Chapter LVI: Section II (5)

From this place the general removed to the island of _Ansandina_, at a short distance, where he was told he might procure good water. This island is very small, and only a league from the continent. It contains several woods, and two cisterns, or conduits, built of freestone, one of which is six feet deep, supplied with excellent water from certain springs; and the sea around has great quantities of fish. Before the Moors traded with India, this island was well inhabited by the native idolaters, having many goodly buildings, and especially some fine pagodas. But when the Moors resorted to this coast from the Red Sea, they used to take in their wood and water at this place, and abused the inhabitants so intolerably that they abandoned the place, and pulled down most of their pagodas and all their other buildings. These Gentiles were natives of that part of the continent which belongs to the king of _Narsingas_, and used often to repair thither to perform their devotions to three black stones which were in a chapel of one of the pagodas, which still remains. This island is called _Ansandina_[65] in the Malabar language, which signifies the Five Islands, and is so named because there are other four islands round about.

Coming to anchor here, the general sent Coello on shore with an armed escort, to examine the country, and to see if there were any convenient place for new-graving their ships bottoms, as they had been long at sea and had a long run before them. Every thing being found convenient, and the measure approved of by all the captains, it was determined to lay their ships successively aground for this purpose. The ship called the Berrio was first laid on shore; and while occupied in repairing and cleaning her bottom, many of the natives came off from the continent to sell victuals to our people. While this was going forwards two small brigandines were seen rowing towards our ships, ornamented with flags and streamers on their masts, beating drums and sounding trumpets, and filled with men who plied their oars. At the same time, five similar vessels were seen creeping along shore, as if lying by to help the others if needful. The Malabars who supplied our people with provisions, warned the general to beware of these vessels, which belonged to pirates who roamed about in these seas, robbing all they met under pretence of peace[66]. The general believed he might have taken these two vessels, if he had allowed them to come close up with his ships, but did not choose to run any risk; wherefore, as soon as they came within gun-shot, he ordered all the cannon belonging to the two ships which remained afloat to be fired at them; on which, calling out in a loud voice, _Tambarane! Tambarane!_ which is their name for God, they fled away. Nicholas Coello, who was in his boat, followed after them, firing off his ordnance; but the general, fearful of any mischance, called him back by signal.

Next day, when the general and all his men were on shore at work upon the Berrio, twelve natives, who appeared to be men of some consequence, came to the island in two small _paraos_, and presented a bundle of sugar canes. These people asked permission to go on board the ships, as they had never seen any such before; but the general was much offended with this, fearing they might be spies. While engaged in conversation with these men, other two _paraos_ made their appearance, having as many men. But those who came first, seeing the general displeased, advised these new comers not to land. When the Berrio was repaired, the generals ship was brought aground to receive the same attentions.

While the general and the other captains were on shore, busied in the repairs of the San Michael, there came one day a man in a little _parao_, seemingly about forty years old, and not of that country, as he was dressed in a _sabaco_, or gown of fine cotton reaching to his heels, his head covered with a kerchief or towel, which partly covered his face, and wearing a faulchion or crooked cymeter at his girdle. Immediately on landing, he went up and embraced the general, as if he had seen or known him before, and treated the other captains with the same politeness. He told them he was a Christian, born in Italy, and had been brought when a child into the Indies. That he now dwelt with a Moorish lord named _Sabayo_, who ruled a certain island called Goa, about twelve leagues from thence, and who had 40,000 horsemen on that island. That, as his dwelling was now among the Moors, he conformed externally to their worship, though in his heart a Christian. That learning certain men had come in ships to Calicut, such as had never been seen before in the Indies, and that no one understood their language, he immediately understood that they must be _Frangnes_,[67] for so the Christians are named in the Indies. That he was desirous of seeing them, and had asked leave of _Sabayo_ to come and visit them; which, if he had not obtained, he would have died of vexation. That Sabayo had not only granted him leave for this purpose; but desired, if he found the strangers to be from his country, to offer them any thing they might stand in need of which his country produced; particularly spices and provisions. And besides, if they would come and live with him, Sabayo would entertain them honourably, and give them sufficient to live on. The general asked many questions concerning the country of Sabayo and other things, to which he made answer. After which he requested to have a cheese from the general, to send on shore to a companion, as a token of having been well received. The general suspected some mystery in this man, yet ordered a cheese and two new loaves to be given him, which he sent away to his companion. He continued talking with great volubility, and sometimes so unguardedly as to raise suspicions of his being a spy. On this Paulo de la Gama, who particularly suspected him, inquired of some of the natives if they knew who this man was; they immediately told him he was a pirate, who had boarded many other ships while laid aground. On receiving this information, the general ordered him to be carried on board his ship, then aground, and to be whipped well till he should confess whether all that he had said was true or false; also, what was his purpose in coming thither, and whether he were actually a Moor or a Christian. He still insisted that he was a Christian, and that all he said was true, declaring the information given by the natives to be entirely groundless. The general now ordered a more cruel torment to be inflicted to extort confession, causing him to be hoisted up and down by the members: when at length he declared he would tell the truth. He then acknowledged himself a spy, sent to discover how many men the general had, and what were their weapons, as he was much hated on all that coast for being a Christian; and that many _atalayas_ or foists were placed in all the bays and creeks of the coast to assail him, but dared not till they were joined by forty large armed vessels that were getting ready to fall upon him. But he said he knew not certainly when these vessels might be ready. The general now ordered him to be confined under hatches, intending to carry him into Portugal, as a fit person to give the king his master intelligence respecting the Indies, and ordered him to get refreshing victuals, and that his cure should be looked well after.

On receiving this information of the designs of his enemies, the general would stay no longer than was necessary for completing the repairs of his own ship, which was got ready in ten days. About this time, the general was offered 1000 _fanons_ for the ship which had been taken by Coello; but he refused to sell any thing to his enemies, and ordered her to be burnt. When the generals ship was ready, and the fleet had taken in a supply of water, they departed from the island of _Ansandina_, or Anchediva, on the 5th of October 1498, steering directly out to sea on their course for Melinda. After sailing about 200 leagues from that island, the Moor[68] whom they had taken prisoner, seeing no prospect of escape, now made a full and true confession. He acknowledged that he lived with Sabayo, the lord of Goa, to whom word was brought that the general was wandering about in those seas, like one who knew not where he was, upon which orders were given to fit out a powerful fleet to make him prisoner. In the mean time, learning that the general was at the isle of Anchediva, Sabayo commanded him to go thither to visit him, to get intelligence of his strength and intentions, and to endeavour to entice him to Goa; where it was Sabayos intentions to make him and all his people prisoners, and to employ them in his wars against the neighbouring princes, as they were reported to be valiant men. After this confession, the general gave this man better treatment, allowing him both clothes and money. Some time afterwards he became a Christian, by the name of Gaspar de la Gama, taking his name of Gaspar from one of the three kings of the Magi[69], and his surname from the general, who stood god-father at his baptism.

The general pursued his course for Melinda, where he proposed to take on board an ambassador from the xeque of that place. In the early part of this voyage he endured severe storms and contrary winds, which were succeeded by calms, during which the heat of the sun was quite insufferable, and the voyage much delayed, insomuch, that water began to grow scarce, and the people had to be put on short allowance. Owing to these circumstances, the people were afflicted with the same disease in their gums, from which they had formerly suffered such great distress in the river of Good Signs[70], on the outward voyage. Their arms and legs also swelled, and many tumours broke out over their bodies, proceeding from a pestilent stinking humour, which threw them into a flux, of which thirty persons died. From the continuance of calms and contrary winds, and the mortality among the people, the whole company became amazed, and believed they should never be able to get out from their present distressing situation; insomuch, that they solicited the general to return to Calicut, or some other part of India, and submit to what God might appoint, rather than to die on the sea of these terrible diseases, for which there was no remedy, especially as both provisions and water began to fail. De Gama reasoned with them to little purpose, as they had been now four months at sea, and there hardly remained, sixteen persons in each ship able to do duty, some of whom even were afflicted with the diseases of which the others had died. It is even said that Paulo de la Gama and Nicholas Coello had agreed to return to India, if any wind should spring up that would have served for the voyage.

At length a favourable wind sprung up unexpectedly, and in sixteen days they came in sight of land on Wednesday the 2d of February 1499, at which the mariners were much rejoiced, and soon forgot all their past troubles and dangers. As they came near the land towards evening, the general gave orders to keep their heads out to sea during the night, to avoid rocks or shoals. As there were no person on board who knew where they were, a Moor alleged they had steered direct for Mozambique; saying there were certain islands 300 leagues from the shore, and directly over against that place, where the natives were continually subject to the disease which had been so fatal to our men. When morning came, they stood towards the land, when they came before a large and goodly city, surrounded with walls, having fair and lofty houses, and a large palace on a height in the middle of the city, seeming to be a magnificent building. This city is called Magadoxo, and stands on one side of the Gulf of India on the coast of Ethiopia[71], an hundred and thirteen leagues from Melinda, the situation of which I shall explain hereafter. Knowing this to be a city of the Moors, he would not stop at this place, but commanded many shots of ordnance to be fired as he sailed past. Not being sure how far it was to Melinda, and fearing to overshoot that port, he lay too every night; and on Saturday the 5th of February, lying over against a village of the Moors, named Pate[72], 103 leagues from Magadoxo, there came off eight _terradas_, or boats of that country, filled with soldiers, and making direct for our fleet, from whence we shot off so many pieces of ordnance, that they soon fled back to the shore, and our people could not follow for want of wind. Next Monday, being the 7th of February, the fleet arrived at Melinda. The king immediately sent off his congratulations to the general on his arrival, with a present of fresh provisions. De Gama sent Fernan Martinez on shore to return the compliments of the king, to whom he sent a present. On account of the great number of sick on board, the fleet stopped here for ten days, during which time he caused a land- mark to be erected on shore, with leave of the king, as a token of friendship. Having provided provisions and water for the ships at this place, he departed on the morning of Wednesday the 17th of February, taking with him an ambassador from the king of Melinda, to negotiate a treaty of perpetual peace and friendship with the king of Portugal.

Considering that there were not sufficient men remaining for navigating all the ships, the general and the other captains agreed to burn one of them, and the San Rafael was chosen to be sacrificed, because she was all open, and had not been brought aground at Anchediva when the other two were repaired. Accordingly, after taking out all her stores and merchandize, which employed them during five days, she was burnt at certain shoals, called the Shoals of St Raphael[73]. During these five days, the fleet procured a considerable quantity of hens from a village on the coast called _Tangata_. Leaving this place, the two remaining ships came on the 20th February to the island of Zenziber, which is in six degrees of S. latitude, at ten leagues distance from the continent. This is a considerable island, having other two in its neighbourhood, one called _Pemba_, and the other _Moyfa_. These islands are very fertile, having abundance of provisions, and great quantities of oranges. The inhabitants are Moors, who are by no means warlike and have few weapons, but are well clothed in silk, and cotton vestments, which they purchase at Mombaza from the merchants of Cambaya. The women are ornamented with jewels of gold and silver, the former being procured at Sofala, and the latter from the island of St Lawrence, or Madagascar. Each of these three islands has a separate king, who, with all their subjects, are of the Mahometan religion.

When the king of the island of Zenziber was informed of the arrival of our ships, he sent immediately to compliment the general, accompanied with great presents of the fruits and other productions of the country, and requested his friendship, to which the general gladly agreed and sent suitable answers. After remaining here eight days for refreshments, the general departed on the 1st of March, and came to anchor beside the isle of St George in the bay of Mozambique. Next day he caused a mark to be erected on this island, where he went on shore and heard mass; and departed thence without any intercourse with the inhabitants of Mozambique. On the 3d of March, he came to the island of St Blas, where the ships remained for some time to take in water, and to provide a stock of sea wolves, and _solitarios_, which were salted to serve as provision for the remainder of the voyage, and for which they were most thankful to God. Departing from thence, they were driven back by a westerly wind right contrary; but Providence sent them a fair wind, by means of which they doubled the Cape of Good Hope with infinite pleasure on the 20th of March, all the remainder of the crews being now strong and in good health, with the cheering prospect of speedily returning to Lisbon. They now had a fair wind, which lasted them twenty days, and sped them on towards St Jago. The fair wind now failed them and delayed their voyage. Trying the lead on Thursday the 25th of April, they found twenty-five fathom; and the least water they had all that day was twenty fathom, on which account the pilots concluded they were on the shoals of the Rio Grande.

Of the rest of this voyage, till the arrival of the general at the island of St Jago, I have found no account; except that, when, approaching that place, Nicholas Coello parted company one night with the general, and made direct for Portugal, that he might carry the first intelligence to the king of the discovery of India; and arrived at _Cascais_ on the 10th of July 1499[74]. He went immediately to the king, whom he informed of all that had befallen the general in his discovery of the Indies, and of the commodities which had been brought from thence; of which discovery, and of the prospect which it held out of a direct trade with India by sea, the king was as glad as when he had been proclaimed king of Portugal.

After the separation of Coello, De Gama pursued his voyage for the island of St Jago, both because his brother Paulo was sick with consumptive complaints, and because his ship was in very bad condition; all her seams being open. At that island, he freighted a caravel, in hope of being able to get his brother home to Portugal, and left John de Sala in charge of his own ship, to have her repaired and new rigged before proceeding for Lisbon. The general and his brother left St Jago in the hired caravel for Lisbon; but the disease of Paulo de Gama increased so rapidly, that he was forced to put in at the island of Tercera, where Paulo de Gama departed this life like a good Christian and a worthy gentleman. When he had buried his brother, Vasco de Gama set sail for Portugal, and arrived at Belem in September 1499; having been two years and two months absent on this voyage. Of 108 men whom he had taken with him, only fifty[75] came home alive; which was a large proportion, considering the great and numerous dangers they had gone through.

When the general had returned thanks to God for his preservation and success, he sent notice of his arrival to the king, who sent Diego de Sylva y Menesis, Lord of Portugalete, and many other gentlemen, to conduct him honourably to court, which they did through a prodigious concourse of people, eager to see the man who had made so wonderful a voyage, and whom they had long thought dead. Being come into the presence, the king honoured him as one who, by the discovery of the Indies had done so much for the glory of God, for the honour and profit of the king of Portugal, and for the perpetual fame of the Portuguese name in the world. The king made him afterwards a knight, and gave him and his heirs permission to bear the royal arms of Portugal, as also to set at the foot of the escutcheon two does, which are called gamas in the Portuguese language. He also gave him a perpetual pension or rent-charge of 300,000 rees[76] yearly, out of the tythe fish in the village of _Sinis_, in which he was born, and a promise of being made lord of that village; and till these grants were executed in form, he allowed him 1000 crowns a-year; which, after the royal grants were made, reverted to the house of the _Contratation_ of the Indies. It was also granted, that when the trade with India should be established, he might bring home spices to the value of 200 ducats yearly, without paying any duty. He also gave him other possessions and rents, and a note of remembrance or promise to make him a lord[77]. Nicholas Coello was promoted to be a gentleman of the royal household, and received possessions and rents to bear his charges[78]. The king himself, in consequence of these discoveries, assumed the new title, of _Lord of the conquest and navigation of Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia, and the Indies_.

[1] By Mr Clarke this person is named Gonçalo Nunez.

[2] Mr Clarke alleges, that Lichefield, our original translator, has
fallen into an error in this date, which ought to have been the 28th
July.--E.

[3] If Saturday were the 5th July, on which the fleet sailed from Lisbon,
the 3d of August must have been on Thursday. But it does not seem
necessary to insist upon such minute critical accuracy; which, besides,
is unattainable.--E.

[4] This strange expression probably means, that Gama stretched directly
across the gulf of Guinea, not creeping as usual along the coast, and
endeavoured to make a direct course for the Cape of Good Hope.--E.

[5] Our old English translator, Lichefield, strangely mistakes in calling
this place the _island_ of Sancta Haelena; which is assuredly St Elena
bay, in lat. 32° 40' S. It has since been sometimes named St Martin's
bay, but the proper and general name is the bay of St Elena, the S. W.
point of entry being called St Martin's Point.--E.

[6] Perhaps the Berg river, at the bottom of St Elena bay.--E.

[7] This paragraph is added to relation of Castenada from the works of
Faria and Osorius.--Clarke.

[8] If the Thursday on which they came in sight of the Cape were the 16th,
the Wednesday following must have been the 22nd of the month.--E.

[9] This paragraph is an addition to the text of Castaneda from Osorius--
Clarke, I. 342

[10] From the circumstances in the text, this watering-place of St Blaze
is probably what is now called St Katherines or St Sebastians Bay; yet
that place hardly exceeds forty-seven Portuguese leagues east from the
cape. The sixty leagues of the text would carry us almost a degree
farther east, to what is now called Kaffercroyts river. Clarke removes
this place still farther to Flesh Bay, otherwise called Angra de St
Braz, or Aguada de St Braz by De Barros. This latter place is seventy
Portuguese leagues, or above eighty marine leagues east from the cape.
--E.

[11] This account seems erroneous, whether St Katherines or Flesh Bay be
the one in question, as both ought to be safe in north winds, and the
winds between the S and E points give both a lee shore.--E.

[12] Probably a species of Penguins: Lichefield calls them _stares_, as
large as ducks; Osorius says the natives called them _satiliario_, and
that they were as big as geese.--E.

[13] Probably Rock Point, forming the western boundary of Algoa or
Zwartkops bay, in long. 27° E. bring the rocky extreme promontory of
the Krakakamma ridge.--E.

[14] It is infinitely difficult to guess the course of these early voyages,
without latitudes or longitudes, and only estimated distances by dead
reckoning in uncertain leagues; but the Rio del Infante of this voyage
and that of Diaz, is probably that now called Great-fish river, in the
Zuureveld of Graaff Reynet, in long. 28° 20' E which, however, is
twenty-six Portuguese leagues, or thirty geographical leagues from
Rocky Point, instead of the fifteen leagues of the text.--E.

[15] The sixty leagues in the text are inexplicable on any rational
supposition, as they seem to have again made the Rocks de la Cruz, or
rather Rocky Point, said just before to be only fifteen leagues from
Infante river, to which they were then bound.--E.

[16] The Portuguese ships appear to have been now on the coast of Natal,
or the land of the Caffres, certainly a more civilized people than the
Hottentots of the cape. But the circumstance of Alonzo understanding
their language is quite inexplicable: as he could hardly have been
lower on the western coast than Minz, or perhaps Congo. Yet, as a belt
of Caffres are said to cross the continent of Africa, to the north of
the Hottentots, it is barely possible that some Caffre slaves may have
reached the western coast.--E.

[17] This grain was probably what is now well known under the name of
millet.--E.

[18] According to Barros, _Aguada da boa Paz_.--Clarke.

[19] Gibb's Orosius, I. 50.

[20] The text here ought probably to be thus amended, "He and his brother,
_with_ Nicholas Coelle," &c.--E.

[21] These probably swam off to the ships.--E.

[22] De Faria alleges that the people of this river were not so black as
the other Africans, and wore habits of different kinds of stuffs, both
cotton and silk, of various colours, and that they understood Arabic;
and adds, that they informed De Gama there were white people to the
eastwards, who sailed in ships like those of the Portuguese. Osorius
likewise says, that one of the natives spoke Arabic very imperfectly,
and that De Gama left two of his convicts at this place, which he
called San Rafael.--Clarke.

[23] There is no circumstance in the text from which the situation of this
river can even be conjectured. Clarke, p.440, alleges that it was
Soffala; and yet, in a note in his preceding page, says, "That De Gama
seems to have passed Cape Corientes during the night, and to have kept
so far from land, on account of a strong current setting on shore, as
not to have noticed Sofala." In the notes on the Lusiad, this river of
Good Signs is ascertained to have been one of the mouths of the
Zambeze, or Cuama River, which divides Mocaranga from the coast of
Mozambique; the different mouths of which run into the sea between the
latitudes of 19° and 18° S.--E.

[24] They were evidently afflicted with the scurvy; and accordingly De
Barros refers the disease to its proper cause, "Having been for so
long a time confined to the use of salt fish and corrupted biscuit.--
Clarke."

[25] Addition to the narrative of Castaneda, from De Barros.--Clarke.

[26] This obscure expression seems to mean that De Gama wished them to
precede the ships, and point out the way into the harbour.--E.

[27] This expression has probably been misunderstood by the original
translator. It appears that these Moors of Mozambique spoke Arabic,
here called the language of Algarve, and finding themselves understood
and answered by the strangers, mistook the Portuguese for Moors.--E.

[28] Mozambique is in lat. 15° 35' S. and in 41° of E. Long--E.

[29] The observations here inserted, and marked with inverted commas, are
made by the Editor of the present collection. They are much too long
for insertion in the form of a note, and appeared of too much
importance to be omitted; being chiefly from Clarke, I. 447.--E.

[30] For the materials of this addition to the text of Castaneda, we are
chiefly indebted to the Progress of Maritime Discovery, p. 447, 458.
--E.

[31] His name, as given by Osorius, was _Zacocia_, and De Barros adds,
that he wore richly embroidered clothes, and had his sword ornamented
with diamonds.--Clarke.

[32] This is probably the same person named Fernan Alvares on a former
occasion.--E.

[33] It is added by De Barros, that three _Abexijs_, or Abyssinians, from
the territory of _Preste Joano_, came on board the fleet, along with
the Moors who brought provisions; and, seeing the image of the angel
Gabriel painted on the ship of that name, and being accustomed to such
representations of angels in their own country, they made their
adorations to this holy picture.--Clarke.

[34] Mr Clarke, Progr. of Marit. Disc. I. 464, strangely misrepresents
this story; saying, "that _the pilot_ of Paulo de la Gama had deserted
to the Moors, though a Christian."--E.

[35] According to De Burros, after the inhabitants abandoned the town,
the zeque sent De Gama a pilot to navigate Coello's ship, from whom De
Gama learnt that Calicut was a months voyage from Mozambique.--Clarke,
I. 464.

[36] If Sunday, as above, were the first of April, the Friday following
must have been the 6th.--E.

[37] The text is here obscure; but it would appear that only some of the
men belonging to these two boats remained on board, and the rest
returned to the coast. Not that the Moorish pilots from Mozambique
were here dismissed, as the text of Lichefild's translation seems to
insinuate.--E.

[38] Motta, in the Portuguese East Indian Pilot, places this town in lat.
3º 50'S. He says the entrance is much incommoded with shoals, and so
narrow in some places as not to exceed the length of a ship. This city
is said to have once stood on a peninsula, converted into an island by
cutting a canal across the isthmus.--Clarke, I. 469.

[39] This may be understood that part of the inhabitants were unmixed
Arabs, comparatively whites; while others were of a mixed race between
these and the original natives, perhaps likewise partly East Indian
Mahometans, of a similar origin.--E.

[40] This is surely an oversight in Castaneda or his translator, for
_one_ year.--E.

[41] It is difficult to ascertain what place in India is here meant.
Cranganore comes nearer in sound, but is rather nearer Melinda than
Calicut; Mangalore is rather more distant. The former a degree to the
south of Calicut, the latter not quite two to the north; all three on
the Malabar coast. On a former occasion, Castaneda says these
merchants were of Cambaya or Guzerat, above eleven degrees north of
Calicut.--E.

[42] This seems to be the same office with that named Kadhi, or Khazi, by
the Turks and Persians, which is rather the title of a judge than of a
priest, which is named Moulah.--E.

[43] It is probable that this passage should be thus understood, "The
king sent him a pilot, who was an idolater from Guzerate, &c."--E.

[44] The addition to, or observations on the text, inserted in this place
within inverted commas, are from Clarke, I. 486, 487.--E.

[45] In Lichefild's translation this date is made the 22d; but the Friday
after Sunday the 21st, must have been the 26th of the month.--E.

[46] The difference of longitude between Melinda and Calicut is thirty-
four degrees, which at 17-1/2 leagues to the degree, gives only 575
Portuguese leagues, or 680 geographical leagues of twenty to the
degree. Thus miserably erroneous are the estimated distances in old
navigators, who could only compute by the dead reckoning, or the log.
--E.

[47] The course from Melinda to Calicut is about E. N. E. the former being
about three degrees to the S. and the latter almost eleven degrees to
the N. of the line.--E.

[48] This vague account of the extent of Malabar is erroneous or corrupt,
as sixty-one Portuguese leagues would barely reach from Cape Comorin
to Calicut. The extreme length of the western maritime vale of India,
from Cambay to Cape Comorin, exceeds 250 Portuguese leagues.--E.

[49] The proper name of this prince who is said to have thus divided the
kingdom of Malabar, was Shermanoo-Permaloo.--Clarke, I. 395.

[50] This must be erroneous, as the Mahometans reckon from the year of the
Hegira, or flight of Mahomet from Mecca, which commences in 622 of the
Christian era.--E.

[51] This story seems an Arabian tale, perhaps partly founded upon some
real revolution in the government of Malabar. But it would much exceed
the bounds of a note to enter upon disquisitions relative to Indian
history.--E.

[52] Laker is a kind of gum that proceedeth of the ant. This marginal note,
in Lichefild's translation of Castaneda, indicates the animal origin
of lac, which has been elucidated of late by Dr Roxburgh.--E.

[53] From the sequel in the narrative of Castaneda, this Colastrian rajah
seems to have been the sovereign of Cananor.--E.

[54] This word pagoda, applied by the Portuguese, to denote an Indian,
temple, is said to be derived from a Malabar or Indian word,
_Pagabadi_, signifying any idol.--Astley, I. 51.

[55] This is described by Castaneda as a coin equal in value to three
crowns.

[56] By De Faria, this man is named Monzayde.--Astl. I. 30.

[57] The title of kutwal is of Arabic origin, and properly signifies the
governor of a fort or castle, but the office may be different in
different places. In some instances, the kutwal seems to have been the
deputy-governor, sheriff, or judge of a town.--Astl. I. 30.

[58] Such are the expressions used by Lichefild; but I suspect the sense
here ought to have been, That the kutwal required De Gama to land
immediately, that he might go to Calicut, on purpose to be presented
to the zamorin.--E.

[59] In Astley, I. 81. this place is named Kapokats.--E.

[60] Kafr is an Arabic word, signifying an infidel or unbeliever; and is
applied by the Mahometans to all who do not believe the doctrines of
Mahomet, and especially to all who worship images, including the Roman
Catholics. The priests mentioned in the text were obviously bramins.
The origin of the term here used by mistake, was obviously from the
interpretation of Bontaybo, the friendly Moor; and explains the
mistake of De Gama in believing the Malabars to have been Christians.
Bontaybo applied the same significant term of kafr to the image
worshippers of all denominations, without discriminating one species
of idolater from another.--E.

[61] On this part of the text, the author, or the original translator,
makes the following singular marginal reflection:--"The general
deceived, committeth idolatry with the Devil."--E.

[62] Astley, I. 24. a.

[63] Called in Astley _sharafins_.--Astl. I. 36.

[64] De Faria says that this fleet belonged to a pirate named Timoja, of
whom frequent mention will be made hereafter; and that the eight ships
were so linked together, and covered over with boughs of trees, that
they resembled a floating island.--Astl. I. 38. a.

[65] More probably Anche-diva, or Ange-diva.--Astl. I. 38. b.

[66] These vessels seem more probably to have been the squadron of Timoja.
--Astl. I. 38. c.

[67] Frangnes, Franghis, or Feringays, a common name all over the East
for Europeans; assuredly derived from the Francs or French, long known
as the great enemy of the Mahometans, by their exploits in the
crusades.--E.

[68] De Faria says this person was a Jew, and that he made the sign of
the cross from the shore to be taken on board.--Astl. I. 39. b.

[69] Or rather one of the three kings of Collen.--Astl. I. 39.

[70] Since called Cuama.--Astl. I. 39. c.

[71] Magadoxo is in lat. 2° 20' N. and about 45° 40' E. long.--E.

[72] Pate stands on the coast of Zanguebar, on the Rio Grande, one of the
mouths of the river Zebee, in lat. 1° 50' S. and about 41° 20' E. long.
--E.

[73] De Faria says this ship was lost on the shoals called after her name
but the men were saved.--Astl. I. 40. a.

[74] De Faria alleges that Coello was separated by a storm near Cape Verd,
and arrived at Lisbon, thinking De Gama had got home before him.--Astl.
I. 40. b.

[75] De Faria says fifty-five, and that they were all rewarded by the
king.--Astl. I. 40. c.

[76] The translator values this pension at 200l. a-year, perhaps equal in
present value to 2000l.--E.

[77] This does not appear to have been actually done until his return
from India the second time, as will be mentioned hereafter.--E.

[78] According to Astley, but without quoting any particular authority,
De Gama had a grant from the king of the title of Don for himself and
his descendants, and a pension of 3000 ducats: Coello was raised to
the rank of Fidalgo, or gentleman, and had an appointment of 100
ducats yearly.--Astl. I. 40.