Chapter I: Voyage from England to Rio de Janeiro (1)

On the 11th of March, 1819, I took my departure, in the brig _Echo_, Captain Henderson, from the River Thames, and on the 18th, after contending with adverse winds, arrived in Portland Roads, where we took shelter till the 21st. On our departure from thence we were favoured with a fair wind for only a short period; and on the 24th it opposed us from the westward with such violence, that it rendered our attempts to beat out of the Channel abortive. We were in consequence obliged to submit to the only alternative of running for safety to Falmouth Harbour, and remained there till the 2d of April. Perhaps few situations can be conceived more irksome than this. To a mind made up for departure, every delay is deemed a misfortune in proportion as the object in pursuit is of desirable attainment, and especially in the consideration of its prolonging the time that is to re-unite us to those we love best. A light breeze from the north-east enabled us to clear the Channel on the 3d.

This part of a voyage from England, though trifling in point of distance, is regarded by sailors as pregnant with impending dangers and difficulties, the Channel being so situated that the prevailing westerly winds, at certain seasons of the year, render the egress extremely intricate. The constant anxiety of the captain and crew till we passed the Islands of Scilly, contrasted with the happy security which they then evinced, were proofs of the importance they attached to it. The feelings of Englishmen on quitting the British shores must be various, and, in many instances, exquisitely interesting in pensive reflections. As for myself, the animated attachment for my native land and those so dear to me left behind produced a melancholy, heightened by the surrounding oceanic scene, which, on the other hand, was alleviated not only by a humble reliance upon that Almighty, in whose paternal hands is the greater or less share of happiness of all his creatures, but also by the hope of a successful issue attending the voyage--

“Hope that whispers promised pleasure,
And bids the lovely scenes at distance hail.”

We were favoured with a propitious breeze, which continued steady, at the rate of seven, eight, and nine miles an hour. On the 12th, we passed between the Island of Madeira and the African coast: the vicinity of the former, although we did not see it, was announced by the appearance of sea gulls, the only birds I had hitherto noticed, excepting one swallow and the mother cary’s chicken, not unlike the former at a distance, but rather larger, having white feathers above the tail and under the belly, the rest of a brownish cast. It is said to hatch and carry its young on the water, and is seen, I understand, in every part of the Atlantic as well as the Indian and Pacific Oceans. We met with the swallow in about 40° north latitude and 15° west longitude; it made several attempts to alight upon the vessel, but was prevented by the dog; apparently fatigued, it continued its flight in a northerly direction. This is a phenomenon attending the migration of those birds, favouring the opinion that they visit some southern or tropical climate, during the cold season in England, and is opposed to the hypothesis advanced by some of their immersion in ponds, and by others of their taking refuge in old walls and ruins. That they assume such a state of torpitude as the first would infer is very improbable.

On the morning of the 14th of April, we discovered the high peaks of three of the Canary Islands at a great distance, Grand Canary bearing south-west, and Lanzarote and Fortaventura south-east. The world of waters which had hitherto, from its varied and sometimes terrific agitation, filled the imagination with awe, was now changed into a pacific, but grand expanse, that soothed and absorbed the mind with its tranquil magnificence; and the weather, which had been cold and gloomy, was changed into a balmy mildness and enlivening sunny clearness. Towards the evening, we came close up to the north-west side of Fortaventura, a long island, exhibiting a rugged tumulous combination of peaks and mountains, rising irregularly one over another, of the most barren and cheerless aspect. In vain the sun extended his genial rays over its sterile wastes, where no salutary plant appeared to take root, or the least verdure to quicken. With the assistance of the glass, I could not discover one single hut or human being along the whole face of it. There is a small port on the opposite side, where the produce, as well as that of Lanzarote, is barilla. The wind having changed, a passage could not be accomplished round either end of this island. The signal of “about ship” was given, and we stood for some hours to the northward. Pursuing a southerly course again next day, we came, at noon, close up with land, which, during the morning, a thick haze had obscured. The sun now bursting forth, presented to our view the island of Grand Canary, with its town of Palmas, furnishing a contrast of a very pleasing nature to the island already mentioned. Its romantic and commanding peaks of immense altitude had their tops concealed in clouds, which the lustre of the sun seemed unable to dispel. Its amphitheatre of mountains, adorned with lively patches of green from their very summits, fertilized by increasing cultivation, and in the most luxuriant verdure, down to the verge of the sea, concurred, with the town of Palmas, and a large village extending some distance along the parterre, with detached houses in the same direction of an elegant appearance, to render the scene peculiarly animating and lovely. The town of Palmas, which does not appear large, and the harbour, which is capacious and safe, are commanded by batteries, stationed along a range of mountains to the north of the town. Teneriffe and most of the other islands draw their supplies of corn and cattle from Grand Canary. As we proceeded along its shores, and before the close of the evening, we perceived that its cultivation was not general. The next day, the Peak of Teneriffe was indistinctly seen through the clouds that hung upon the horizon; the height, for which it is so celebrated, is apparently diminished by the elevation of the circumjacent mountains. A north-east trade wind now wafted us forward with considerable rapidity, rendered more agreeable by the delicious weather and salubrious atmosphere diffused around. The familiar and accustomed possession of the prime bounties of nature must be always gratifying to those whose senses and whose imagination are even in tolerable vigour; but to an Englishman, blest with a sound constitution, and over whom the vicissitudes of life had not, as is too often the case, cast a mantle of despondency, to deaden present pleasure and darken future prospects, and who had so recently emerged from a dreary atmosphere, the enjoyment of this, to him, new-born paradisaical climate, resembled more a feeling of sudden and happy enchantment, than an elemental and natural delight, with which Providence had blessed a particular portion of the globe.

On the 22d, we made the Cape de Verd Islands, and took our course betwixt the islands of St. Anthony, St. Vincent, St. Lucia, and St. Nicholas, to the westward, Sal and Bonavista being to the eastward of us. The isle of Sal is frequented by the Americans for salt, which is collected upon it.

On the 23d, we ranged along the north-east side of St. Yago, the largest of the Cape de Verd Islands, but it was so completely enveloped in opaque clouds, that we could see no object distinctly upon it. It is, I believe, more verdant than any of the others, possessing groves of cocoa-nut trees, and bananas. The volcanic wastes of the island of Mayo, lying to the eastward of St. Yago, were not obscured by a single cloud, and the industry of man did not appear in any part of it to have subdued the sterility of nature. It was completely bare of vegetation, except an impoverished brushwood. I could only discover two or three solitary cocoa-nut trees; notwithstanding, at the end of this island nearest to us, there was a small town, possessing some apparent neatness, but without a single tree or any shelter to refrigerate the scorching rays of the sun. I observed a flag projecting from a window, which probably was the house of the governador: there was not an inhabitant to be seen, they were, no doubt, indulging in a _sesta_. The officers of a British ship of war, who had just come to anchor off the town, were preparing to go on shore, and might perhaps rouse some of them from their lethargy. This was a ship of about 20 guns, and we imagined she belonged to the Sierra Leone or African station, in which those islands might be included. No fortifications were visible any where, and it may be inferred, that the mother country regards so little the importance of those islands, that no precautions were ever adopted for their defence. The fogs by which they are usually obscured are attributed by some to vapours arising from the salt lakes; but as the same general law may be supposed to govern such condensations of fog, common to them as well as to the Canaries and other islands of a high elevation, I should be more disposed to think that they originate in the profuse exhalations in those latitudes, and in the increased power of attraction attached to the volcanic materials of which those accumulated masses of land are composed, thereby more effectually drawing around them this gloomy mantle. And, although I am not informed as to the circumstance, it is probable that the density and quantum of haziness are much greater when the sun is in the northern tropic, and diminishes as he recedes towards the southern. From the Cape de Verds, the same favouring gale continued to swell our sails. In traversing this tropic, the heavens present the most beautiful and romantic pictures, and the ocean some of its gayest inhabitants for contemplation. It is here the rapturous scene of the celestial spring. Towards the evening’s sun especially, the firmament is seen glowing with purple, orange, and every beauteous, delicate, and rich colour, of such transparency and matchless brilliancy, that cannot be imagined, as it is never seen in a northern latitude. The diffusion of such an infinite variety of warm tints and other hues, mingled in elegant groups, around the whole horizon, enhances the vigorous power of the sapphire back-ground, or rather the rich blue ethereal canopy to which they form a deep edging, or grand and resplendent fringe. In vain would the most accomplished artist attempt its delineation; he could only look up with admiration and amazement, and, lost in wonder, the hand would be found to refuse guidance to his pencil.

“For who can paint like nature? Can Imagination boast,
In all her gay creation, hues like hers?”

When the beautiful and sublime scenes I have ineffectually attempted to give a faint idea of, fade away in the shades of night, and are succeeded by the glory of the stellar hemisphere, turn the eye to the deep, and a blaze of marine illuminations, frequently seen around the ship, in some degree compensates for their loss. This effect is occasioned by the small blubber fish floating near the surface, and Solomon, in all his glory, was not arrayed like these. The brilliant appearance, in these waters, of the bonita, albacore, pilot fish, &c. is only surpassed by the extraordinary change and rapid suffusion of delicate colours succeeding each other during the dying moments of the dolphin. The flying fish are seen in large numbers, taking their flight from the water, alarmed by the approach of the vessel, or the pursuit of the dolphin and other fish, to which they are a prey. The nautilus, commonly called by sailors “the Portuguese man of war,” moves on in slow majesty, with its sail above the water, and secure from the attacks of its neighbours by its poisonous qualities: it lowers and erects its sail at pleasure, which is something like the slice of a large lemon, only that the rind is of a pinkish hue, and the other parts nicely shaded. Here also is the shark, which may be called the destroying demon of the ocean, skulking “about, seeking whom he may devour,” with understood horror of purpose both by man and the marine inhabitants. His approach is soon announced by a general hue and cry from the sailors, who are among his deadliest foes. All are instantly up in arms. Their animated and entire devotion to their purpose, in which every feeling is interested, can scarcely be equalled by the pleasurable emotions of a sportsman at the moment a fox is breaking cover. Every artifice is used by throwing out pieces of pork at the end of ropes, which he voraciously follows to the side of the ship; the weapons of death are ready; and, after striking him, and a struggle ensuing to get him on board, if, by any effort of his strength, he break away, which I have seen, great is the sullen vexation and disappointment shown by the crew. He is usually accompanied by three or four pilot fish, about the size of a whiting: they are extremely beautiful, and appear in the water as if fastened upon his back, near the head.

On the 23d of April, in 12° 34′ north latitude, I was, for the first time in my life, under a vertical sun, now by degrees moving through the northern tropic, and gradually dispensing his benign influence to the regions of the north.

On the 1st of May, in 2° north latitude, and 22° west longitude, an officer from the _Rockingham_, Captain Waugh, a free trader from the East Indies, boarded us, to solicit some trifles they wanted, and particularly newspapers, which their passengers, including some ladies, he stated, were extremely desirous to see. There was a peculiar pleasure in having even a transient intercourse with a ship at sea, and being enabled to relieve, in any degree, their wants. The social feelings, the fellow sympathies of man, were revived with renewed vigour by the idea of our having, on the wide and solitary ocean, been mutually so long separated from our own proper element and exposed to the perils of the deep, and by the new sight of our countrymen, after having been confined to the view only of those within the compass of the few yards that enclosed the space of the brig. It increased the kindly emotions in the awakened thoughts of absent country, and especially of the dear family circle of home.

“Home! There is a magic in that little word!
It is a mystic circle that surrounds
Pleasures and comforts never known beyond
The hallow’d limit.”

About this time we lost the north-east trade wind, which was succeeded by calms and squalls, that detained us seven or eight days near the Line. Nothing can be experienced in a voyage much more unpleasant than this vicissitude of weather. The irksomeness of a calm near the equator is rendered almost insupportable by the ardent rays of the sun; every one seems to languish: several, and often many hours drag heavily on, while the vessel makes no progress, and only experiences a disagreeable motion by the heaving of the glassy ocean, its surface not being in the least ruffled by a breath of air. In the mean time, an elemental war is brooding. A black and pitchy cloud is seen awfully and slowly moving on, with fury in its train; all is alarm; with haste the sails are lowered. The sullen langour of the atmosphere is succeeded by the “maddening tempest,” so suddenly and with so little warning, that sometimes, before every precaution can be taken, the sweeping impetuosity lays the vessel instantaneously upon her side, and, in that situation, she is hurried forward with immense velocity. These conflicting winds are as quickly followed by solid torrents of rain. In a short period, all is tranquillity again, and the returning sun, in burning radiance, annihilates the last breeze that feebly curled the face of the ocean. The same scenes alternately present themselves. During the night these sudden squalls are the most dangerous, as their approach cannot be so well ascertained.

On the first day that we were becalmed, notwithstanding the advances we occasionally made by the transient operation of those gusts, we found our latitude 1° 43′ north, and the preceding day it was only 1° 23′. This can only be accounted for by the strong northerly currents now prevailing here; and hence it would appear, that the same invariable law of attraction governs them as well as the winds. The squalls I have mentioned also came from the south and south-east, and the winds beginning at this time to blow here, issue from the same quarter, in consequence, no doubt, of the sun being in the northern tropic. If he creates a vacuum in his vicinity by the rarefaction of the air, which induces a great influx from the southern and northern hemispheres of the atmosphere, in like manner the exuberant evaporations from the sea may produce a rushing of the waters to supply what is lost (_pro tempore_) by vapours. Various causes, however, operate to prevent an uniform appearance in this respect, such as the occasional counter-attraction of the moon and other celestial bodies, of continents and other lands, as well as a prevailing repulsive power in nature. Still if those effects could be minutely followed through their various ramifications, it might be found that the winds and currents originate in the combinations I have ventured to suggest. Is it not possible, that the calms near the equator at this period may arise from the equally poised contention of the south-east and north-east winds meeting, and that the former, in the sun’s march through the northern tropic, will gradually gain upon the latter in extent of dominion proportioned to the sun’s declination, and _vice versa_ as he recedes through the southern tropic, or, more properly speaking, in the earth’s oblique revolution round the sun? The rust, which at this time constantly showed itself upon my razors, was probably owing to some peculiar corrosive properties in the atmosphere, or it might have arisen from some saline moisture insinuating itself every where imperceptibly.

But to attempt to comprehend or explain the extraordinary operations in the grand work of nature, in this and other latitudes, has in many instances baffled the keenest sagacity and most laborious research. Secondary causes of the phenomena in nature are often beyond the clearest ken of human intellect, how then are the faculties of the mind bewildered in the contemplation of the great First Cause! How lost and absorbed in adoration of the Divine source, the essence of all those wonderfully diversified appearances! The hand moves the pen with which I now write; I can trace the power that impels it--the cause of this effect, to the immediate impulse only, that is, to the muscles in the arm, that, arising thence, connect themselves with the hand. But can I go back any further? Can I ascertain what it is that produces this admirable power in the muscles, this secondary cause? Reason here discovers its confined limit as to remoter and efficient causes, but, bounding at once over these concealed regions of knowledge, sees and acknowledges the great original source of all finite existence, and in the power of thinking, and in the movement of his bodily frame, man feels that

“It is the Divinity that stirs within him.”

He has an undeniable and practical evidence of the existence, power, and goodness of an invisible and eternal Being, from whom all creation has emanated.

On the 6th of May, we crossed the Line in 23° west longitude. The calms and squalls were succeeded by cloudy weather and light breezes from the south and south-east, which in a few days assumed the steadiness of the trade wind, but not accompanied with that beautiful serenity and brightness of sky, which we experienced whilst in the north-east trade wind. Neptune and his wife Amphitrite did not make their appearance; or, to speak without mythological allusion, the usual ceremonies on crossing the Line were not observed, owing, I presume, to the fatigue and exhaustion sustained by the sailors, in consequence of the variable weather.

_On Stone by C. Shoosmith from a Sketch by Ja^s. Henderson._
_Printed by C. Hullmandel._

VIEW OF THE WESTERN SIDE OF THE BAY OF RIO DE JANEIRO, FROM THE
SUGAR LOAF MOUNTAIN TO THE CITY.]

On the 22d of May, we discovered, at a distance, Cape Frio, a discovery which always fills with joy the breasts of those making a voyage to this part of the world. And no wonder. For having launched out upon the wide immeasurable ocean, where uncertainty and dangers always accompany him, man, at this refreshing sight, feels reassured of his safety, and obtains a promise of the eventual success of his voyage. Besides, he experiences a rich glow of mind at viewing the natural element of his support and existence, and a feeling of deep interest on beholding, if for the first time, a new portion of the world. From this promontory, the coast swells in a north-east direction to Cape St. Roque, forming the most easterly portion of territory in South America. Rio de Janeiro lies exactly west from, and in the same latitude with, Cape Frio, at a distance of about eighty miles. The coast betwixt them presents a continued appearance of rugged mountains, and through every aperture they are seen undulating in accumulated alpines far back into the interior of this vast continent. Tremendous precipices, at every opening of the nearer mountains, strike the imagination with wonder, snowy clouds occasionally obscuring the contracted valleys at their feet, and resting in detached and airy vapours upon their sides, whilst their summits and other parts are brightened by the purest atmosphere and sunshine. This scene conveys to the European traveller a grand idea and foretaste of the peculiar magnificence of size and aspect, with which nature has displayed herself in the new continent. After proceeding about forty miles along this shore, a view is commanded from Cape Frio to Gavea, or the Parrot’s Beak, a distance of near one hundred miles. The entrance, through a narrow inlet amongst the mountains, to the bay of Rio de Janeiro, is pointed out by one of a singular shape, resembling a sugar-loaf, the strata of which it is composed appearing to run perpendicularly. Here is presented one of the most picturesque and beautiful scenes that can well be imagined. Abrupt and towering precipices of wild and fanciful shapes, universally robed in verdant shrubs of various kinds, surround this fine bay, containing nearly one hundred islands, to the circumference of which the eye cannot extend. The bases of these mountains, consisting of granite, are beautified with numerous sweeping crescents of more perfect cultivation, edged with white cottages and houses, from whence narrow valleys, adorned with orange trees, are seen winding amongst the mountains. The clear, sunny, and smiling face of nature; the verdant islands, which look in their loveliness as if they were intended for the abode of beings more refined in intellect and more pure in heart than weak and erring man; the shipping dispersed about the bay, the city seen at a distance, combined with an airy and elegant aqueduct, which conveys from the mountains water for the supply of the town, all impressing the idea of social happiness, of the comforts and elegancies produced by science and civilized society, are, after a long and consequently tedious voyage, welcome sights to the aquatic traveller, re-enlivening his spirits, and, in the anticipation of the enjoyments of his proper element, land, are the beginnings of the compensation it affords him for the privations he has been enduring at sea. A little higher up, on the opposite side to the sugar-loaf, is the fort of Santa Cruz, where ships for a few minutes bring to, and answer various questions. From hence a signal is made, which is repeated from a hill close by the town, announcing to what country the ship arrived belongs. The vessel then cast anchor off the island of Fort Villegagnon, to which place she despatched a boat to bring on board a serjeant and two soldiers, who remained as a guard, till nearly a day was consumed before the captain of the port, a military officer, a doctor, &c. had, one after the other, come off in boats, at their pleasure, to visit the ship, creating an unnecessary and tedious delay. At last, the vessel moved on to the vicinity of the Isle das Cobras, from whence, after a custom-house guard had arrived, the soldiers conducted the Captain and myself to the palace and other offices, where the ship’s name, &c. were given in. On here taking leave of the brig, I must do justice to my feelings by observing, that I received the most friendly attention from the Captain, whose gentlemanly and well-regulated conduct were highly honourable to him.

On landing, the prepossession regarding this place gives way to an impression by no means favourable, produced by narrow streets, crowded with negroes, whose black faces and savage songs, which they howl out as an encouragement to each other under the burdens and loads which they drag along, fill the mind of the stranger, unaccustomed to such scenes, with dejection. The fairy visions in the bay, too recent yet to have disappeared from the imagination, vanished at such discordant sounds and uncouth appearances; and suffering, rather than satisfaction and enjoyment, appeared to be resident here. The discordant sounds afforded, perhaps, some consolatory relief to the poor negroes, by dividing their attention in some degree from their toil. They were an effort of nature, ever fertile in resources under calamity, to drive away care; but they were on that account a proof of their misery. They thus imparted a trifling gratification to the sable sufferers, but they penetrated mournfully to my heart, unused as I was to such misery-elicited minstrelsy, for it was slavery under a temporary attempt at disguise. “Disguise thyself as thou wilt, still, slavery!” said I, with Sterne, “still thou art a bitter draught! and though thousands, in all ages, have been made to drink of thee, thou art no less bitter on that account.”

_On Stone by C. Shoosmith from a Sketch by Ja^s. Henderson._
_Redman Lithog._

CUSTOM HOUSE NEGROES. RIO DE JANEIRO.]

The human frame will seldom bear, without injury, its transmission to a climate very dissimilar to that to which its birth and previous residence have accustomed it. Thus the English residing here exhibit in their appearance the effects of this tropical climate, and, although they are otherwise in health, there is a debility manifest in their countenances, something resembling the appearance of a person in a state of convalescence after illness.

I waited upon Henry Chamberlaine, Esq. the British charge d’affaire, with a letter of introduction from a nobleman, and discovered, at that interview, that my expectations of entering actively upon the functions of a public situation were not likely to be realized; I therefore adopted the determination, to which my mind was pre-disposed, of devoting my time to the acquirement of such intelligence, regarding the vast regions of the Brazil, as circumstances would admit of. Houses of public accommodation may be said scarcely to exist in this city, and are of such inferior order, that strangers are peculiarly fortunate if they are received into the residence of a friend. The liberality and frank hospitality of a merchant, to whom I brought a letter of introduction, relieved me from any inconvenience on this score. Previously to my entering upon a general description of this city, and the several provinces composing the Portuguese possessions in South America, of which it is now the metropolis, it may not be irrelevant to give some account of the first discovery of this widely-extended continent.

CHAP. II.

_From the First Discovery down to the Arrival of the Royal
Family there, and its present Division into Provinces--The
general Character of the Indians._

The honour of discovering the new world, it is well known, justly belongs to Christopher Columbus, a pilot of Genoa, although it derives its name from Americanus Vespuccius, a Florentine navigator, who performed two voyages to this hemisphere, under the auspices of his Castilian Majesty, and two others by order of Emanuel, King of Portugal. The latter voyages the Portuguese writers flatly deny, and attribute the promulgation of a story so devoid of truth to the arrogance and pride of Vespuccius; nor, in fact, does his relation respecting this point appear to be supported by any collateral testimony. A mere accidental occurrence, indeed, induced Columbus first to entertain the idea of launching out upon unknown seas. The master of a caravelleon, named Francisco Sanches, about the year 1480, arrived at Madeira, where Columbus then was, in a most pitiable condition, with three or four sailors only remaining, and nearly exhausted, in consequence of a tremendous tempest which had assailed their ungovernable bark, and driven them to a remote western longitude, where they saw, or fancied they saw, land. It was in those days imagined, that the eastern coast of Asia was the western boundary of the Atlantic Ocean, and Columbus was persuaded, that the land which Sanches had seen was the island of Japan, or some other island upon that coast, and which was then only arrived at by navigating around the coast of Africa. The novel circumstance stirred up in his mind the most animating presentiments;--the glory of opening to India a shorter and more easy passage, by proceeding directly across the Atlantic, inspired Columbus with enthusiasm, and he flattered himself, that the disclosure of his ideas would produce ready concurrence in furnishing the adequate equipments for the enterprise. He proceeded to Genoa for the purpose of proposing his plan, but it was regarded there as a chimera. He submitted the same proposition to John II. of Portugal, whose subject he then was, which was rejected by the votes of some chosen geographers. He next directed his way to the court of Castile, where the learned ones entertained the same sentiments upon the subject as the cosmographers of Lusitania, and where, perhaps, he would have been equally unsuccessful had not the spontaneous offers which Luiz de Santangal made to provide all the money requisite for the expedition, and the voluntary proposal of Don Pedro de Mendonca to contribute one-eighth of the expenses, overcome every difficulty. He sailed from Palos, with three caravelleons under his command, on the 3d of August, 1492, and, passing the Canaries, directed his course to the westward, till the 11th of October, when he descried an island, which he called St. Salvador, now one of the Bahama Islands. He was much disheartened at having traversed so much of the ocean with so little success; but he continued, however, the voyage, and discovered the Island of Cuba, of Hispaniola, now St. Domingo, and left 38 men there in a wooden fort. He then retraced his way back, and arrived at Lisbon on the 6th of March, 1493. Columbus made three other voyages across the Atlantic, under the protection of Ferdinand V. His second voyage was commenced from Cadiz, on the 25th of September, 1493. He re-visited the Island of Hispaniola, discovered Jamaica, and a great many other islands to the southward of Cuba, and which, for its fertility and picturesque beauty, he denominated the garden of the kingdom. Upon his third voyage, in 1498, he saw the island of Trinidad, at the mouth of the Oronocos, on the 1st of August. He afterwards disembarked on various parts of the coast of Paria, returned to Hispaniola, and then to Europe. He sailed again from Cadiz on the 9th of May, 1502, a third time visited Hispaniola, and continued to navigate onward till he discovered the Island of Guanaia, near Cape Honduras, and subsequently explored all the coast of the continent, from Cape Gracias to Porto Bello.

Some persons, however, affirm that it is a great injustice to attribute the honour of discovering this hemisphere to either of those navigators, when it is certain that the oriental Syberios, called Choukes, were in the habit of passing the Straits of Bhering, to the American continent, in the summer season, from time immemorial. The Danes discovered Greenland about the end of the tenth century, and the Norwegians colonized it in the following one; and if this land is not a portion of the continent, it is at least an island belonging to it.

Having briefly described the first discovery of the American continent, it will now be in unison with the object of this work, to invite the attention to an investigation of the circumstances resulting from the discovery of that portion of it more immediately under consideration, and which has excited endeavours on my part, very inadequate to render justice to a subject of such prodigious magnitude. The Portuguese imagine (and the inscriptions met with in the Brazil would appear to corroborate the notion) that their countryman and ancestor, Pedro Alvarez Cabral, was the first discoverer of that country; but this honour indubitably belongs to the celebrated Spanish pilot, Vincente Yanez Pinson, the companion of Columbus in his first voyage across the Atlantic; and who, it is affirmed, would not have acquired the fame of first descrying the new world, had not the despondency which was clouding his mind, in the progress of that voyage, been dispelled by the animating hope of success with which Pinson encouraged him. In virtue of a commission granted to Vincente Yanez Pinson, by the Castilian court, he quitted his native shores in pursuit of undiscovered countries, in the month of December, 1499. He shaped his course more to the southward than his late commander, Columbus; and on the 26th of January, 1500, discovered land in about 8° south latitude, having crossed the Atlantic in as short a period as the voyage is commonly accomplished in at this day; evincing an undaunted spirit and disregard to the prevailing practice then existing amongst navigators, of taking in all sail and lying to during the night. The discovery of this new land must have been highly consolatory and gratifying to his feelings; he gave it, therefore, the name of Cape Consolation, which can be no other than Cape St. Augustine, situated about twenty miles to the south of Pernambuco. Pinson vainly went through the ceremony of taking possession of the country for the Spanish crown. The natives which they saw were exceedingly shy, and they endeavoured without success to accomplish any intercourse with them. He proceeded northward, towards Cape St. Roque, with his ships, and, again landing upon the intervening coast, his people had several rencounters with a horde of savages very different to the first they had seen. These Indians used the bow and arrow, and attacked the Spaniards with great spirit and dexterity. This reception induced Pinson to continue his course along the northern coast of the Brazil; and, after proceeding as far as the Oronocos, he returned to Europe without any manifest advantage resulting from this undertaking. Although he was unfortunate in losing some of his ships on the homeward voyage, he displayed considerable nautical skill in conducting his vessels in safety along the most difficult and dangerous part of the Brazilian coast.

During the period that Pinson was thus occupied, Portugal was fitting out a fleet with much pomp and parade in the river Tagus, not with any project of discovering a new territory, but in consequence of Don Vasco da Gama having arrived at Lisbon, with certain intelligence of having ascertained the navigation to India, round the Cape of Good Hope. The Portuguese King, Emanuel, determined to send a fleet to establish friendship and a treaty of commerce with the King of Calcutta, and to create a factory in the same city. Merchandise of the best taste was selected for the outward cargo, and the ships were to be laden in return with spices. For the command of this fleet, which consisted of ten caravels, and three larger vessels, a fidalgo was chosen, called Pedro Alvarez Cabral. The number of persons on board amounted to twelve hundred well selected and well armed. The fleet was prepared in front of the Rastello, now called Belem; and it was determined that it should sail on the 9th of March, 1500. At the vespers preceding, which was on Sunday, the King went with all the court to open mass, in the hermitage of our Lady of Belem, (or Bethlehem,) which site is occupied at this day by the magnificent monastery of P. P. Jeronymos. Diogo Ortiz, Bishop of Ceuta, delivered a discourse upon the object of the expedition; and, during the service, a flag was placed upon the altar, with the cross of the order of Christ, which the Bishop, with imposing ceremony, consecrated; and the King, with his own hands, delivered it to Cabral, who was near his Majesty during the ceremonies. The _funçaō_ being finished, the colours were carried in procession, accompanied by the King, to the beach, where Cabral and most of the captains kissed his hand, and at the same time a grand salute was fired by the whole fleet. This was considered the most powerful and brilliant armament that had ever sailed from Portugal for distant countries. The other captains were Sancho de Thoar (with succession to Admiral Cabral), N. Coelho (who had been with Vasco da Gama), S. de Miranda d’Azevedo, A. G. da Sylva, V. d’Athayde, S. de Pina, N. Leytao, P. d’Athayde, L. Pirez, Gaspar de Lemos, the celebrated Bartholomew Dias, discoverer of the Cape of Good Hope, and Diogo Dias, his brother, who were to remain with the factory to be established. There were, besides, seven Franciscan friars, subordinate to one named Frey Henrique, who was afterwards bishop of Ceuta, eight chaplains, and a vicar, to administer the sacraments in the factory of Calcutta. Ayres Correa was appointed factor, or head of the establishment; and G. Barboza, and Pedro Vas de Caminho, _escrivaōs_, or writers.

On the 14th of March, the fleet passed the Canaries; and after having seen the island of St. Nicholas, one of the Cape de Verds, on the 22d, they discovered that the vessel of V. d’Athayde was missing. Cabral took every pains to fall in with it again, but without effect. He continued his voyage, and in order to avoid being detained by the calms peculiar to the coast of Africa, and to profit by the prevailing north-east trade wind, they stood so much to the westward, that, on the 21st of April, (the last Oitava of Pascal,) they met with signals of land, (which were certain floating plants,) and late on the following day, in latitude 17° south, they saw a large round mountain with smaller hills, which were the highest portions of the Serra, now called Aymores, mostly covered with wood. Cabral made a signal to the other ships to approach the land, and by sun-set they anchored in 19 fathoms, about six leagues from it. From respect to the _oitavario_,[1] Cabral gave the mountain the name of Mount Pascal, which it yet retains; and the land he called Vera Cruz. The following day they sailed towards the land, and came in front of the mouth of a river now called Rio de Frade (River Friar); and remained half a league distant from it during the night, with some difficulty, in consequence of a strong south-east wind setting in. Captain N. Coelho examined the river the same day, which was found incapable of receiving even the smallest vessels of the fleet; and the wind not being favourable to coast towards the south, Cabral ordered the fleet to navigate northward, and despatched Affonso Lopez, his pilot, in one of the smallest caravels, to proceed nearer the beach, and to examine the first part he met with.

The squadron having coasted on about ten leagues, met with the bay of Corôa Vermelha, otherwise Cabral, where, towards the evening, the caravels nearest entered. Affonso Lopez, who was sounding the port, met with two young Indians in a canoe, whom he carried to the admiral, who had anchored with the larger ships a league from the reefs, which were at the entrance of the bay. They were next morning placed upon the beach dressed in Portuguese clothes, accompanied by a degradado, or criminal, in order to observe the mode of living which prevailed amongst the natives.

The fleet remained here eight days, during which time mass was celebrated twice by Frey Henrique; the first, on Easter Sunday, upon an island (its name is now Corôa Vermelha) within the bay, in sight of a great number of Indians assembled upon the continental beach; the other, on the 1st of May, at the foot of a grand cross, which had been erected upon the main land, with the arms of King Emanuel, in testimony of the solemn possession which in his name had been taken of this new land of Vera Cruz.

There is a letter in the naval archives at Rio de Janeiro, written by P. V. de Caminho (one of the _escrivaōs_ already mentioned) to King Emanuel, giving a minute detail of all the circumstances attending the stay of the armament in this port, which Cabral called “Porto Seguro,” in noticing which, the above letter, written in language differing from that of the present day, says, “_Acharam hos ditos navios pequenos huum a recife com huum porto dentro muyti boo, e muyti seguro com huuma muy larga entrada, e meterem-se dentro._” Also, “_entraram toda las naaos e amcoraram-se em simco, seis bracas, ha qual amcorajem demtro he tam grande e tam fremosa, e tam segura, que podem jaser demtro neela mais de duzentos navios e naaos._”[2] He says the Indians were quite naked, and their bodies painted with various colours. They wore pendants of white bone from their ears. Their cheeks were in like manner ornamented with bones, and their lips slit, into which similar ornaments were also introduced. They used bows and arrows. The two natives who came on board, when they saw the gold embroidery upon the collar of Cabral’s coat, danced, put their hands to the ground, and then to the collar: they showed the same feeling in regard to silver; from which it was inferred that those precious metals were not unknown to them. This letter also says, “_Mostraram lhes huum papagayo pardo que aquy ho capitam tras; tomaram no logo na maao; mostraram lhes huum carneyro, non fezeram delle mençam; mostraram lhes huuma galinha, e asy aviam medo dela, e nom lhe queriam poeer ha maao._”[3] The Portuguese offered them bread, dressed fish, and other things, which on tasting they put out of their mouths; also wine, which they did not like, and would not take it a second time. They established a friendly intercourse with those Indians, from whom they received in exchange for trifling articles, fruits, farinha (or flour) of the mandioca, maize, &c. This writer, with many of the captains, went a league and a half up the country, where they met with a body of Indians, who had nine or ten houses rudely built of wood covered with grass; each house had two small entrances, and was large enough to receive thirty or forty persons. It consisted of but one apartment, without any division. They bartered with them things of no value for large and beautiful red parrots, two small green ones, and other things. They went on shore again the next day to get wood and wash linen, when they found sixty or seventy Indians, without bows or any thing else, upon the beach, which number soon increased to two hundred, all without bows and arrows. They mixed amongst the Portuguese, and assisted them to collect wood and put it on board the boats. That Cabral considered this land an island is evidenced by the conclusion of the letter. “_Beijo haas maaos de V. A. deste Porto Seguro da vosa Ilha da Vera Cruz. Hoje, Sesta feira primeiro dia de Mayo, 1500. P. V. de Caminha._”[4]

On the 2d of May, this fleet sailed from Porto Seguro, and proceeded on its voyage to India, leaving two degradados behind, who were seen lamenting and crying upon the beach, and the men of the country comforting them, demonstrating that they were not a people devoid of pity.[5] One of them soon learnt the idiom of the Indians called Tupininquins. He served as interpreter to the first Portuguese who arrived there, and afterwards returned home. Some of the Portuguese writers are piqued at the Spanish authors, Berredo and Antonio Galvum, for pretending, as they say, that their countryman, Vincente Yanez Pinson first discovered the Brazil; and they bring, as testimony against the Spaniards, the following statement of Robertson. “Vicente Yanez Pinson, one of the admiral’s companions in his first voyage, sailed from Palos with four ships; he stood boldly towards the south, and was the first Spaniard who ventured to cross the equinoctial line; but he seems to have landed on no part of the coast beyond the mouth of the Marignon, or River of the Amazons.” Robertson does not make a positive assertion that Pinson did not land upon any other part of the Brazilian coast, nor does he enter into particulars or give any dates. The river Amazons is the north-western boundary of the Brazil; and even if he only landed at the mouth of this great river, he of course landed upon the Brazilian territory, and was unquestionably the first discoverer of it. Conceding to the Portuguese the passage which they adduce from Robertson, it offers no contradiction to the circumstances and dates already detailed of Pinson’s voyage, which show him to have anticipated the Portuguese at least three months in this discovery. Cabral despatched Gaspar de Lemos from Porto Seguro, to announce to the King this new land, which had been taken possession of in his Majesty’s name. It is said that Lemos coasted northward as far as Cape St. Roque, to ascertain the extent of this territory which they had considered an island. Emanuel was so delighted with the discovery of Vera Cruz, that he resolved to send out another squadron to explore more minutely its extent; and it appears that three caravels were ordered to sail upon this project from the Tagus, on the 1st of May, 1501, but there is a considerable doubt who was the commander of them; some say it was Americanus Vespuccius, others, that it was Gonsalo Coelho. Cabral met this squadron at Goree on his return from India, but the commander’s name is not mentioned. “_Che gamos ao Cabo da Boa Esperance dia de Pascoa e encontrando alli bom tempo, continuamos a viagem, e aportamos junto a Cabo Verde em Bezenegue, onde encontramos tres caravellas, que El Rey de Portugal mandara para descubrir a terra nova que tinhamos achado hindo para Calecute._”[6] Francisco de Cunha, author of the Geographical Description of Portuguese America, states that (“_Gonsala Coelho fora o primeiro explorador da Costa Bazillica depois de Cabral e Lemos_,”) Gonsalo Coelho was the first explorer of the Brazilian coast after Cabral and Lemos. Americanus Vespuccius, in his own manuscript, asserts that he undertook two voyages for the King of Portugal, this being the first. It is difficult to arrive at a fair conclusion from this conflicting testimony, whether he or G. Coelho had the command of those three caravels. The Portuguese deny positively that it was Vespuccius; and a French writer of “the General History of Voyages” peremptorily falsifies all that Vespuccius has advanced upon the subject. “_Les relations d’Americ Vespuce contienent le recit de deux voiages, qu’il fit sur la même côte (du Brezil), au nom d’Emanuel, Rio de Portugal; mais les dates en sont fausses, et c’est en quoi consiste l’imposture; car il est prouvé par tous les temoignages contemporains que dans le tems qu’il nomme, il étoit emploie à d’autres expeditions._”[7] Antonio Galvum mentions the expedition but not the commander. All the evidence however, regarding this squadron, concur as to the time of its sailing, and arrival at the Brazil on the 17th of August. After a long and tempestuous voyage, they made land near Rio Grande, to the south of Cape St. Roque, where they met with Indians of a savage nature and decidedly cannibals. Several people from the Portuguese ships were seized by them, roasted over a large fire in presence of their countrymen, with loud shoutings and rejoicings. The cannibals were so expert with their bows and arrows, that this fleet was considerably annoyed by them, and induced to coast on to the latitude of 8° south, near Pernambuco, where they met with friendly Indians,[8] and established an intercourse with them. After a few days, they continued their voyage along the coast, and met with a kind reception every where from the natives, who allowed them to land and make their observations without injury upon the country and its productions. They described the natives as being exceedingly well made, and universally attached to the custom of perforating their faces and ears, and wearing bones and stones as ornaments. They coasted on to 32° south latitude, and, standing out to sea, reached as high a latitude as 52° south, where, in consequence of a tempestuous _lebeccio_, they were compelled to return, and arrived at Lisbon in September, 1502, having lost two vessels.

Another expedition of six caravels sailed from Lisbon on the 10th of June, 1503, with the avowed object of prosecuting still further the examination of Vera Cruz. A variety of contradictory statements render it doubtful who was the real commander of this squadron, although the balance of testimony in this, as in the former case, is much in favour of Gonsalo Coelho. Americanus Vespuccius again alleges that he accompanied this fleet, and with two ships proceeded forward to the coast of the Brazil, leaving the other four vessels at an island, some of them wrecks; and he says those four vessels were all lost through the want of ability on the part of the commander, whose name he does not disclose. A work published at Paris, attributing the command of the three first caravels to Vespuccius, continues thus:--“_El Rey D. Manuel extremamente affeicoado a Vespucio deu lhe o commando de seis navios com os quaes sahiu a dez de Mayo, 1503, e passou ao longo das costas d’Africa, e do Brazil, com o intuito de descubrir uma passagem pelo occidente para as Ilhas Mallucas, como ao depois se-descubriu: depois d’apportar na Bahia de todos os Santos, navegou athe os Abrolhos e rio Curababo, como nāo tinha mantimentos senāo para Vinte mezes, tomou a resoluçao de voltar a Portugal onde chegou a dezoito de Junho, 1504._”[9] Maneol Ayres de Cazal supposes Christovam Jacques to have been the commander, and Francisco de Cunha says, that the King “_Mandou logo preparar outra armada de caravellas que entregou a Christovam Jacques, fidalgo de sua casa e com o titulo de Cap-Mor, o mandou continuar n’este empressa descubrindo aquella costa, sahui armada, e seguindo viagem chegou a costa, sondando baixos e rios pondo padroes d’armas Portuguezes, foi dar a huma bahia, aque poz o nome de Todos Santos, e depois deligencias se recolhou a Portugal._”[10] But Damian de Goes assigns the command to Goncallo Coelho. “_No mesmo anno de 1503 mandou Goncallo Coelho com seis naus a terra de St. Cruz com que partiu de Lisboa a hos dez dias de mez de Junho; das quaes por ainda terem pouca noticia da terra perdeu quatro, e has outras duas trouxe aho regno com mercadorias da terra que entam nam eram outras que pau vermelho que chamam Brazil, e papagaios._”[11]

The testimony of three writers attribute the command of these six caravels to three distinct individuals; but, from a fair investigation of each statement, that of Goes, who assigns the command to Coelho, appears more consonant with truth and the intentions of the King, than the other two relations. The collateral supporter of Vespuccius’ claim, represents the object of the expedition to be for the discovery of the Moluccas, which certainly does not coincide with the desire of an immediate and continued exploration of St. Cruz, (or Vera Cruz,) that seemed to actuate his Majesty solely in fitting it out; nor does this account say any thing of the loss of four of the caravels, which is generally admitted. Cunha, who gives the command to Jacques, most probably alludes to the armament which that person had under his orders in the year 1516, when he proceeded to the Brazil, and then entered the bay of All Saints.