Chapter LXXXVIII: Part III: Three Apostles (5)

930 ‒ Derived from the Latin silva, _a wood_: this seems to
hint that he was a Hellenistic Jew, and from Acts xvi. 37
we gather that he was a Roman citizen; by some he is
identified with the Silvanus mentioned in 1 Pet. v. 12.

931 ‒ The refusal to eat meat with the impure was one of their
leading principles: comp. Lk. xv. 2, and see above, p. 247.

932 ‒ Lightfoot _in loc._, who deems this not altogether
improbable, and compares Acts xv. 24, xv. 1. See also
Ellicott’s note.

933 ‒ Ὑπέστελλεν καὶ ἀφώριζεν ἑαυτόν, Gal. ii. 12: “the words
describe forcibly the cautious withdrawal of a timid
person who shrinks from observation, ὑπέστελλεν denoting
the partial, ἀφώριζεν the complete and final separation.”
Lightfoot _in loc._

934 ‒ Τοὺς ἐκ περιτομῆς, Gal. ii. 12. Comp. Acts x. 45, xi. 2;
Rom. iv. 12; Col. iv. 11; Tit. i. 10.

935 ‒ Οἱ λοιποὶ Ἱουδαῖοι See Lightfoot’s note.

936 ‒ Τῇ ὑποκρίσει, their _acting, assuming a part_, which
veiled their genuine feelings, and made them appear
otherwise than they were.

937 ‒ That is, his conduct, if persevered in, would have this
effect.

938 ‒ Almost a synonym for Gentiles: see 1 Macc. ii. 44; and
comp. Lk. vi. 32, 33; Mtt. v. 47; Mtt. xxvi. 45; Lk.
xviii. 32.

939 ‒ Con. and Howson, I. 215.

940 ‒ Ibid. See Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._, Art. _Peter_.

941 ‒ The breach between them, however, appears to have been but
temporary. St Paul afterwards mentions his former friend
with commendation, see 1 Cor. ix. 6. At Salamis the tomb
of Barnabas is shewn.

942 ‒ Mark, too, though now the cause of this sharp contention,
afterwards won the Apostle’s confidence. He appears to
have been with Paul during his first imprisonment at Rome
(Philem. 24), and was acknowledged to be _profitable to
the ministry_ (2 Tim. iv. 11), and a cause of _comfort_
(Col. iv. 10, 11).

943 ‒ Comp. Rom. xv. 20; 2 Cor. x. 16. Neander’s _Planting_,
I. 170.

944 ‒ For their planting, see above, p. 391.

945 ‒ The journey was probably undertaken in the early part of
the year A.D. 51.

946 ‒ See above, p. 421, n. His father, whose name is unknown,
was a Ἕλλην (Acts xvi. 3), a Gentile, and probably died
during his son’s infancy. If in any sense a proselyte, he
could only have been a _Proselyte of the Gate_. Such mixed
marriages, though strictly forbidden by the Mosaic Law
(Deut. vii. 3), and always condemned by the stricter Jews,
were not uncommon in the later periods of Jewish history.
The children of such marriages were termed Mamzerim
(bastards). But even such a child, if a wise student of
the Law, “was, in theory, above an ignorant high-priest.”
Lightfoot, _Hor. Heb._ on Mtt. xxiii. 14, quoted in
Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._, Art. _Timothy_. The education,
therefore, Timothy received, may possibly “have helped to
overcome the prejudice the Jews would have against him on
this ground.” “It is not improbable that the mother and
grandmother of Timothy may have been connected with those
Jews from Babylonia whom Antiochus settled in Phrygia
three centuries before.” C. and H., I. 243, and see above,
p. 10.

947 ‒ They knew that his father was a Greek, and that he had
been allowed to grow up to the age of manhood without
the sign of circumcision――that his “condition was that
of a negligent, almost an apostate Israelite.” They might
“tolerate a heathen, as such, in the synagogue or the
church, but an uncircumcised Israelite would be to them
a horror and a portent. With a special view, therefore,
to their feelings, and making no sacrifice of principle,
the Apostle _took and circumcised him_” (Acts xvi. 3). The
parents of Titus, on the other hand, _were both Gentiles_,
and in his case the Apostle maintained the principle that
the Gentiles did not need circumcision (Gal. ii. 3). See
Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._ “According to the Jewish rules, the
child should follow the mother; and the son of a mixed
marriage, whose mother was a Jewess, was bound to be
circumcised, otherwise the marriage would not have been
recognised by the Jewish law.” Kitto’s _Bibl. Illustr._

948 ‒ Probably at Iconium, C. and H., I. 246. From 1 Tim. vi. 12
we gather that on this occasion he witnessed _a good
confession_ before many witnesses; from 1 Tim. i. 18, that
_prophecies_ sanctioned his dedication to the work; from
1 Tim. iv. 14, that the bestowal of _gifts_ accompanied the
laying on of hands of the Church and the Apostle himself.

949 ‒ Not at this time the large and populous province of
Asia Minor, which it afterwards became in the age of
Constantine, but a “geographical expression denoting a
debateable country of indeterminate extent, diffused over
the frontiers of the provinces of proconsular Asia and
Galatia, but belonging chiefly to the former.” C. and H.,
I. 248.

950 ‒ Galatia――the “Gaul of the East”――is a somewhat ambiguous
expression, and might denote either (i) the Roman province
of that name, or (ii) Galatia proper. The former comprised
nearly all the centre of Asia Minor, and was bounded
by Bithynia and Pontus on the north, proconsular “Asia”
on the west, Pamphylia and Cilicia on the south, and
Cappadocia on the east, including south-eastern Phrygia,
Lycaonia, Isauria, and part of Pisidia. The latter (and
the more probable area of the Galatian churches) was a
comparatively small district, having for its three chief
towns, Ancyra, Pessinus, and Tavium or Tavia, and occupied
by the Gauls, who poured down into Italy and Greece in
the third century B.C. Repulsed at Delphi (B.C. 279) a
considerable body of these invaders of southern Europe
forced their way into Thrace, occupied the coast of the
Propontis, crossed over into Asia Minor, and before long
conquered the whole of the peninsula north of the Taurus.
After ravaging the country far and wide they were signally
defeated by Attalus king of Pergamus, B.C. 230, and penned
up “in a strip of land in the interior of Asia Minor,
about 200 miles in length, and stretching from N.E. to
S.W.,” which was divided among the three invading tribes,
the Tectosages, the Trocmi, the Tolistoboii. Hence they
increased rapidly in numbers and prosperity, took part
as mercenaries in all the wars of the time, and acted as
body-guards to the king of Syria and Egypt, and even Herod
the Great. After their power had been materially curtailed
by neighbouring monarchs, they attracted the notice of
the Romans during the campaign against Antiochus the
Great, and were subjugated by the consul Manlius; during
a century and a half they were then governed by native
princes, and finally reduced to a Roman province by
Augustus. See C. and H., I. 222–225; and the Introduction
to Lightfoot’s _Commentary on the Galatians_, pp. 4–7.

951 ‒ Lightfoot, _Galatians_, p. 21.

952 ‒ Comp. 2 Cor. xii. 7 with Gal. iv. 13, 14. Many and various
are the opinions respecting the σκόλοψ τῇ σαρκί, the
_thorn_, or rather _stake_, here alluded to by the Apostle.
The following are the chief: (1) _persecution from his
enemies_, the opinion of the Greek fathers; (2) _carnal
thoughts_, the opinion of mediæval writers; (3) _spiritual
trial_, temptation to despair and doubt, &c., the opinion
of the Reformers; (4) _bodily ailment_ of some kind, an
opinion first expressed by Irenæus, and since adopted by
most modern expositors. Combining the two passages cited
above we infer (1) that it was marked by extremely acute
pain, whence it could be compared to a “stake driven
through the flesh;” (2) that it was of a very humiliating
nature; (3) that it could not be concealed from others,
and exposed him to contempt and even loathing; (4) that it
was a grievous hindrance to his constancy and resolution;
(5) that it was (possibly) connected with that meanness
of personal appearance to which he alludes, 2 Cor. x. 10;
and (6) that it was recurring (comp. Gal. iv. 13, 14 with
1 Thess. ii. 18; 1 Cor. ii. 3; 2 Cor. i. 8, 9). See the
interesting reference to the mysterious malady of Alfred
the Great, quoted in Lightfoot’s _Galatians_, pp. 173, 174.
Amongst bodily afflictions, (a) acute pains in the head,
(b) epilepsy, (c) a complaint in the eyes, have found the
chief supporters. See Lightfoot’s _Excursus_, and Stanley
on 2 Cor. xii. 7.

953 ‒ Δι᾽ ἀσθένειαν τῆς σαρκὸς εὐηγγελισάμην ὑμῖν τὸ πρότερον =
_On account of an infirmity in my flesh I preached the
Gospel amongst you on the former of my two visits_.

954 ‒ It is not improbable that St Paul founded the earliest
churches of Galatia (Lightfoot, p. 19). Pessinus was the
seat of the primitive worship of Cybele, the “Great Mother,”
superintended by her fanatical and effeminate priests,
the Galli (Cic. _Fam._ II. 12. 2; Pliny, III. 32, 45).
Ancyra was the capital of the Roman province, the site
of a magnificent temple of marble built by Augustus, the
meeting-place of all the great roads in the north of the
peninsula, and the resort of many Jews. C. and H., I. 520.

955 ‒ This, however, did not prevent their being afterwards
carried away into apostasy. With their wonted fickleness
they rapidly changed their sentiments (Gal. i. 6).
Compare Cæsar’s words concerning the Gauls, _Mobilitate
et levitate animi_, _B. G._ II. 1. _Infirmitatem Gallorum
veritus quod sunt in consiliis capiendis mobiles et novis
plerumque rebus student, nihil his committendum ratus_,
_B. G._ IV. 5. Comp. Tac. _Germ._ XXIX.

956 ‒ C. and H., I. 252.

957 ‒ Ἐν τῇ Ἀσίᾳ: see above, p. 344, n. Paley (_Horæ Paulinæ_,
1 Cor. No. 2) well compares the relation of proconsular
Asia to the rest of the peninsula with that of Portugal
in relation to Spain.

958 ‒ Ἐλθόντες κατὰ τὴν Μυσίαν = _having come over against
Mysia_.

959 ‒ Εἰς τὴν Βιθυνίαν is the reading in the edition of Lachmann
and Tischendorf.

960 ‒ Τὸ πνεῦμα Ἰησοῦ is the better reading here.

961 ‒ Vulgate _transeuntes_. This seems to be the force of
παρελθόντες here. They _passed along_ the frontier of
Mysia, as it was popularly understood, and they _passed
by_ the whole district without staying to evangelise it.

962 ‒ This was its full name (Liv. XXXV. 42); sometimes it was
called simply Alexandria, sometimes simply Troas. Its
first founder, Antigonus, one of the generals of Alexander,
called it _Antigoneia Troas_, and peopled it with the
inhabitants of some neighbouring cities. Lysimachus, who
succeeded to his power on the Dardanelles, increased and
adorned it, but altered its name to Alexandria Troas.
It was a sea-port town at the north-west corner of Asia
Minor, near the site of ancient Troy, and opposite the
south-eastern extremity of the island of Tenedos, and
its site is now marked by the modern village of _Eski
Stamboul_, Old Constantinople. Under the Romans, in
consequence partly of the legend of their origin from Troy,
partly of its connection by good roads with the interior,
and its being the chief point of arrival and departure
for those who sailed between western Asia and Macedonia,
it became a place of great importance, and Augustus made
it a colony, and conferred upon it the _Jus Italicum_,
i.e. exempted its land from taxation. Con. and Howson,
I. 257, 258; Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._

963 ‒ See Baumgarten’s _Apost. History_, II. 107.

964 ‒ Comp. the vision of St Peter at Joppa, above, pp. 397, 398.

965 ‒ C. and H., I. 260.

966 ‒ Comp. the return voyage, Acts xx. 6.

967 ‒ “The ancient city, and therefore probably the usual
anchorage, was on the N. side, which would be sufficiently
sheltered from a S.E. wind.” Samothrace is a lofty
conspicuous island, visible at Troas towering over Imbros.
Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._

968 ‒ The full and proper name was _Colonia Augusta Julia
Philippensis_. The father of Alexander built it in a place
called Krenides, or _the Place of Fountains_, situated
in a plain of extraordinary fertility between the ranges
of Pangæus and Hæmus, about nine miles from the sea, and
on a spot watered by numerous streams. Augustus made it
a _colony_, to be at once a perpetual memorial of his
victory over Brutus, and a border-garrison of the province
of Macedonia.

969 ‒ The word _first_ denotes the _first_ city in its
geographical relation to St Paul’s journey, not the first
politically either of Macedonia or a part of it. The
chief city of the province was Thessalonica, and that of
Macedonia Prima was not Philippi but Amphipolis.

970 ‒ Like Antioch in Pisidia (see above, p. 414), and
Alexandria Troas (above, p. 438, n.), Philippi was
a Roman colony, a miniature resemblance of imperial
Rome. Originally designed as military safeguards of
the frontiers, and to check insurgent provincials, the
colonies were parts of the fortifications of the empire.
The colonists, veteran soldiers, freedmen, or Italians,
went thither with all the pomp of a Roman army, and were
enrolled in one of the tribes. They were amenable only
to their own magistrates, called _duumviri_ or, as they
delighted to style themselves, _proprætors_ (comp. Hor.
_Sat._ I. v. 34–36; Cic. _de Lege Agr._ II. 34), were
governed by Roman laws, and had Latin inscriptions stamped
upon their coins. See Art. _Colonia_ in Smith’s _Dict. of
Antiquities_.

971 ‒ C. and H., p. 270.

972 ‒ Ἔξω τῆς πύλης is the better reading in Acts xvi. 13.

973 ‒ See above, p. 440, n.

974 ‒ Σεβομένη, τὸν Θεόν, Acts xvi. 14.

975 ‒ A city on the Lycus, founded by Seleucus Nicator, on the
confines of Mysia and Ionia, about midway between Pergamus
and Sardis; now called _Ak-hissar_. It is mentioned in
connection with the dyeing trade in Hom. _Il._ IV. 141,
for which it has still a considerable reputation.

976 ‒ Comp. Acts xiii. 14; Lk. iv. 20. Comp. above, p. 112.

977 ‒ High up in Hæmus, among the tribe of the Satræ. Comp. Ὁ
Θρῃξὶ μάντις, Eurip. _Hecub._ 1267. Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._,
Art. _Philippi_.

978 ‒ Acts xvi. 16, Ἔχουσαν πνεῦμα Πύθωνος (the better reading
is Πύθωνα). Πύθων = (1) the prophetic serpent at Delphi,
(2) the Pythian Phœbus or Apollo, from whom all who
claimed the powers of divination received their title,
and were called Pythons, exercising their arts by means
of internal mutterings and ventriloquism.

979 ‒ _These men_, said they, _are throwing the whole city
into confusion, being Jews to begin with; and they are
inculcating new customs, which it is not lawful for us
to receive or adopt, being Roman citizens_ (Acts xvi. 21).
The force of the accusation that they were _Jews to begin
with_ (Ἰουδαῖοι ὑπάρχοντες) will be more fully apprehended
by remembering (1) that Judaism was a _religio licita_
for Jews, but that they were forbidden to make proselytes
among the Romans; (2) that the Jews had lately been driven
out of Rome in consequence of an uproar, and that Philippi
would naturally imitate the mother-city; _Judæos impulsore
Chresto assidue tumultuantes Roma expulit_; Sueton.
_Claud._ xxv.

980 ‒ Ῥαβδίζειν = _to beat with rods_, as in 2 Cor. xi. 25.

981 ‒ Probably like the dungeon into which Jeremiah was let down
(comp. Acts xvi. 34, ἀναγαγών) with cords (Jer. xxxviii. 6),
or the _Tullianum_ at Rome. C. and H., I. 280, n.

982 ‒ Τὸ ξύλον, Acts xvi. 24. Comp. Aristoph. _Eq._ 1049, 1376;
Herod. VI. 75, IX. 37; and the Latin _nervus_, Plaut.
_Capt._ III. 5. 71.

983 ‒ “Lex Porcia (A.U.C. 306) virgas ab omnium civium Romanorum
corpore amovet.” Cic. _pro Rabirio_, Chap. III. “Facinus
est vinciri civem Romanum, scelus verberari.” Cic. _in
Verr._ V. 66.

984 ‒ Amphipolis stood on an eminence on the left bank of the
Strymon, about 3 miles from the sea and 33 from Philippi.
Originally called “Nine Ways,” from the number of Thracian
and Macedonian roads meeting here, it was colonised by
the Athenians, and named Amphipolis from being nearly
surrounded by the Strymon. For the battle fought under
its walls during the Peloponnesian war, in which Cleon and
Brasidas were killed, see Thuc. v. 6–11.

985 ‒ Apollonia is laid down in the Itineraries as being 30
miles from Amphipolis. Its exact position is not known,
but “it lay somewhere in the inland part of the journey,
where the Via Egnatia crosses from the Gulf of the Strymon
to that of Thessalonica.” C. and H., I. 295.

986 ‒ Thessalonica, 37 miles distant from Apollonia, is still
the most important town of European Turkey, next after
Constantinople, and retains to this day the name of
_Saloniki_. Originally named Therma (whence the _Thermaic
Gulf_), it was rebuilt and enlarged by Cassander, son of
Antipater, and named Thessalonica after his first wife,
the sister of Alexander the Great. Under the Romans, when
Macedonia was divided into four governments by Paulus
Æmilius, it was made the capital of the second; when
the whole was consolidated into one province, it became
practically the metropolis of the whole. During the first
civil war it was the head-quarters of the Pompeian party
and the senate, during the second it took the side of
Octavius, by whom it was made a free city (see above,
p. 379, n.), a privilege commemorated on some of its coins.
Situated on the Thermaic Gulf, and commanding the trade
by sea, lying on the Via Egnatia, and connected with other
important Roman roads, communicating inland with the wide
plains of Macedonia, and possessing all the advantages
of a busy commercial town, it formed one of the most
appropriate starting points of the Gospel in Europe.
Comp. 1 Thess. i. 8; C. and H., I. 295, 297; Smith’s _Bibl.
Dict._

987 ‒ Ἡ συναγωγή, Acts xvii. 1, _the synagogue_, not _a_
synagogue, as in our E. V.

988 ‒ A form which the name Joshua seems sometimes to have taken:
see 1 Macc. viii. 17; 2 Macc. ii. 23. He was perhaps a
Hellenist, and may possibly be alluded to in Rom. xvi. 21.

989 ‒ The general characteristics of a “free city” have been
described above, p. 379, n. Their form of government was
very various. In some the old magistracies and customs
were maintained without any material alteration. In
Thessalonica we find an assembly of the people, _demus_,
and supreme magistrates called _politarchs_ (Acts xvii. 8),
a title still legible on an archway of the town “in
an inscription informing us of the number of these
magistrates, and mentioning the very names of some who
bore that office not long before the day of St Paul.”
C. and H., I. 308.

990 ‒ On the severity of the laws respecting treason, see above,
p. 307, n.

991 ‒ Λαβόντες τὸ ἱκανόν, apparently a translation of the Latin
law-phrase _satis accipere_.

992 ‒ Berœa, 60 miles distant from Thessalonica, said to have
derived its name from the abundance of its waters, now
called _Verria_, or _Kara-Verria_, was situated on the
eastern slope of the Olympian mountain-range south-west
of Pella, and commanded an extensive view of the plain of
the Axius and Haliacmon. It still contains 18 or 20,000
inhabitants, and stands second in importance of the cities
of European Turkey.

993 ‒ As they had pursued him from Iconium to Lystra; see above,
p. 420. See Paley’s _Horæ Paulinæ_, 1 Thess. No. 5.

994 ‒ Ὡς ἐπὶ τὴν θάλασσαν, Acts xvii. 14, does not imply that
any stratagem was used. The words simply “denote the
likelihood that in the first instance they had no fixed
plan of going to _Athens_, but merely to the _sea_:
their further course was determined by providential
circumstances.” C. and H., I. 315, n.

995 ‒ Dium, near the foot of mount Olympus, was “the great
bulwark of Macedonia on the south,” and a Roman colony,
like Philippi.

996 ‒ Κατείδωλον (Acts xvii. 16), not _given up to idolatry_,
but _full of idols_, like κατάδενδρος, _full of trees_,
κατάμπελος, _full of vines_. “Replete as the whole of
Greece was with objects of devotion, there were more
Gods in Athens than in all the rest of the country,
and the Roman satirist hardly exaggerates, when he says
that it was easier to find a god there than a man.” See
Wordsworth’s _Athens and Attica_.

997 ‒ Σπερμολόγος = (1) a bird that picks up seeds from the
ground; (2) a pauper prowling about the market-place;
(3) a parasite who lives by his wits, “a contemptible
and worthless person.” See C. and H., I. 345, n.

998 ‒ For a description of the objects in full view of the
Apostle from the summit of Mars’ hill, see Con. and Howson,
I. 348, &c.; Wordsworth’s _Athens and Attica_, ch. XI.

999 ‒ It was no formal trial on a charge of introducing foreign
religions. Something might have been founded upon it
afterwards; for the present it was a hearing only with a
view to information. See Neander’s _Planting_, I. 188, n.

1000 ‒ On the Apostle’s expectation of the arrival of Timothy,
see Paley’s _Horæ Paulinæ_, 1 Thess. No. 4.

1001 ‒ Ἀγνώστῳ Θεῷ To _the_ unknown god, however, “would be quite
as near the sense of the inscription upon any particular
one of such altars,” C. and H., I. 350, n. Altars were
erected by the Athenians, not only to particular gods, but
to Fame, to Modesty, to Energy, to Persuasion, and to Pity;
and besides thus deifying abstractions, it was not unusual,
on the occurrence of great public calamities, such as the
plague at Athens, when they sought aid in vain from their
gods of wood and stone, to erect altars to some unknown
god, whom they deemed they had offended.

1002 ‒ Δεισιδαιμονεστέρους ὑμᾶς θεωρῶ, Acts xvii. 22. The word
is here used not in any offensive sense. It points to
the _extreme carefulness_ of the Athenians in matters of
religion. See δεισιδαίμων in Trench’s _Synonyms_, Vol. I.
pp. 187–197, and Alford _in loc._

1003 ‒ Comp. the language of Stephen, Acts vii. 48; above, p. 369.

1004 ‒ In opposition to the well-known boast of the Athenians
that they were αὐτόχθονες, and of a nobler origin than
that of the “barbarians,” as they styled the rest of the
world.

1005 ‒ The words occur (i) in a poem of Aratus, a native of
Cilicia, the Apostle’s own country; (ii) in a hymn of
Cleanthes, a Lycian poet. There is some doubt from which
the Apostle quoted. See above, p. 382.

1006 ‒ Ὑπεριδών, _i.e._ without inflicting punishment. Comp. Acts
xiv. 16; Rom. iii. 25. No such idea as is implied in the
words _winked at_ of our version belongs to the original
word. See Wordsworth _in loc._

1007 ‒ Of Damaris nothing further is known. Dionysius is said by
some to have been the first bishop of Athens.

1008 ‒ The city had the constitution of a _colony_, and was the
metropolis of a _province_. At first it was proconsular,
afterwards Tiberius placed it under a procurator of its
own, but Claudius restored it to its place among the
proconsular provinces. Its full name was _Colonia Laus
Julia Corinthus_. C. and H., I. 389; Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._

1009 ‒ Suet. _Claud._ XXV. Judæus impulsore Chresto, assiduè
tumultuantes, Româ expulit.

1010 ‒ See Milman’s _Hist. Christ._ I. p. 443; Lewin’s _Life
of St Paul_, I. 294. The return of the Italian Jews from
Rome after the day of Pentecost (see above, p. 345) would
account for the spread of Christianity to Rome.

1011 ‒ See above, p. 381. The name Priscilla appears in 2 Tim.
iv. 19 under the form _Prisca_, a well-known Roman name.
“Livia and Livilla, Drusa and Drusilla, are used by Latin
authors of the same person.” C. and H., I. 358, n.

1012 ‒ Or _he was_ engrossed with _the word_; Instabat verbo.
Compare Lk. xii. 50. Hitherto he had been labouring day
and night with his own hands, determined to be chargeable
to no man. Now the pecuniary supplies brought from
Thessalonica (2 Cor. xi. 9; and comp. Phil. iv. 15)
enabled him to devote himself still more earnestly to his
Apostolic work. See Wordsworth’s note _in loc._; Lewin’s
_Life of St Paul_, I. 298.

1013 ‒ For illustrations of the Apostle’s feelings at this time,
see 2 Thess. iii. 2; 1 Cor. ii.3.

1014 ‒ His original name was Annæus Novatus, and he took the
name of Gallio from having been adopted into the family
of Junius Gallio.

1015 ‒ Solebam tibi dicere Gallionem fratrem meum (quem nemo non
parum amat etiam qui amare plus non potest) alia vitia non
nosse hoc etiam odisse.... Nemo mortalium uni tam dulcis
est quam hic omnibus. Seneca, _Nat. Quæst._ IV.

1016 ‒ On the proconsular power and the tribunal, see above,
p. 147, n.

1017 ‒ The true reading in Acts xviii. 17 appears to be πάντες,
without specifying exactly who they were. It seems,
probable, however, that they were Greeks.

1018 ‒ See above, p. 111. It is not certain that this is the same
Sosthenes mentioned in 1 Cor. i. 1.

1019 ‒ Some would understand this to have been done by ♦Aquila.
The form of the sentence is somewhat ambiguous in the
original, and the word κειράμενος might be connected
either with the nearer Ἀκύλας or the more remote
Παῦλος. On the Nazarite vow see Num. vi. 3, 5, 13, 14,
18.――_Class-Book of Old Testament History_, p. 158.

1020 ‒ Now _Kichries_, about 8 or 9 miles from Corinth across the
Isthmian plain.

1021 ‒ Silas would seem to have remained behind at Jerusalem. We
do not meet with him again in connection with St Paul. He
is next mentioned in 1 Pet. v. 12. It is not improbable
that Titus also was now with the Apostle Paul.

1022 ‒ An abbreviated form of Apollonius. On the Jews of
Alexandria and their theological influence, see above,
p. 364, n.

1023 ‒ It is not improbable that he again worked with them at the
same trade: comp. Acts xx. 34, 1 Cor. iv. 11, 12.

1024 ‒ That is, probably, the miraculous gifts of the Holy Ghost,
such as were bestowed on Cornelius and his company after
their baptism, see above, p. 399. Note the force of the
aorist here.

1025 ‒ Such as Epaphras, Archippus, and Philemon. See Col. i. 7;
iv. 7, 12; Philem. 23. C. and H., II. 13, and note.

1026 ‒ It retained even under the Romans its old democratic
constitution, and Josephus (_Ant._ XIV. 10. 12; XVI. 6.
4, 7) mentions the βουλή or γερουσία = the _senate_,
the ἐκκλησία = _assembly_, the δῆμος = the _people_. As
Thessalonica had its _politarchs_ (see above, p. 447, n.,
and Athens its _archons_, so Ephesus had its own
magistrates, amongst whom the γραμματεύς (Acts xix. 35)
= _town-clerk_ or _recorder_, held a high position.

1027 ‒ See generally on Ephesus and its temple, Con. and Howson,
I. 73–79; Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._, and _Dict. of Classical
Geography_.

1028 ‒ The head was a mural crown, each hand held a bar of metal,
and the lower part ended in a rude block covered with
figures of animals and mystic inscriptions. Her image
resembled an Indian idol rather than the beautiful forms
which crowded the Acropolis of Athens. “Like the Palladium
of Troy――like the most ancient Minerva at Athens――like
the Paphian Venus and the Cybele of Pessinus (see above,
p. 437, n.)――like the Ceres in Sicily mentioned by Cicero
(_in Verr._ V. 187), it was believed to have fallen
down from the sky” (Acts xix. 35). C. and H., I. 78. The
ceremonies of her worship were conducted by a troop of
virgin priestesses called Melissæ, and a number of priests,
eunuchs from the interior of Asia Minor, called Megabizi.

1029 ‒ Both the original words used here are Latin. The first,
σουδάριον, _sudarium_, occurs in Lk. xix. 20; Jn. xi. 44,
xx. 7, and is translated _napkin_; the latter, σιμικίνθιον,
_semi-cinctium_, appears to denote a _shawl_ or
_handkerchief_, or perhaps an apron used by workmen.
Baumgarten would connect them with the Apostle’s daily
labour in his own support. See Wordsworth _in loc._

1030 ‒ Or perhaps the head of one of the 24 courses of Priests.

1031 ‒ The Vulgate here has Jesum _novi_ et Paulum _scio_.
Γινώσκω expresses knowledge of a stronger degree than
ἐπιστᾶμαι (which only occurs elsewhere in Mk. xiv. 68).
The former = _I recognise and own His power_; the latter
= _I know, am acquainted with_. See Wordsworth’s note
_in loc._

1032 ‒ About £2000 of our money. The coin called ἀργυρίου in Acts
xix. 19, and translated _piece of silver_, was probably
the silver _drachma_, of the value of about 10d.

1033 ‒ He does not, however, seem to have reached Corinth on this
occasion, and St Paul himself doubted whether he would
be able to do so. Erastus is probably the “treasurer” of
Corinth alluded to in Rom. xvi. 23; 2 Tim. iv. 20.

1034 ‒ From a comparison of 2 Cor. ii. 1, xii. 14, 21, xiii. 1, 2,
some would infer that the Apostle paid an unrecorded visit
to Corinth during his three years’ stay at Ephesus, and on
the authority of 1 Cor. v. 9–12 that he afterwards wrote a
short letter to the Church there respecting the exclusion
of profligates from the Christian body. See C. and H., II.
18–21.

1035 ‒ April or May, A.D. 57. See C. and H., II. 84; Lewin’s
_Life of St Paul_, I. 439; Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._, Art.
_Ephesus_.

1036 ‒ It is not certain whether these were models of the whole
temple or of the shrine. Such models, however, were
eagerly purchased by strangers, and carried by devotees on
journeys, or set up in their houses. The material might be
wood, or gold, or silver. C. and H., II. 78.

1037 ‒ It is not improbable that it was on this occasion he was
rescued by Aquila and Priscilla at the risk of their own
lives, as mentioned in Rom. xvi. 3, 4.

1038 ‒ The Asiarchs, Ἀσιάρχαι (Acts xix. 31), were officers,
generally ten in number, appointed like the _ædiles_ at
Rome, to preside over the games held in different parts
of the province of Asia, just as other provinces had their
_Galatarchs, Lysiarchs, Bythiniarchs_, &c. “They held for
the time a kind of sacerdotal position; and when robed in
mantles of purple and crowned with garlands, they assumed
the duty of regulating the great gymnastic contests, and
controlling the tumultuous crowd in the theatre; they
might literally be called the _chiefs of Asia_.” C. and H.,
II. 83; Lewin’s _Life of St Paul_, I. 350–353.

1039 ‒ This officer “had to do with state-papers; he was keeper
of the archives; he read what was of public moment before
the senate and assembly; he was present when money was
deposited in the temple; and when letters were sent to the
people of Ephesus, they were officially addressed to him.
Hence we can readily account for his name appearing so
often on the coins of Ephesus (see C. and H., II. 89, and
p. 79). He seems sometimes to have given the name to the
year, like the archons at Athens, or the consuls at Rome.”
C. and H., II. 81.

1040 ‒ Νεωκόρον, Acts xix. 35, literally _Temple-sweeper_, was
originally an expression of humility, and applied to
the lowest menials engaged in the care of the Temple.
Afterwards it became a title of high honour, and was
applied not only to persons, but to cities and communities.
Thus Ephesus was personified as the “devotee” of Diana,
and boastifully stamped the name upon her coins.

1041 ‒ Ephesus was an assize-town (_forum_ or _conventus_), which
the proconsul would visit at stated seasons, attended by
his interpreter, for all legal business was conducted in
Latin. C. and H., II. 82.

1042 ‒ See above, p. 461, n.; for the Apostle’s own feelings in
respect to the tumult, see 2 Cor. i. 8–11, on which see
Paley’s _Horæ Paulinæ_, 2 Cor. No. IV.

1043 ‒ Probably by sea: comp. Acts xx. 13, 14, though it is to
be remembered that one of the great roads passed by Smyrna
and Pergamus between Ephesus and Troas.

1044 ‒ See above, pp. 438, 439.

1045 ‒ See Birks’ _Horæ Apostolicæ_, p. 237; Neander’s _Planting_,
I. 247.

1046 ‒ See above, p. 440.

1047 ‒ Stanley’s _Comm. on 2 Cor. ii. 13_.

1048 ‒ See Paley’s _Horæ Paulinæ_ on this passage. Illyricum was
an extensive region lying along the Eastern coast of the
Adriatic, and contiguous to Mœsia and Macedonia on the
East. It included Dalmatia (2 Tim. iv. 10), which was
sometimes used for the whole of the district. Both terms
are probably used by the Apostle in their most extended
sense.

1049 ‒ See Con. and Howson, II. pp. 141–143.

1050 ‒ See above, pp. 436–438.

1051 ‒ Ἐβάσκανεν = _fascinated_, the metaphor being taken from
the popular belief in the power of the evil eye. On the
fickleness of the Galatian character, see above, p. 437
and note.

1052 ‒ Professor Lightfoot, while placing the Epistle to the
Galatians between the Second to the Corinthians and that
to the Romans, and referring its date to the winter of
A.D. 57 or the spring of A.D. 58, seems to think it may
have been written during the journey between Macedonia and
Achaia. See _Proleg. to the Comm._, pp. 48–54.

1053 ‒ She was probably a widow of consideration and wealth,
acting as one of the deaconesses of the Church. See
C. and H., II. 166; Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._

1054 ‒ On the salutation in Rom. xvi. 3, and the return of Aquila
and Priscilla since the dispatch of the First Epistle to
the Corinthians, see Paley’s _Horæ Paulinæ_, No. II.

1055 ‒ The Epistles to the Romans and Galatians relate to the
same general question. But the Apostle had founded the
Church in Galatia, hence he puts the point in a great
measure upon personal authority (comp. Gal. i. 6, 11, 12,
v. 2); but he had never been at Rome, hence in his Epistle
to that Church he puts the same points upon argument.
“This distinction between the two Epistles is suited to
the relation in which the Apostle stood to his different
correspondents.” See Paley’s _Horæ Paulinæ_.

1056 ‒ Compare the time spent on the former voyage above, p. 440,
and the note.

1057 ‒ Note the force of the imperfect κατεφίλουν, Acts xx. 37.

1058 ‒ C. and H., II. 239: comp. Acts xxi. 1.

1059 ‒ Ἀποσπασθέντας, Acts xxi. 1.

1060 ‒ Distant from Miletus about 40 nautical miles, a passage of
about 6 hours: C. and H., II. 239.

1061 ‒ The sea-port of the city of Xanthus, 10 miles distant,
devoted to the worship of Apollo, and the seat of a famous
oracle. Comp. Hor. _Od._ III. iv. 64.

1062 ‒ Or _rising_ Cyprus, in English nautical phrase. The word,
in reference to sea-voyages, means _to see land_, _to
bring land into view_, _to make_ land.

1063 ‒ See above, p. 373.

1064 ‒ See above, p. 391.

1065 ‒ The distance being but 28 miles from Tyre. For a notice of
this sea-port, see above, p. 37, n.

1066 ‒ See above, p. 378.

1067 ‒ See above, p. 403, and note.

1068 ‒ Compare for similar symbolic prophetical actions Isai. xx.
2, 3; Jerem. xiii. 1–11.

1069 ‒ Comp. above, p. 344, and comp. pp. 162, 163.

1070 ‒ See above, p. 402, and note.

1071 ‒ For the word _carriage_ of our Version here used see Judg.
xviii. 21; 1 Sam. xvii. 22. Ἐπισκευασάμενοι is the better
reading, and denotes _having packed up_, made ready for
the journey. The Apostle, it is to be remarked, had with
him the proceeds of the great collection.

1072 ‒ On his character and influence, see pp. 426, 427, and the
notes.

1073 ‒ C. and H., II. 259.

1074 ‒ For notices of the excited and fanatical state of the
Jews at this period, see Milman, _Hist. of the Jews_,
II. 166, 172.

1075 ‒ For these, see _Class-Book of O. T. History_, pp. 158, 159.
Agrippa I., it will be remembered, showed his sympathy
with Judaism by defraying the expenses of certain
Nazarites; see above, p. 405, and the note.

1076 ‒ See above, p. 272, and note. It is clear from that passage
that this Court contained the Treasure-Chests, but it also
appears to have contained chambers, in one of which the
Nazarites performed their vows. C. and H., II. 269.

1077 ‒ “Made of brass and very strong, shut at midnight with
difficulty by twenty men.” Jos. _B. J._ VI. 5. 3. Comp.
V. 5. 3, cited in C. and H., II. 269, n.

1078 ‒ On this tower, see above, p. 53, n.and p. 91.

1079 ‒ Comp. Acts xii. 4, 6; see above, p. 406, n.

1080 ‒ He had come from Egypt into Judæa, and giving himself
out to be a prophet, collected in the desert upwards of
30,000 men (4000 of whom were Sicarii or “murderers,” Acts
xxi. 38), whom he persuaded to follow him to the Mount
of Olives, promising that the walls of Jerusalem would
fall down at his command, and they would be enabled to
seize Jerusalem, and assume the government. Felix, however,
marched against him, and easily dispersed his force,
slaying 4000, and taking 200 prisoners, but the adventurer
himself escaped. See Jos. _B. J._ II. 13. 5; Milman’s
_Hist. of the Jews_, II. 171.

1081 ‒ For a comparison of the Apostle’s words on this occasion
with the account given in Acts ix., see above, pp. 384,
385, and notes.

1082 ‒ Compare the account above, pp. 390, 391.

1083 ‒ See above, p. 309, and the note.

1084 ‒ See above, p. 96. Only a narrow space of the Great
Temple-court intervened between the steps of the tower
Antonia and this hall. But the Sanhedrin may have met in a
place less sacred, into which soldiers might be admitted.
C. and H., II. 281.

1085 ‒ Compare with this assertion 2 Tim. i. 3.

1086 ‒ If this was a prophetic denunciation, it was terribly
fulfilled when the hypocritical president of the Sanhedrin
was murdered by the Sicarii during the Jewish war. See Jos.
_B. J._ II. 17. 9.

1087 ‒ Comp. Mtt. xxiii. 27. He compares him to those walls,
which composed of mud and other vile materials, made a
fair show without, being plastered and whitewashed.

1088 ‒ See above, p. 115.

1089 ‒ The sentence is broken off. The words μὴ θεομαχῶμεν,
Acts xxiii. 9, are wanting in the best MSS. See Neander’s
_Planting_, I. 307, and note.

1090 ‒ See above, p. 380.

1091 ‒ Δεξιολάβους, E. V. _spearmen_, Vulg. _lancearios_.
Whatever is the precise meaning of this singular word,
it distinguishes here _legionary soldiers_ from _cavalry_,
and probably means _light-armed troops_. The word implies
the use of some weapon simply carried in the right hand.

1092 ‒ Ἀπὸ τρίτης ὥρας τῆς νυκτός, Acts xxiii. 23.

1093 ‒ With a view to greater expedition Lysias ordered that more
than one horse should be provided for the Apostle: comp.
Acts xxiii. 24, κτήνη τε παραστῆσαι.

1094 ‒ For the building of Antipatris, see above, p. 99, and note.

1095 ‒ Lysias had probably sent so large and so mixed a force
in view of a possible ambuscade. This was no longer to be
feared after leaving Antipatris, but the legionaries might
be needed in the fortress of Antonia.

1096 ‒ C. and H., II. 290; Robinson, _Bib. Res._ III. 46, 60.

1097 ‒ As mentioned above, p. 409, n., on the death of Herod
Agrippa I., A.D. 44, Cuspius Fadus was appointed
procurator of Judæa. He was succeeded in A.D. 48 by
Tiberius Alexander, who in his turn, in A.D. 48, made
way for Ventidius Cumanus. During his sway a frightful
tumult happened at the Passover, caused by the presence
of the Roman soldiers in the Antonia, and resulting in the
deaths of more than 10,000 persons (Jos. _Ant._ XX. 5. 3;
_B. J._ II. 12. 1). Cumanus was recalled in A.D. 52, and
succeeded by Felix, a freedman of the Emperor Claudius.
From Tacitus (_Ann._ XII. 54) he would seem to have been
joint procurator with Cumanus. He was the brother of the
Emperor’s powerful friend Pallas, and is described by
Tacitus as ruling his province with meanness, cruelty, and
profligacy, _per omnem sævitiam et libidinem jus regium
servili ingenio_ exercuit. _Hist._ V. 9: comp. _Ann._ XII.
54, and see Merivale, VII. 195.

1098 ‒ Compare Pilate’s conduct in reference to the Saviour,
above, p. 301.

1099 ‒ The word _prætorium_ properly denotes the residence of
the Roman provincial governors, at which they administered
justice. Here it seems to denote some palace built by
Herod and now appropriated to public uses. As in our old
castles, there were prison-chambers in all such buildings.
Kitto’s _Bib. Illustrations_.

1100 ‒ The name is Roman. He was probably an Italian, and pleaded
in Latin. “The accuser and the accused could plead in
person, as St Paul did here, but _advocati_ (ῥήτορες) were
often employed.” C. and H., II. 302.

1101 ‒ On this, see above, p. 303, n.

1102 ‒ Felix during his period of office put down several false
Messiahs (Jos. _Ant._ XX. 8; _B. J._ II. 13. 4), the
followers of the Egyptian pretender (above, p. 486, and n.),
riots between the Jews and Syrians in Cæsarea (_Ant._
XX. 8. 7; _B. J._ II. 13. 7), and cleared various parts of
the country of robbers (_B. J._ II. 13. 2), see Merivale,
VII. 195.

1103 ‒ On the severity of the laws against treason, see above,
p. 307, n.

1104 ‒ Acts x. See above, p. 399, and p. 482.

1105 ‒ Διαγνώσομαι, Acts xxiv. 22.

1106 ‒ There were three kinds of custody recognised by the Roman
law: (1) _custodia publica_, or confinement in a public
gaol, as at Philippi, see above, p. 443, and n.: this was
the worst kind; (2) _custodia libera_, or free custody,
usual only in the cases of men of rank who were committed
to the charge of some magistrate or senator, who made
himself responsible for their appearance on the day
of trial; (3) _custodia militaris_: in this species of
custody, introduced at the commencement of the Empire, the
prisoner’s right hand was chained to the left hand of a
soldier, who was responsible with his life for his safe
detention, and kept him either in barracks or a private
house. C. and H., II. 308.

1107 ‒ This perhaps included Philip the Evangelist resident there
with his family; perhaps Cornelius the centurion; and
almost certainly Luke and Aristarchus.

1108 ‒ Her brother was Agrippa, the present king of Trachonitis.
On the part Simon Magus is said to have played in
persuading her to leave her husband, see above, p. 376 n.
She was at this time in the 18th year of her age.

1109 ‒ Acts xxiv. 17. See Birks’ _Horæ Apostolicæ_, p. 344.

1110 ‒ Such practices were not unusual with some procurators. See
the instance of Albinus mentioned in Jos. _Ant._ XX. 9. 2.
The Julian Law strictly forbade taking a bribe from a
prisoner.

1111 ‒ C. and H., II. 308.

1112 ‒ See Milman’s _History of the Jews_, Vol. II. p. 173.

1113 ‒ At this time the high priest was Ishmael the son of Fabi,
Jos. _Ant._ XX. 8. 8. He had been appointed by Agrippa II.,
to whom the Emperor had entrusted all the ecclesiastical
arrangements in the Holy City. Milman, _Hist. Jews_,
II. 172.

1114 ‒ Under the Republic a Roman citizen could appeal to the
tribunes. The power of the latter being absorbed by the
Emperors, all appeals were transferred to them, and at
this time the Imperial tribunal “was a supreme court of
appeal from all inferior courts either in Rome or in the
provinces.” See Art. _Appellatio_ in Smith’s _Dict. Antiq._

1115 ‒ Herod Agrippa II. was the son of Agrippa I. and Cypros, a
grand-niece of Herod the Great. After he had been educated
at Rome, Claudius, about A.D. 49, appointed him king of
Chalcis (Jos. _Ant._ XX. 5. 2; _B. J._ II. 12. 1), and
afterwards, A.D. 53, promoted him to the tetrarchies
of Philip and Lysanias (Jos. _Ant._ XX. 7. 1; _B. J._
II. 12. 8), with the title of _king_ (Acts xxv. 13).
In A.D. 55 Nero added several cities to his dominions,
and he displayed the lavish magnificence of his family.
During the Jewish war he sided with the Romans, and at
its conclusion retired to Rome, where he died in the third
year of the reign of Trajan, A.D. 100. See Lewin’s _Fasti
Sacri_; Smith’s _Bibl. Dict._

1116 ‒ She was the eldest daughter of Herod Agrippa I. Her first
husband was her uncle Herod, king of Chalcis, on whose
death she lived with her own brother Agrippa II. (Jos.
_Ant._ XX. 7. 3). Afterwards she married Polemon, king of
Cilicia, and ultimately became the mistress of Vespasian
and of Titus. See Tac. _Hist._ II. 81.

1117 ‒ See Blunt’s _Scriptural Coincidences_, pp. 358–360.

1118 ‒ Τῷ κυρίῳ, Acts ♦xxv. 26. Note the title. Augustus and
Tiberius had declined it, but their successors had
sanctioned its use. See Sueton. _Aug._ LIII.; _Tiber_,
XXVII.

1119 ‒ Τὰ πολλὰ γράμματα, Acts xxvi. 24. The Apostle had
alluded to “writings” (vv. 22, 23), “and it is reasonable
to suppose that in his imprisonment such _books and
parchments_ as he wrote for in 2 Tim. iv. 13 were brought
to him by his friends.” C. and H., II. 318, n.

1120 ‒ Ἐν ὀλίγῳ με πείθεις, Acts xxvi. 28. Our version _almost_
cannot stand. The expression might mean, (1) _in a little
space_, or (2) _in few words_, or (3) _in a small measure_.
Perhaps _lightly_ = “with few words, little pain, as
though it were a light thing to take up with so despised
a sect,” as suggested by Dean Alford _in loc._, best
suits the text: see also C. and H., II. 319, n.; Neander’s
_Planting_, I., 310, n.

1121 ‒ The better reading here is ἐν μεγάλῳ.

1122 ‒ “From the distance accomplished, 67 geographical miles,
we must infer that they had a fair, or at least a leading
wind, probably westerly, which is the wind that prevails
in this part of the Mediterranean.” Smith’s _Voyage and
Shipwreck of St Paul_, p. 22.

1123 ‒ See above, p. 481.

1124 ‒ “In pursuing this route they acted precisely as the most
accomplished seaman in the present day would have done
under similar circumstances; by standing to the north
till they reached the coast of Cilicia, they might expect
when they did so to be favoured by the land-breeze, which
prevails here during the summer-months, as well as by the
current, which constantly runs to the westward, along the
south coast of Asia Minor.” Smith, p. 28.

1125 ‒ A distance of 130 geographical miles, which with a fair
wind might have been accomplished in one day. Ibid. p. 34.

1126 ‒ Still retaining the same name. The site of Lasæa, also
retaining its old name, was discovered Jan. 18, 1856,
about two hours to the eastward of “Fair Havens.” Smith’s
_Voyage. &c._ Ed. 1861; C. and H., II. 341, n.

1127 ‒ Levit. xvi. 29; xxiii. 27, celebrated on the 10th of Tisri,
corresponding to the close of September or beginning of
October. See _Class-Book of O. T. History_, p. 155. This
was exactly the time when seafaring is pronounced most
dangerous by Greek and Roman writers.

1128 ‒ It was a good harbour in _some_ seasons, but, being an
open roadstead, or rather two open roadsteads, was not
commodious to winter in. Smith, p. 45.

1129 ‒ Literally πλέποντα κατὰ Λίβα καὶ κατὰ χῶρον = _looking
toward the S. W. wind, and the N. W. wind_. The harbour
was probably the modern _Lutro_, sheltered from the
above-mentioned winds, and looking _from the water towards
the land which encloses it_ in the direction of these
winds. C. and H., II. pp. 343, 344, and notes.

1130 ‒ C. and H., II. 345, and notes.

1131 ‒ Rather perhaps Εὐρακύλων = the Latin Euro-Aquilo, an
E. N. E. wind.

1132 ‒ Κατ᾽ αὐτῆς scil. Κρήτης. Comp. Mtt. viii. 32, κατὰ τοῦ
κρημνοῦ, and see above, p. 196 and note.

1133 ‒ Βοηθείαις ἐχρῶντο, ὑποζωννύντες τὸ πλοῖον (Acts xxvii. 17)
= _they proceeded to use stays or braces undergirding the
vessel_. This was lest she should leak and founder. For
instances of this procedure, see C. and H., II. 348, n.;
Smith’s _Voyage and Shipwreck_, p. 106.

1134 ‒ A notoriously dangerous bay between Tunis and the Eastern
part of Tripoli.

1135 ‒ Meaning then not merely that portion of the Mediterranean,
to which it is now applied, but all that which lay between
Sicily and Malta on the west, and Greece and Crete on the
east. See Smith’s _Voyage and Shipwreck_.

1136 ‒ “They can now adopt the last resource for a sinking ship,
and run her ashore; but to do it before it was day would
have been to have rushed on certain destruction: they must
bring the ship, if it be possible, to anchor, and hold on
till daybreak.” Smith’s _Shipwreck_, p. 88. For similar
instances of anchoring by the stern, see C. and H., II.
357.

1137 ‒ C. and H., II. 362.

1138 ‒ Ἀνέντες τὰς ζευκτηρίας τῶν πηδαλίων (Acts ♦xxvii. 40) =
unloosing the lashings of the paddle rudders, which had
doubtless been hoisted up and lashed fast when they
anchored. C. and H., II. 362, n.

1139 ‒ See Smith’s _Shipwreck, &c._, p. 153.

1140 ‒ For a summary of the arguments for Malta, and not Melita
in the gulf of Venice, as the scene of St Paul’s shipwreck,
see Smith’s _Voyage and Shipwreck_, and Smith’s _Bibl.
Dict._

1141 ‒ Compare the conduct of the Lystrians, above, p. 420.

1142 ‒ The chief officer of Malta under the governor of Sicily
was called πρῶτος Μελιταίων, or _Primus Melitensium_, the
very title used by St Luke.

1143 ‒ Formerly called _Dicæarchia_, then from its strong mineral
springs (_a puteis_ or _putendo_) Puteoli, close to Baiæ,
and now called _Pozzuoli_. It was the great landing-place
for all travellers to Italy from the Levant.

1144 ‒ “All ships, on rounding into the bay, were obliged
to strike their topsails, with the exception of the
Alexandrian corn-vessels, which were thus easily
recognised, as soon as they hove in sight.” See the
quotation from Seneca in C. and H., II. 371. Puteoli from
its trade with Alexandria and the East would naturally
contain a colony of Jews.

1145 ‒ C. and H., II. pp. 376–379. “The foundation of the Via
Appia, which was 13 or 14 ft. broad, was of concrete or
cemented rubble-work, and the surface was laid with large
polygonal blocks of the hardest stone, and so nicely
fitted to each other that the whole seemed the work
rather of nature than of art. The distances were marked by
milestones, and at intervals of 20 miles were post-stations,
where vehicles, horses, and mules were provided for
the convenience of travellers and the transmission of
government dispatches.” Kitto’s _Bibl. Illust._ VIII. 501.

1146 ‒ Comp. Hor. _Sat._ I. v. 3, 4:

Inde Forum Appî
Differtum nautis cauponibus atque malignis.

On Anxur or Terracina, see the same Satire, line 26: a few
miles beyond it was the fountain of Feronia (Hor. _Sat._
I. v. 24), “the termination of the canal which Augustus had
formed to drain the Pomptine marshes, and which continued
for 20 miles along the side of the road. Over this
distance travellers had their choice, whether to proceed
in barges dragged by mules, or on the pavement of the way
itself.” C. and H., II. 379.

1147 ‒ Τῷ στρατοπεδάρχῃ; Burro, præfecto prætorio, Bp Pearson.
Tac. _Ann._ XII. 43; Merivale, VI. 189.

1148 ‒ On the _custodia militaris_ see above, p. 496, n.

1149 ‒ The ignorance of the influential Jews concerning the
Christian Church which existed in the same city as
themselves, “is not inconceivable, if we only consider the
immense size of the metropolis, and the vast confluence
of human beings it contained, and if to this we add that
the main body of the Roman Church consisted of Gentiles,
and that these wealthy Jews busied themselves far more
about other objects than about the concerns of religion.”
Neander’s _Planting_, I. 311. “With regard to Paul himself,
it might well be true that they had little information
concerning him. Though he had been imprisoned long at
Cæsarea, his appeal had only been made a short time before
winter. After that time (to use the popular expression)
_the sea was shut_; and the winter had been a stormy
one; so that it was natural enough that his case should
be first made known to the Jews by himself.” C. and H.,
II. 392.

1150 ‒ See Mtt. xiii. 15; Jn. xii. 40.

1151 ‒ C. and H., II. 395.

1152 ‒ On the three separate heads of the indictment against the
Apostle, see above, p. 494.

1153 ‒ See Acts xx. 4; and above, p. 471.

1154 ‒ See above, p. 414, and the note.

1155 ‒ Though the name is probably an abbreviation of
Epaphroditus, it seems doubtful whether he is to be
identified with the Epaphroditus of Philip. ii. 25.