Rufus (Mk. xv. 21), the latter of whom is probably the one
mentioned in Rom. xvi. 13.

570 ‒ Ἐρχόμενον ἀπ᾽ ἀγροῦ, Lk. xxiii. 26; Mk. xv. 21.

571 ‒ Ἀγγαρεύουσι, Mk. xv. 21, Mtt. xxvii. 32. It only occurs
again in Mtt. v. 41, and denotes military compulsion. Comp.
Herod. VIII. 98.

572 ‒ For the fulfilment of these words, see Jos. _B. J._ VI.
8. 5; 9. 4.

573 ‒ This was a Jewish not a Roman custom, though probably
permitted by the Romans. See Lightfoot on Mtt. xxvii. 34.
“It was likely that only a bad sort of wine (ὀξίνης a
medium between οἶνος and ὄξος) would be given to those
who were led away to capital punishment, especially if the
wine was to be changed by the addition of bitter spices
into a compound draught.... And it was natural that the
bitters infused as a soporific into this poor vinegar wine
would be as strong as possible, whence such an ingredient
might be called gall (Mtt. xxvii. 34).” Lange, IV. 383.

574 ‒ There were four kinds of crosses: (i) the _crux simplex_,
a single stake driven through the chest or longitudinally
through the body; (ii) the _crux decussata_ (X); (iii) the
_crux immissa_ (†); and (iv) the _crux commissa_ (T). See
the Notes on Pearson _On the Creed_, Art. IV. Article
_Cross_ in Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._ From the mention of the
Title placed over the Saviour’s head it is probable that
His cross was of the third kind. The upright post was by
no means so lofty as is often represented in pictures, but
generally only so high as to raise the sufferer (who sat
on a little projection, _sedile_, lest the arms should
be torn from the nails), a foot or two above the earth.
The feet were not always, nor generally, though certainly
not seldom nailed, but whether with one or two nails is
disputed. The nailing of the Lord’s feet is apparent from
Lk. xxiv. 39, 40.

575 ‒ See above, p. 309, note.

576 ‒ “The difference between Jn. xix. 14 (ἕκτη) and this
statement of St Mark seems clearly to point to a different
mode of reckoning.” Westcott’s _Introduction to the
Gospels_, p. 305, n.

577 ‒ Four soldiers were required, according to the Roman
appointment of military service, _ad excubias_. See Petr.
_Sat._ III. 6.

578 ‒ Lange, IV. 390.

579 ‒ Ὁ χιτών (Jn. xix. 23), was a closely-fitting garment,
worn next the body (Hom. _Od._ XV. 60), usually made in
two pieces, sewn together at the sides. “This, however,
was the so-called _toga ocellata_, or _byssina_, and was
fastened round the throat with a clasp. It was properly
a priest’s garment (Jos. _Ant._ III. 7. 4), and was woven
of linen, or perhaps of wool.” Alford _in loc._ Over
the χιτών was worn a wide cloak called φᾶρος, χλαῖνα, or
ἱμάτιον. The ἱμάτια the soldiers divided (Jn. xix. 23),
with the rest of His habiliments; for the χιτών they cast
lots.

580 ‒ From a comparison of Jn. xix. 25 with Mtt. xxvii. 56, and
Mk. xv. 40, it appears that Mary the wife of Clopas was
the same as Mary the mother of James the Less and of Joses.

581 ‒ Probably for the present to his lodging during the feast.
It seems likely that St John immediately led her away, and
then returned and witnessed what he has recorded in Jn.
xix. 31–37.

582 ‒ The wine or strong drink turned sour, drunk by the Jews,
was acid even to a proverb (comp. Prov x. 26; Ps. lxix. 21).
“The acetum of the Romans was a thin, sour wine consumed
by soldiers, either in a pure state, or, more usually,
mixed with water, when it was termed _posca_.” Smith’s
_Bibl. Dict._

583 ‒ Not proceeding from an eclipse of the sun, for such a
phenomenon could not occur at the time of the full moon,
but probably due to some special and peculiar derangement
of the terrestrial atmosphere.

584 ‒ Lange, IV. 404; Milman, I. 335.

585 ‒ For the full symbolism of this, see Heb. ix. 3; x. 19.
In reference to the record of the fact itself, we must
remember, (i) the almost certain spread of the rumour,
and (ii) that subsequently a great number _of the priests
became obedient unto the faith_ (Acts vi. 7). Alford
_in loc._

586 ‒ The resurrection of many _bodies of the saints that slept_
(Mtt. xxvii. 2) was _the result_, not _the immediate
accompaniment_, of the opening of the tombs (Alford _in
loc._). It was μετὰ τὴν ἔγερσιν αὐτοῦ that they appeared
unto many in the Holy City.

587 ‒ Lange, IV. 422.

588 ‒ “Thus this believing heathen became the first
representative of the heathen world, which in after times
bowed the knee before the might of Christ’s Cross.���� Lange,
IV. 423.

589 ‒ Ellicott, p. 360.

590 ‒ Comp. Ex. xii. 16; Lev. xxiii. 7.

591 ‒ Comp. Deut. xxi. 22, 23; Jos. _B. J._ IV. 5. 2.

592 ‒ Death after crucifixion did not generally supervene even
for three days, and “was at last the result of gradual
benumbing and starvation.” Sometimes the crucified were
despatched by a fire kindled below them, or by lions or
bears sent to devour them. Lange, V. 2, n.

593 ‒ Comp. Cic. _Tusc. Q._ I. 43: _Theodori nihil interest,
humine, an sublime putrescat_. Pearson _On the Creed_,
Art. IV. note.

594 ‒ See Pearson _On the Creed_, Art. IV., who quotes Hor.
_Epist._ XVI. 48: _Non hominem occidi: non pasces in
cruce corvos_; Juvenal, _Sat._ XIV. 77: _Vultur, jumento
et canibus crucibusque relictis, Ad fœtus properat,
partemque cadaveris affert._ The very object of setting
the guard was _cruces servare, ne quis ad sepulturam
corpora detraheret_, Petron III.

595 ‒ “Sometimes fractures of the legs, _crucifragium_ (Plaut.
_Pœn._ IV. 2. 64) was especially adopted by the Jews to
hasten death, and it was a mitigation of the punishment,
as observed by Origen.” Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._ The _coup de
grace_ was, as a rule, combined with it. Lange, V. 2, n.;
Neander’s _Life of Christ_, 473 n.

596 ‒ Λόγχῃ, Jn. xix. 34, the only place where it occurs in
the New Testament. This was the ordinary Roman _hasta_,
“a lighter weapon than the _pilum_, consisting of a long
wooden shaft with an iron head, which was the width of a
handbreadth and pointed at the end, and so was egg-shaped.”
Lange, V. 3, n.

597 ‒ Probably the same as Ramah, the birthplace of the prophet
Samuel (1 Sam. i. 19), called in the LXX. Armathaim
(Ἀρμαθαίμ), and by Josephus (_Ant._ V. 10. 2), Armathia.

598 ‒ The Attic _Litra_ of 12 ounces is here spoken of. Both the
myrrh and aloes appear to have been pulverized and strewn
in the folds of the linen in which the body was wrapped,
Lange, V. 13; Pearson _On the Creed_, Art. IV. note.

599 ‒ The Jewish tombs had then probably, as these have now,
steps and a descent in a perpendicular direction, or an
entry in a sloping or horizontal position.

600 ‒ Comp. Jn. ii. 19 with Mtt. xii. 40.

601 ‒ The only κουστωδία at the actual disposal of the Sanhedrin
would be, as Bp. Ellicott remarks, the temple-guards, but
the watchers were Roman soldiers; it seems more natural
therefore to take ἔχετε as an imperative in Mtt. xxvii. 65,
though λάβετε might have been rather expected. See Alford
_in loc._

602 ‒ A string or cord was probably stretched across the stone
and sealed at either end with sealing-clay. For the custom
of using sealing-clay on tombs, see Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._
Art. _Seal_.

603 ‒ Or Mary of Magdala (now called _el-Mejdel_), a town near
the lake of Tiberias. On the erroneousness of the idea
of her character generally entertained, see Article in
Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._

604 ‒ They did not know of the sealing of the stone, and the
setting of the watch, which took place on the eve of the
Sabbath.

605 ‒ It seems not impossible that St Peter, who must by this
time have won back the respect of the rest by his deep
repentance (Lange, V. 46), was in the same abode, to which
the Apostle John had conveyed the mother of the Redeemer.

606 ‒ Οὐκ οἴδαμεν, Jn. xx. 2, an incidental notice that she had
not been the sole visitant of the tomb. Ellicott, 381.

607 ‒ Οὐδενὶ οὐδὲν εἷπον· ἐφοβοῦντο γάρ, and see Ellicott,
381, n.

608 ‒ Such appears to be the force of θεωρεῖ in Jn. xx. 6.
“Ipsius animi intentionem denotat quâ quis intuetur
quidquam.” Tittman, _Synon. N. T._ cited by Ellicott,
283, n.

609 ‒ Such appears to be the force of the word ἐπίστευσεν in Jn.
xx. 8. See Lange, V. 46; Ellicott, 384, n.

610 ‒ The ἀπῆλθον πάλιν πρὸς αὐτούς (Jn. xx. 10) appears, as
Bp. Ellicott remarks, to denote that they returned to the
places, or perhaps rather place, where they were abiding,
to meditate on the amazing miracle (Lk. xxiv. 12).

611 ‒ Or rather, “Do not continue to cling to Me.” See
Donaldson’s _Gk. Gram._ 414. Ἅπτεσθαι denotes the
retaining of an object for some time, with perhaps here
a reference to clasping the knees as a suppliant or
worshipper. The Risen Saviour had not entered into those
relations in which He might truly thus be “touched.”

612 ‒ Lange, V. 57.

613 ‒ Not of the Twelve, nor necessarily of the Seventy, but of
the wider circle of the Redeemer’s followers now assembled
at Jerusalem. Lange on Lk. xxiv. 13.

614 ‒ Cleopas = Κλεοπάτρος, altogether different from Κλωπᾶς, Jn.
xix. 25. According to Eusebius he was a native of Emmaus.
Nothing further is known of him, or who the other disciple
was: some have conjectured Nathanael; others Simon; others
Luke himself.

615 ‒ There were two places of the name of Emmaus; (i) a town,
afterwards called Nicopolis, 22 Roman miles from Jerusalem,
where Judas Maccabæus defeated Gorgias, see above, p. 33;
(ii) another is mentioned by Josephus, _B. J._ IV. 1. 3,
before the city Tiberias, and interpreted the “warm baths.”
St Luke however states that this Emmaus was 60 stadia
(A. V. _threescore furlongs_), = about 7½ miles from
Jerusalem, and Josephus mentions a village at the same
distance, _B. J._ VII. 6. 6. Robinson, because two uncial
MSS. and a few cursives insert ἕκατον in Lk. xxiv. 13 and
thus make the distance 160 stadia, identifies it with the
Emmaus = Nicopolis. But the best critics do not accept
this reading, and the site of Emmaus remains yet to be
identified, though some would place it at _Kubeibeh_,
about 3 miles west of the ancient Mizpeh, and 9 miles from
Jerusalem.

616 ‒ Comp. Mtt. xxi. 11, 46.

617 ‒ Ἀλλά γε καί, Lk. xxiv. 21 = _beside all this_.

618 ‒ The Jewish rule was _three eating together were bound
to give thanks_. The usual words were, _Blessed be Thou,
O Lord our God, King of the Universe, who bringest forth
fruit out of the earth_.

619 ‒ Is it not possible that on their way through the city they
may have met and told some of the οἱ λοιποί, not Apostles,
but general body of disciples, who refused to credit their
intelligence, as related in Mk. xvi. 12?

620 ‒ Of this appearance here incidentally mentioned, and more
prominently by St Paul in 1 Cor. xv. 5, we know nothing:
all that is certain is that it was after the return from
the sepulchre (Lk. xxiv. 12, Jn. xx. 10), but whether
(i) _before_, or (ii) _after_ the appearance to the two
disciples on the road to Emmaus cannot be determined. The
effect, however, it produced was clearly very great on the
disciples, who had given little credence to the accounts
of the women. See Ellicott, 398, n. It is observable that
on this occasion “he is called by his original name Simon,
not Peter; the higher designation was not restored until
he had been publicly reinstituted, so to speak, by his
Master.” Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._, Art. _Peter_.

621 ‒ Even if Mk. xvi. 12 refers to this, there is no real
contradiction. The ten believed (i) that the Lord was
really risen, and (ii) that He had appeared to Peter
(Lk. xxiv. 34), but that One, who had gently rebuked the
adoring touch of Mary Magdalene, should have accompanied
them as a humble wayfarer to Emmaus, and sat down with
them to their evening meal, may have appeared at first
incredible: see a note in Ellicott, 400, n. “They would
naturally be ignorant of the properties of His Risen Body,
and its powers of sudden transition from place to place.”
Andrews, p. 516.

622 ‒ Lange, V. 83.

623 ‒ For indications of his character, see above, p. 249, n.

624 ‒ “In the famous statue of him by Thorwaldsen in the Church
at Copenhagen, the Apostle stands, thoughtful, meditative,
with the rule in his hand for the due measuring of
evidence and argument.” Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._

625 ‒ “The feast of the passover was completed on Thursday the
21st of Nisan. The disciples remained over the approaching
Sabbath, on the 23rd of Nisan, and also the 24th, as the
day which commemorated their Lord’s resurrection. After
this, there was nothing to prevent their leaving Jerusalem,
and therefore they obeyed their Lord’s command to go into
Galilee.” Wieseler, _Chronol. Synop._ p. 395.

626 ‒ Trench _On the Miracles_, p. 453.

627 ‒ Probably from Bethsaida, the fishing-town of Capernaum.
Evening was the usual time then for commencing fishing,
as it is now. “The fishermen here (lake of Gennesaret),
as elsewhere, toil all night.” Tristram’s _Land of Israel_,
p. 428.

628 ‒ Stanley’s _S. and P._, p. 378. “It seems natural to think
that the friendly voice, ‘calling, after the manner of
the East, _Children_’ (Stanley, _S. and P._, 374), and
inquiring if they had any προσφάγιον, was conceived by the
disciples to be that of one who wished to buy of them――ὡς
μέλλων τι ὠνεῖσθαι παρ᾽ αὐτῶν, Chrysost. _in loc._”
Ellicott, p. 405, n.

629 ‒ See above, p. 178. For the contrast between the first and
second miraculous draughts of fishes, see Trench,
_Miracles_, 456–459.

630 ‒ Τὸν ἐπενδύτην διεζώσατο, Jn. xxi. 7: “resuming the dress,
which, like Eastern boatmen, he had thrown off whilst
struggling with the net.” Stanley, _S. and P._, p. 378;
compare however Tristram, p. 438, and see note in Trench,
_Miracles_, p. 455. For the various nets and fish, see
above, p. 195. “Each of the Apostles comes wonderfully out
in his proper character: he of the eagle eye first detects
the presence of the Beloved, and then Peter, the foremost
ever in act, as John is profoundest in speculation, unable
to wait till the ship should be brought to land, throws
himself into the sea that he may find himself the nearer
at his Saviour’s feet.” Trench, p. 455.

631 ‒ All round the lake (which is about 13 miles long, and in
its broadest parts 6 miles wide) runs, “like a white line,”
“a level beach; at the southern end roughly strewn with
the black and white stones peculiar to this district,
and also connected with its volcanic structure; but the
central or northern part formed of smooth sand, or of a
texture of shells and pebbles so minute as to resemble
sand, like the substance of the beach on the banks of
Akaba.” Stanley’s _S. and P._, 371.

632 ‒ Ἀνθρακία only occurs elsewhere in Jn. xviii. 18, when
St Peter _denied_ his Lord.

633 ‒ Ἐξετάσαι, Jn. xxi. 12, is more than _ask_. It denotes
_studiose quærere_ (Bretschneider), to _question_, to
_prove_. The word only occurs in two other places in the
New Testament, (i) Mtt. ii. 8, where Herod bids the Magi
enquire accurately (ἀκριβῶς ἐξετάσατε) concerning the
Child, and (ii) Mtt. x. 11, where accurate enquiry is also
hinted at.

634 ‒ Ellicott, _Lectures_, p. 407.

635 ‒ (i) The Saviour enquires ἀγαπᾷς με; to which the Apostle
replies, ... φιλῶ σε; (ii) He asks again ἀγαπᾷς με; and
the Apostle answers, ... φιλῶ σε; (iii) He asks, φιλεῖς
με; and the Apostle replies, σὺ γινώσκεις ὅτι φιλῶ σε.
“Ἀγαπᾷν = _diligere_ (= _deligere_) has more of judgment
and deliberate choice; φιλεῖν = _amare_, has more of
attachment and peculiar personal affection. Thus the
ἀγαπᾷς on the lips of the Lord seems to Peter at this
moment too cold a word; as though his Lord were keeping
him at a distance; or at least not inviting him to draw as
near as in the passionate yearning of his heart he desired
now to do. Therefore he puts by the word and substitutes
his own stronger φιλῶ in its room. A second time he does
the same. And now he has conquered, for when the Lord
demands a third time whether he loves Him, He does it
with the word which alone will satisfy Peter, which alone
claims from him that personal attachment and affection,
with which indeed he knows that his heart is full.” Trench,
_Miracles_, p. 464, n.; _Synonyms_, I. 48.

636 ‒ Comp. Mtt. xxvi. 33; Trench, _Miracles_, p. 463.

637 ‒ At Rome, and according to early writers, at or about the
same time as St Paul, and in the Neronian persecution.
According to Origen (see Euseb. III. 1) he was crucified
with his head downwards. For the legend found in St
Ambrose touching his death, see Article _Peter_ in Smith’s
_Bibl. Dict._ and the notes.

638 ‒ Ellicott, 408, n.

639 ‒ Possibly Tabor, or the Mount of the Beatitudes, or of the
Transfiguration. Lange, V. 109; Ellicott, 409, n.

640 ‒ See Wieseler, _Chronol. Synop._ p. 396; Lange, V. 108.

641 ‒ During this period the risen Saviour had _manifested
Himself from time to time_ (ὀπτανόμενος, Acts i. 3) to
certain chosen witnesses, and these appearances according
to the order followed in the text were (1) to Mary
Magdalene; (2) to the other ministering women; (3) to
the two disciples journeying to Emmaus; (4) to St Peter;
(5) to the ten Apostles; (6) to the eleven Apostles; (7) to
seven Apostles by the lake of Tiberias; (8) to the eleven
Apostles, and probably the 500 brethren (1 Cor. xv. 6),
on the appointed mountain; (9) to James (1 Cor. xv. 7);
(10) to the Apostles in or near Jerusalem just before
the Ascension. See Wieseler, _Chronol. Synopsis_;
Tischendorf’s _Synopsis Evangelica_; Ellicott’s _Lectures_,
p. 414, n. “Thus,” in the words of Paley, “it was not
one person but many who saw Him; they saw Him not only
separately but together; not by night only but by day; not
at a distance but near; not once but several times; they
not only saw Him but touched Him, conversed with Him, ate
with Him, examined His person to satisfy their doubts.”
See also Pearson _On the Creed_, Article V.

642 ‒ Ellicott, p. 411. For the Festival, see _Class-Book of Old
Testament History_, p. 152.

643 ‒ “A more secluded spot could scarcely have been found so
near the stir of a mighty city: the long ridge of Olivet
screens the hills, and the hills themselves screen the
village beneath from all sound or sight of the city
behind.” Stanley, _S. and P._, p. 454. “Not altogether
into Bethany, but so far as the point where Bethany came
into sight,” Stier.

644 ‒ The last occasion on which she is mentioned in the New
Testament. From the commencement of the Saviour’s ministry
she is withdrawn almost altogether from sight. Four times
only is the veil removed, (i) at the marriage at Cana (Jn.
ii.); (ii) the attempt which she and His brethren made _to
speak with Him_ (Mtt. xii. 46; Mk. iii. 31; Lk. viii. 19);
(iii) the Crucifixion; (iv) the present occasion.

645 ‒ See note above, pp. 228, n., 229.

646 ‒ See above, p. 297, and note.

647 ‒ According to Eusebius, _H. E._ I. 12, he, as also Joseph
Bar-Sabas, was one of the Seventy, and is said to have
preached and suffered martyrdom in Ethiopia.

648 ‒ The use of lots occurs frequently in the Old Testament;
compare, among others, that at (i) the division of the
land of Canaan (Num. xxxiv. 13); (ii) at the detection
of Achan (Josh. vii. 14, 18); (iii) the Election of Saul
(1 Sam. x. 20, 21); (iv) over the two goats at the feast
of the Atonement (Lev. xvi. 8); (v) the distribution of
the priestly offices of the temple-service (1 Ch. xxiv.
3, 5, 19, and comp. Lk. i. 9, above, p. 128). “Tablets, on
which the names of Joseph and Matthias were written, were
probably placed in a vessel, and that lot which, on the
shaking of the vessel, first fell out, gave the decision.”
Lechler.

649 ‒ See above, p. 195, and note.

650 ‒ Milman, _History of Christianity_, I. 352.

651 ‒ Ἐν τῷ συμπληροῦσθαι τὴν ἡμέραν = “was now fully come, or
rather, perhaps, _was on the point_, or _in the act, of
being_ fulfilled; just dawning, we may suppose, for the
day to run its course;” Vaughan _on the Acts_, I. p. 42.

652 ‒ See _Class-Book of O. T. History_, p. 152. This festival
lasted one day, and was distinguished by the offering of
two leavened loaves, made from the new corn of the now
completed harvest. That it was likewise a memorial of the
giving of the Law from Sinai, is a supposition which rests
only on later Jewish traditions. Neander’s _Planting_,
I. 5, E. V.

653 ‒ The Catalogue (Acts ii. 9–11) proceeds from the North East
to the West and South.

654 ‒ On the colonies of Jews in Babylonia, see above pp. 7, 107.

655 ‒ In pure Greek the inhabitants were called Ἐλυμαῖοι, from
Elam or Elymais, a Semitic people, see Gen. x. 22. “Elam
is mentioned in connection with Babylon (Gen. xiv. 1);
with Media (Isai. xxi. 2; Jer. xxv. 25); with Assyria
(Ezek. xxxii. 24), as a province of Persia (Ez. iv. 9).”
Josephus (_Ant._ I. 6. 4) makes the Elymæans the
progenitors of the Persians.

656 ‒ A name apparently not older than the Macedonian conquests
for the Hebrew _Aram-Naharaim_, or Syria of the two rivers,
Tigris and Euphrates, of which we first hear in Gen. xxiv.
10.

657 ‒ The former kingdom of Mithridates, situated along the
southern coast of the Euxine, now divided into petty
principalities, subject to Roman protection, but under
Nero made a Roman province. It is mentioned again in Acts
xviii. 2; 1 Pet. i. 1.

658 ‒ Τὴν Ἀσίαν, Acts ii. 9. This expression, which frequently
occurs in the New Testament, denotes the _Roman province
of Asia_, which embraced the western part of the peninsula
of Asia Minor, and had Ephesus for its capital. It
included the territory anciently subdivided into Æolis,
Ionia, and Doris, and afterwards into Lydia, Mysia, and
Caria. Originally bequeathed to the Romans by Attalus,
king of Pergamus, (Hor. _Od._ I. 1. 12; II. 18. 5), or
king of Asia, (see 1 Macc. xi. 13), B.C. 133, it was,
after some rectifications of the frontier, constituted
a province, and placed by Augustus amongst those subject
to the senate, and therefore governed by a procurator.
Comp. Acts xix. 38, and see above, p. 147, n. Within its
boundaries were the seven Churches of the Apocalypse; see
Con. and Howson, _Life and Ep. of St Paul_, chap. xiv.;
Spruner’s _Atlas Antiquus_, Ed. 3.

659 ‒ On the Islands of the Mediterranean in connection with the
dispersion of the Jews, see above, p. 108.

660 ‒ For notices of Jews in Egypt and Cyrene see above, pp.
8, 107.

661 ‒ On the proselytes, see above, p. 118, n.

662 ‒ They were not πυρός but ὡσεὶ πυρός, not burning but
luminous, in appearance like fire: see Lechler _in loc._

663 ‒ Διαμεριζόμεναι, in our version rendered _cloven_, but
rather = _distributed or parting themselves among them_.

664 ‒ See Neander’s _Planting_, I. 12–15.

665 ‒ Τῆς φωνῆς ταύτης, Acts ii. 6, not this rumour, but the
noise of the rushing mighty wind: Vaughan and Alford
_in loc._ Neander’s _Planting_, I. 17.

666 ‒ The first hour of prayer = 9 A.M., before which,
especially on a feast-day, no Israelite ventured to taste
anything. Lightfoot _in loc._

667 ‒ Ἀποδεδειγμένον, demonstratum, attested and demonstrated,
_shewn_ to be that which He claimed to be. See Alford
_in loc._

668 ‒ Four names for what we commonly call “a miracle” occur
in the New Testament, (1) Τέρας, _a wonder_ (never used
alone, but always with one of the other names), the effect
of astonishment which the work produces upon the beholder
being transferred to the work itself; (2) Σημεῖον, or
_sign_ (an especial favourite with St John), a token and
indication of the near presence and working of God, the
seals and credentials of a higher power; comp. Exod. vii.
9, 10; (3) Δύναμις, _a power_, or _mighty work_, that is,
of God; as in the term _wonder_, the effect is transferred
and gives a name to the cause, so here the cause gives its
name to the effect; (4) Ἔργα, _works_, a significant term
often used by St John, the _works_ of Him whose name is
Wonderful (Isai. ix. 6), and who therefore does works of
wonder (comp. Jn. v. 36; vii. 21; x. 25, 32, 38, &c.).
Trench _on the Miracles_, pp. 2–8; _Synonyms of the N. T._,
Pt. II. 177–181.

669 ‒ Εἰς ᾄδου in Hades = the abode of departed spirits,
translated in our Version “hell,” which from _hælen_ to
cover, denotes, like the Hebrew _Sheol_, literally “the
covered place,” the place of departed spirits. On the word
Gehenna, the place of torment, ἡ ἄβυσσος, the bottomless
pit, see above, p. 198.

670 ‒ Μετανοήσατε, not μετανοεῖτε, as in Mtt. iii. 2, iv. 17.
The aorist denotes a definite, sudden act: the present,
a habit, more gradual; “The word imports _change of
mind_, here a change from thinking Jesus an impostor, and
scorning Him as one crucified, to being baptized in His
Name, and looking to Him for the remission of sins, and
the gift of the Spirit.” Alford _in loc._

671 ‒ Πᾶσι τοῖς εἰς μακράν = the Gentiles (comp. Eph. ii. 13),
whose conversion the Apostles expected, like all other
pious Jews, but not _as Gentiles_, which was not yet
revealed to them.

672 ‒ Thus the Apostle, the former fisherman of the lake,
now the fisher of men, launched forth, and cast his net
into the deep, amongst the multitudes of Jerusalem, and
enclosed many of every kind; see above, p. 178.

673 ‒ Ἦσαν προσκαρτεροῦντες τῇ διδαχῇ τῶν ἀποστόλων, Acts ii. 42.
Made disciples when they had been baptized into Christ;
detailed instruction, and gradual increase in knowledge
and holiness must now follow.

674 ‒ Τῇ κοινωνίᾳ, ver. 42, explained by the εἷχον ἅπαντα κοινά
of ver. 44.

675 ‒ Τῇ κλάσει του ἄρτου, Acts ii. 42, where the force of the
article is observable. “The Eucharist was at first, and
for some time, till abuses put an end to the practice,
inseparably connected with the ἀγάπαι or Love-Feasts of
the Christians, and unknown as a separate ordinance;”
Alford _in loc._ “We can scarcely doubt that this implies
that the chief actual meal of each day was one at which
they met as brothers, and which was either preceded or
followed by the more solemn commemorative acts of the
breaking of the Bread and the drinking of the Cup.”
Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._ Art. _Lord’s Supper_: see also
Neander’s _Planting_, I. 23.

676 ‒ Ταῖς προσευχαῖς, the prayers, not of course excluding
private prayer among themselves. See Vaughan’s _Church of
the First Days_, p. 88.

677 ‒ Or 3 in the afternoon. See above, p. 112. Note the
imperfect ἀνέβαινον = _were going up_, in Acts iii. 1.

678 ‒ See above, p. 96.

679 ‒ He fixed his attention on them, ἐπεῖχεν (τὸν νοῦν) ἀυτοῖς,
Acts iii. 5.

680 ‒ Βάσεις = the _soles_ of his feet; σφυρὰ = _the ankles_.

681 ‒ See above, p. 244, n.

682 ‒ Κρατοῦντος = _holding fast_, Acts iii. 11.

683 ‒ Τὸν παῖδα αὐτοῦ Ἰησοῦν. Not _Son_, for which υἱός is
always used, but _Servant_ of God, as the word is used in
Isa. xlii. 1; xlix. 3; Zech. iii. 8.

684 ‒ Ὅπως ἄν cannot mean _when_, as in our Version, it can only
denote _in order that_.

685 ‒ In accordance with the Saviour’s command (Mtt. xxviii.).
On the nature of the subsequent call of the Gentiles
expected by the Apostle, see above, p. 348 and note.

686 ‒ Either from (1) awe, or (2) miscalculating contempt, or,
(3) it is possible, internal dissension, Milman, I. 357.

687 ‒ Ὁ στρατηγὸς τοῦ ἱεροῦ (Acts iv. 1; comp. Lk. xxii. 4) was
not a Roman but a Jewish officer, and corresponded to the
προστάτης τοῦ ἱεροῦ spoken of in 2 Macc. iii. 4; comp.
2 K. xii. 9. He was the captain of the Levitical guard,
spoken of by Josephus, _B. J._ VI. 5. 3; _Ant._ XX. 6. 2,
under the name of στρατηγός, whose duty it was to visit
the sentries in the Temple during the night, and see that
they did their duties. See Lightfoot _in loc._

688 ‒ “It does not appear that the Pharisees, though they had
taken the lead in the condemnation of Christ, were eager,
after that event, to persecute His followers. They looked
on the illiterate Galilæans as worthy of no further
attention, especially since they observed the ceremonial
law, and at first abstained from controverting the
peculiar tenets of their party; they allowed them to
remain undisturbed, like some other sects by whom their
own interests were not affected.... But the Sadducees were
exasperated with the Apostles for so zealously advocating
the doctrine of the resurrection.” Neander’s _Planting_,
I. 41, 45; Milman (I. 359) thinks the Sadducees “had gained
a temporary ascendancy in the great council.”

689 ‒ Neander’s _Planting_, I. 43.

690 ‒ See above, pp. 150, 253, and note.

691 ‒ Identified by Lightfoot with Rabbi Johanan ben Zacchai,
who lived 40 years before the destruction of the Temple,
and was president of the great synagogue after its removal
to Jamnia.

692 ‒ Apparently holding some high office, and identified
by some with Alexander the Alabarch at Alexandria, the
brother of Philo-Judæus, whom Josephus mentions as a
friend of the Emperor Claudius. Jos. _Ant._ XVIII. 8. 1;
XIX. 5. 1; See Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._

693 ‒ That is, who had not been educated in the Jewish schools.

694 ‒ Ἐπεγίνωσκον, Acts iv. 13.

695 ‒ Ἐν τῷ τὴν χεῖρά σου ἐκτείνειν σε = _in the stretching
forth of Thy hand (while Thou stretchest forth Thy hand)
for healing_, Acts iv. 30.

696 ‒ Though originally excluded from the possession of land
(see _Class-Book of Old Testament History_, p. 220), this
tribe had begun to possess land, as in Jerem. xxxii. 7,
and this must have been generally the case after the
captivity. See Lechler _in loc._

697 ‒ Υἱὸς παρακλήσεως = _son of prophecy_ or _exhortation_.
If a native of Cyprus, he would be a Hellenist, and
“the schools of Tarsus, the birth-place of St Paul, may
naturally have attracted him, for Cyprus was within a few
hours’ sail from Cilicia, and there the friendship of the
two may have begun.” See Con. and Howson, I. 101.

698 ‒ See Lechler and Alford _in loc._

699 ‒ By some supposed to have been a class in the congregation
accustomed to perform such services, but more probably the
younger members of the church acting perhaps in accordance
with Jewish custom, perhaps on some hint from the apostle.
See Alford _in loc._

700 ‒ Or their own mantles, taken off in preparing to carry him
out. Alford _in loc._

701 ‒ On the shortness of the time after death allowed in the
east before burial, see above, p. 249, n. The practice was
to bury before sunset of the same day.

702 ‒ Now was fulfilled his Master’s promise, Mtt. xvi. 18.

703 ‒ The ἀρχιερεῖς mentioned in Acts v. 24 as members of the
Council were the _titular High-priests_; partly those who
had served the office, partly the presidents of the 24
courses, partly the kindred of the High-priest. Alford
_in loc._

704 ‒ Milman, I. 361: see above, p. 235.

705 ‒ This eminent teacher was the son of Rabbi Simeon, and
grandson of the celebrated Hillel, of the sect of the
Pharisees, but untrammelled by their narrow bigotry, and
distinguished for candour and wisdom. “His learning was
so eminent, and his character so revered, that he is one
of the seven who alone among Jewish doctors have been
honoured with the title of ‘Rabban’ (= the _Rabboni_ of
Jn. xx. 16). As Aquinas, among the schoolmen, was called
_Doctor Angelicus_, and Bonaventura _Doctor Seraphicus_,
so Gamaliel was called the _Beauty of the Law_, and it is
a saying of the Talmud, that since _Rabban Gamaliel died,
the glory of the Law has ceased_.” He was president of the
Sanhedrin under Tiberius, Caligula, and Claudius, and died
18 years before the destruction of Jerusalem, or about the
time of St Paul’s shipwreck at Malta. Conybeare and Howson,
I. 56, and notes.

706 ‒ Because a Theudas is mentioned by Josephus (_Ant._ XX. 5.
1) as having been an insurgent in the time of Claudius,
or about A.D. 44, and St Luke places this Theudas before
the time of Judas of Galilee, he has been accused with the
utmost inconsistency of historical inaccuracy. But there
are two solutions of the apparent difficulty, either of
which meets all the requirements of the case: (i) St Luke
represents this Theudas as having appeared before the
time of Judas the Galilæan, and therefore he cannot have
appeared later than the close of the reign of Herod the
Great. Now the year of that monarch’s death (as mentioned
above, pp. 104, 144) was one of great turbulence, and
Palestine was overrun by insurrectionary chiefs and
fanatics, of whom Josephus mentions but three by name,
Judas the son of the bandit Hezekias, Simon a slave of
Herod, and Athronges, and passes over the rest with a mere
allusion (comp. _Ant._ XVII. 9. 3; XVII. 10. 4–8). Now of
these Theudas might easily have been one, for the name was
not uncommon. (ii) Others would identify him with Judas,
the son of Hezekias mentioned above, or more probably
with the second insurgent, Simon, one of Herod’s slaves
(_Ant._ XVII. 10. 6), a man of great personal strength and
comeliness, who assumed the diadem and the title of king,
“deeming himself more worthy of that dignity than any
one else” (_Ant._ _loc. cit._; comp. Acts iv. 36, λέγων
εἷναί τινα ἑαυτόν), gained a certain number of followers,
chiefly from Peræa, burned and plundered the palace of
Jericho, and many other places, and was devastating in all
directions till he was attacked by Gratus the procurator
(see above, p. 149), who utterly defeated his followers
and beheaded Simon himself. Being originally a slave he
might easily have assumed the name of Theudas with the
diadem, and have been mentioned by Gamaliel under one,
by Josephus under the other appellation. See Neander’s
_Planting_, I. 47, n.; Lightfoot, _Hor. Hebr._ IV. 54;
Biscoe’s _History of the Acts_, p. 428; Rawlinson’s
_Bampton Lectures_, 261, and notes.

707 ‒ This rising of Judas is described above, p. 148.

708 ‒ On the probable tone of Gamaliel’s feeling towards
Christianity see Neander’s _Planting_, I. 47.

709 ‒ See Lightfoot’s _Commentary on the Galatians_, pp. 278, 9;
Stanley’s _Apostolical Age_, p. 92; and above, p. 349.

710 ‒ Neander’s _Planting_, I. 48.

711 ‒ See above, pp. 109, 110.