Chapter XLIV: Section XXXVIII: Chapter VI (6)

[599] Tomkinson of the 16th, fighting not far off, says that these squadrons ‘got into a scrape’ by charging about 2,000 French cavalry (p. 249). They lost 2 officers and 57 men. This was obviously the affair of which Digeon speaks. His 12th Dragoons, which charged the square, lost 22 casualties.

[600] One each of the 12th and 16th.

[601] The best account of all this is in the invaluable Tomkinson’s _Diary_ (pp. 250-1). There is also an interesting narrative by Dallas, who took part in the charge, though he had no business there (pp. 92-3). The French cavalry were the 15th Dragoons and 3rd Hussars. They suffered heavily--the former regiment losing 4 officers and 53 men, the latter 4 officers and 30 men. The British dragoons got off lightly, all things considered, with 1 officer and 11 men hit in the 12th, and 1 officer and 20 men in the 10th. Tomkinson much praises the French infantry. ‘I never saw men more steady and exact to the word of command. I rode within a yard of them, they had their arms at the port, and not a man attempted to fire till we began to retire.’

[602] Cf. the reports of the Army of Portugal, Tomkinson, Hale of the 1/9th, and Graham’s very sketchy dispatch, which says that the infantry was much delayed at the bridges, but that ‘the greatest eagerness was manifested by all the corps. The Caçador battalions of both Portuguese brigades followed with the cavalry.... The enemy’s flight, however, was so rapid that no material impression could be made on them, though more than once charged by squadrons of General Anson’s brigade.’ (_Supplementary Dispatches_, viii. p. 9.)

[603] Gazan says in his report that he only abandoned the guns because he found the roads south of Vittoria blocked by fugitive vehicles from Vittoria.

[604] L’Estrange of the 31st says that some of the French, moving almost in the middle of advancing British brigades, were mistaken for Spaniards, and allowed to get off unharmed. Surtees of the 2/95th tells a similar story.

[605] The lancers are shown in Martinien’s lists to have lost six officers, the hussars four. The casualties of the 18th Hussars (3 officers and 37 men) and of the 10th (16 men) were certainly got in this affair, which was evidently hot while it lasted. The best account of Joseph’s last half-hour on the battlefield is in the _Mémoires_ of Miot de Melito (iii. pp. 280-1), who was at the King’s side and shared his wild ride.

[606] Of the artillery Tirlet’s report shows that 104 were field guns actually used in the battle. The remaining 47 were partly the reserve guns of the Army of the North, left stacked at Vittoria when Clausel took his divisions to hunt for Mina, and partly guns of position from the garrisons of Burgos, Vittoria, Miranda, &c.

[607] There is a report of the regiment in the _Archives Nationales_ setting forth that it did not lose its eagle, but the flag of the battalion reduced by Imperial orders in the spring, which was in the regimental fourgon.

[608] It inspired him with the idea of designing a British marshal’s baton on which lions were substituted for eagles. Wellington naturally got the first ever made.

[609] All this from Leith Hay (always an interesting narrator), vol. ii. pp. 203 and 208.

[610] Oddly enough, two contemporary diaries mention Mr. D.’s luck. He got by no means the biggest haul. Sergeant Costello of the 1/95th says that he got over £1,000. A private of the 23rd carried off 1,000 dollars in silver--a vast load! Green of the 68th records that two of his comrades got respectively 180 doubloons, and nearly 1,000 dollars (p. 165).

[611] Tomkinson, p. 254.

[612] Miot de Melito, iii. p. 279.

[613] There are amusing accounts of the conversation of this lively lady in the narratives of Leith Hay and Dr. McGrigor, who took care of her.

[614] But Lecor had a straggler or two out of one of his line-battalions--no doubt men who had gone off marauding, like most of the missing in the British list.

[615] _Supplementary Dispatches_, viii. p. 8.

[616] See e. g. Swabey’s note on his dangerous ride with Graham along the Esla, at the end of May, ‘whether the General is blind or mad I have not decided--he must have been one or the other to ride in cold blood over those rocks and precipices.’ Swabey’s _Diary_, p. 595.

[617] Cairnes’s _Diary_, p. 926.

[618] Fée, _Souvenirs de la guerre d’Espagne_, pp. 249-50.

[619] He is thinking of the nights after the storms of Rodrigo and Badajoz.

[620] _Dispatches_, xii. p. 473. The regiment named is a newly arrived cavalry unit, which attracted the Commander-in-Chief’s special notice by its prominence in plundering.

[621] Wellington to Bathurst, _Dispatches_, xii. p. 496.

[622] Personal diaries seem to show that this was the case with Cadogan’s brigade on the right, and the whole 5th Division on the left.

[623] This interesting fact is recorded in a conversation of Wellington with Croker, which contains some curious notes on the battle (Croker, ii. p. 232).

[624] Thinking that he had only his own two divisions of the Army of the North, and Taupin’s of the Army of Portugal, while really Barbot’s division was also with him.

[625] The former going by El Burgo and Alegria, the latter by Arzubiaga and Audicana.

[626] Murray to Wellington, _Supplementary Dispatches_, viii. pp. 3-4.

[627] See his dispatch to Wellington dated from Tolosa on June 26th.

[628] See vol. iv. p. 327.

[629] See Colonel Frazer’s account in his _Peninsular Letters_, p. 186.

[630] See, for this statement of the Duke’s, Fortescue’s _British Army_, vol. ix. p. 199.

[631] See Duncan’s _History of the Royal Artillery_, vol. ii. pp. 356-60, an indictment of Wellington’s whole policy to the corps, and especially of his famous Waterloo letter on their conduct in 1815.

[632] Reille reported that the straggling was so portentous that only 4,200 infantry were with the eagles on July 24th. See Vidal de la Blache, i. p. 79.

[633] Which had relieved Cassagne’s division, the rearguard on the 23rd.

[634] The regiment of Nassau alone returned 76 casualties that day.

[635] And took over command on the night of the 22nd; see _Pakenham Letters_, June 26, 1813.

[636] Whose riotous and undisciplined conduct so irritated Wellington that he directed that all the officers in charge should miss their next step in regimental promotion, by being passed over by their juniors.

[637] I have only mentioned the movement of the 6th Division and R. Hill’s cavalry above: there is no doubt as to what they did, and on the 30th they are both at Lerin, according to the location given by _Supplementary Dispatches_, viii. p. 39. But there is a puzzle about Oswald’s 5th Division on the 26th-30th, which I was long unable to solve. Wellington in his dispatch to Bathurst of July 3 (_Dispatches_, x. p. 501) says that he moved not only Clinton from Vittoria but Oswald from Salvatierra towards Logroño, on the march to intercept Clausel. He ought to have known if any one did! But I was not able to find any trace of the 5th Division having actually gone to Logroño: to march back from Salvatierra to Vittoria, and thence to follow Clinton to Logroño and Lerin would have been a very long business. Now regimental diaries of the 3/1st and 1/9th prove that the division was at Salvatierra on the 25th, and marched back to Vittoria on the 26th. But the best of them (Hale of the 1/9th) says that from Vittoria the division was turned back towards Pampeluna, and reached a spot within two leagues of it on the third day. At this point it was turned off northward and marched by Tolosa to join Graham’s column and assist at the siege of St. Sebastian. All accounts agree that it reached the neighbourhood of that fortress on July 5th-6th. Allowing six days for the march Vittoria-St. Sebastian, we have only the 27th, 28th, 29th, 30th June for the supposed march Salvatierra-Vittoria-Logroño, and return. The solution at last came to hand in General Shadwell’s Life of Colin Campbell of the 1/9th (Lord Clyde). Here it is mentioned, apparently on some record of Campbell’s, that his brigade only got to La Guardia, one march beyond Trevino, and was then turned back and sent north (_Life of Campbell_, i. p. 18). This is no doubt correct.

[638] _Supplementary Dispatches_, viii. p. 33.

[639] Wellington’s letters to Hill, Copons, and Castaños in _Dispatches_, x. pp. 470-1, all state very shortly that he hopes to cut off Clausel if he tries to get back into France by Jaca. All that is said is, ‘I do not think we shall be able to do much against Clausel. He has passed Tudela on the way to Saragossa. I propose to try for him on the road to Jaca’ (to Hill). The letters to the Spanish generals do not speak of Clausel’s going through Saragossa, but of his marching across Aragon to Jaca.

[640] See ‘Dispositions for the 28th June,’ _Supplementary Dispatches_, viii. p. 33.

[641] Wellington to Castaños, Monreal, June 30, _Dispatches_, x. p. 477, and to Bathurst, x. p. 496 and ibid. 501.

[642] Elaborate dispositions for their distribution round the fortress are given in the Order dated June 30 (_Supplementary Dispatches_, viii. pp. 34-6).

[643] See above, p. 378. For all the narrative which follows Foy’s well-written dispatches, printed in full in his life by Girod de l’Ain, are a primary authority. But I think that historians have given him a little more credit than he deserves--he is a very engaging witness. As to his own strength, that of his enemies, and the losses on both sides, he is no more trustworthy than Soult or Masséna. It may suffice to say that he makes the British 4th and 5th Divisions present at Tolosa, and gives Longa 6,000 men.

[644] Foy to Jourdan, 20 June, in Girod de l’Ain’s appendix, pp. 393-4.

[645] Batteries of Smith and Arriaga. Julius Hartmann, commanding Artillery Reserve, accompanied them; see _Dickson Papers_, June 22.

[646] From the journal of operations of General Giron’s Army, lent me by Colonel Arzadun.

[647] In his _Diary_ (Girod de l’Ain, p. 210) Foy says that he had only _one_ battalion of the 6th Léger, in his formal dispatch to Clarke (ibid. 395) he says that he had two.

[648] In reporting to Giron Longa mentions his 53 prisoners, and says that his own losses were ‘inconsiderable.’ _Journal of the Army of Galicia_, June 22.

[649] _Journal of the Army of Galicia_, June 23.

[650] Maucune reported 200 casualties (Foy, ed. Girod de l’Ain, p. 333), Graham 93, mostly in the 5th Caçadores. St. Pol’s Italians had beaten off Longa without losing more than 100 men--Giron does not give Longa’s loss, which was probably a little more.

[651] 1st Division about 4,500 bayonets, Pack and Bradford 4,500, Anson’s cavalry 650.

[652] Giron’s two Galician divisions 11,000, Porlier 2,500, Longa 3,000.

[653] His own division and Maucune’s about 3,000 each, St. Pol’s Italians 1,500, garrisons from Bilbao, Durango, and other western places about 3,000, De Conchy’s brigade of Army of the North [64th (2 battalions), 22nd (1 battalion), 1st Line (2 companies), and 34th (4 companies)] 2,000, garrisons of Tolosa and other places in Guipuzcoa about 2,500.

[654] Girod de l’Ain, p. 400.

[655] This was merely the noise of the rearguard action of Cassagne with Wellington’s advance, near Yrurzun, on the afternoon of that day.

[656] See above, p. 274.

[657] The column was led--for reasons which are not given--not by its own Caçador battalion, but by three companies of the 4th Caçadores and two of the 1st Line, borrowed from the neighbouring brigade of Pack. Graham praises the conduct of this detachment.

[658] Foy (Girod de l’Ain, p. 400) says that if his orders had been obeyed there would have been a battalion and not a detachment holding the access to the hill. Graham (_Wellington Supplementary Dispatches_, viii. p. 44) declares that though many of Bradford’s men fought well, ‘the officers did not seem to understand what they were about, or how to keep their men in the proper place,’ and a good many hung back.

[659] Very different figures from those of Foy’s dispatch, which stated that eight minutes of terrible fire laid low 500 of the assailants! (Girod de l’Ain, p. 402).

[660] There is one paragraph of Foy’s dispatch which I cannot make out. He says that two British regiments tried to storm the hill of Jagoz, and were repulsed by the voltigeur companies alone of the brigade which held it. I cannot fit this in to any British narrative--the only red-coated battalions in that part of the field were the line battalions of the K.G.L., and they had certainly been engaged against Bonté and the Italians, and afterwards tried to storm the Pampeluna Gate. Longa’s men only were opposite the Jagoz position, as far as I can make out.

[661] For all this see Rey’s letter in the _Pièces justificatives_ of Belmas’s History of Sieges in Spain, iv. p. 662.

[662] Under General Deconchy, who got a new brigade when his old one was thrown into San Sebastian.

[663] Dubourdieu’s battery belonging to the British 1st Division, and four guns of Giron’s own small artillery equipment.

[664] Lecestre’s _Lettres inédites de Napoléon_, ii. p. 265.

[665] Severoli reached Valencia on May 2 (Vacani, vi. p. 207), so was not drawn down in consequence of Murray’s move of May 25, as Mr. Fortescue seems to imply in _British Army_, ix. p. 49. He had with him two battalions each of the 1st Line and 1st Ligero, with a weak cavalry regiment.

[666] 2nd of Burgos, detached by Wellington’s order. See Murray’s _Court Martial_, p. 371.

[667] These changes of units had caused some re-brigading. Murray had transferred the 4th K.G.L. and the Sicilian ‘Estero’ regiment to Clinton’s division, but taken away from the latter and given to Mackenzie the 2nd Italian Levy, the 1/10th and the 1/81st. But Clinton was given charge over Whittingham’s Spaniards, and authorized to use them as part of his division, so that his total command was now much larger than Mackenzie’s.

[668] Pontevedra and Principe.

[669] It is interesting to compare the May 31 morning state of the Army of Catalonia with the list of battalions which Murray reports as having been brought down to the neighbourhood of Tarragona. All are there save two (Fernando 7th and Ausona) left at Vich under Eroles (see Table in Appendix), twelve battalions were with Copons.

[670] One of the 20th Line, one of the 7th Italian Line.

[671] Not only was the whole of the enceinte of the lower city abandoned, but the outer enceinte of the upper city on its east and north sides, from the bastion of El Rey to that of La Reyna (see map of Tarragona, p. 524 of vol. iv).

[672] _Court Martial Proceedings_, p. 228. He adds that his only chance (as he thought) was that conceivably he might find Tarragona so ill-fortified that he might risk an immediate assault on unfinished defences.

[673] Ibid., p. 292.

[674] _Court Martial Proceedings_, p. 183.

[675] Ibid., p. 165.

[676] The Quartermaster-General of the Army.

[677] _Proceedings_, p. 168.

[678] Note, Napier, v. p. 147.

[679] All this from Vacani (vi. p. 321), the only full French source: I can find no mention of this abortive demonstration from the British side.

[680] _Court Martial Proceedings_, p. 49.

[681] Murray’s evidence at the Court Martial, p. 50.

[682] Prevost’s very moderate loss was 1 officer and 4 men killed, 1 sergeant and 38 men wounded. This includes Spaniards.

[683] _Court Martial_, Murray’s defence, p. 228.

[684] _Murray’s Defence_, p. 232.

[685] Murray to Wellington, _Supplementary Dispatches_, vii. p. 467.

[686] Musnier’s division had 4,100 men present, by its return of June 15th. Pannetier’s column consisted of two battalions each of the 3rd Léger and 20th Line and one of the 5th Léger and a squadron of Westphalians--by the return of the same date 2,600 in all. The hussars were 650 sabres--adding the squadron of dragoons (200), the gunners of three batteries, train, &c.; the whole may have made just under 8,000 of all arms. See Tables in Appendix, p. 755.

[687] Decaen to M. Mathieu, 5th June: see Vidal de la Blache, i. 353.

[688] Suchet to Decaen, Valencia, May 31. See Vidal de la Blache, i. p. 352.

[689] Report of Brigadier Llauder, commanding Copons’ left wing, to Murray, _Proceedings_, p. 190. Llauder adds that he had discovered that Mathieu’s column was only 5,500 strong.

[690] See especially Clinton’s evidence on pp. 180-2 of Murray’s _Court Martial_.

[691] See Manso’s letter and Guillot’s report on pp. 275-6 of the _Court Martial Proceedings_.

[692] For which see _Court Martial Proceedings_, pp. 282-3.

[693] His main blunder was that he took Pannetier’s brigade to be a separate item of 3,000 men, over and above the 9,000 men coming from Valencia of whom his emissary had written. He also doubled Suchet’s cavalry, by supposing that the 9th bis of Hussars and the 12th Hussars were two separate regiments. But they were the same unit, the number having recently been changed by order from Paris.

[694] _Court Martial Proceedings_, p. 285.

[695] See evidence of Bentinck, p. 175, and Clinton, p. 180, of _Court Martial Proceedings_.

[696] Evidence of Captain Milner, ibid., p. 397. This was not true at the moment, early in the morning.

[697] Donkin to Murray, 3 p.m. 11th June. _Court Martial Proceedings_, p. 360.

[698] He recalls this forgotten disaster in his defence (p. 300). A landing force cut off by storms from its transports had to surrender whole.

[699] _Court Martial Proceedings_, pp. 285-6.

[700] Donkin’s evidence, _Court Martial Proceedings_, p. 448.

[701] Williamson’s evidence, _Proceedings_, p. 124.

[702] Williamson’s evidence, ibid., p. 125.

[703] Mr. Fortescue has, I think, misinterpreted this order, when he says that it told Clinton to march to the same spot as the first (_British Army_, ix. p. 63), for Constanti is not in the direction of the Gaya, but on the opposite flank, west of the Francoli river.

[704] A queer misprint in this dispatch makes it say ‘the enemy will march.’

[705] Evidence of Captains Withers and Bathurst, R.N., _Court Martial Proceedings_, pp. 86 and 95.

[706] Mackenzie in his evidence says his men began at 2 p.m. to get into the boats.

[707] Evidence of Bentinck, ibid., p. 176. The cavalry went off at 3 p.m.

[708] The hours of this belated work are stated very differently by various naval witnesses, some of whom say that they worked till 1 a.m., others till 4 a.m., others till 7; one thinks that embarkations continued till well into the forenoon of the 13th--say 11 o’clock. At any rate, the hour must have been long after daylight had come--which was at 4.15, as is recorded by one witness.

[709] The total loss of Murray’s Army during the Tarragona operations was:

_Killed._ _Wounded._ _Missing._ _Total._
British, Germans, Calabrese,
Italian Levy 14 60 5 }
Sicilians -- 15 -- } 102
Whittingham’s Spaniards 1 7 -- }

Bertoletti’s garrison lost 13 killed and 85 wounded = 98. The enemies did each other little harm!

[710] Not apparently the whole division, for Mackenzie calls it ‘a small body of infantry.’

[711] Suchet, _Mémoires_, ii. p. 315.

[712] Date stated by some as the 16th, but the earlier day seems correct. See Mackenzie’s evidence, pp. 152-3: he was uncertain as to the date.

[713] Hallowell says on the evening of the 14th or the 15th, he forgets which. But the latter date must be the true one.

[714] Hallowell’s speech, p. 554 of the _Court Martial Proceedings_.

[715] Pannetier’s rearguard followed on the 17th. See letter of the Alcalde of Perello, _Court Martial_, p. 361.

[716] Hallowell’s speech, _Court Martial Proceedings_, p. 556.

[717] By Mr. Fortescue, _History of the British Army_, ix. 67.

[718] See above, p. 515.

[719] _Supplementary Dispatches_, viii. pp. 18-19, June 23.

[720] Ibid., p. 20.

[721] _Supplementary Dispatches_, viii. p. 22.

[722] Wellington to Murray, July 1, _Dispatches_, x. p. 487.

[723] _Dispatches_, x. p. 495, to Lord Bathurst, July 2.

[724] To the same, _Dispatches_, x. p. 496.

[725] To O’Donoju, Minister of War, _Dispatches_, x. pp. 492-3; to Castaños, x. p. 475; to Lord Bathurst, x. pp. 473-4.

[726] ‘We and the powers of Europe are interested in the success of the War in the Peninsula. But the creatures who govern at Cadiz appear to feel no such interest. All that they care about really is the praise of their foolish Constitution.... As long as Spain shall be governed by the Cortes, acting upon Republican principles, we cannot hope for any permanent amelioration.’ _Dispatches_, x. p. 474, Wellington to Bathurst, June 29.

[727] Wellington to Henry Wellesley, _Dispatches_, x. p. 491.

[728] _Dispatches_, x. pp. 523-4.

[729] Ibid., x. p. 521.

[730] Ibid., x. pp. 553-4. When this letter was written to Lord William Bentinck, Wellington had received no London dispatch for twenty days, mainly owing to bad weather in the Bay of Biscay.

[731] Ibid., x. pp. 613-14, to Lord Bathurst.

[732] Ibid., x. p. 478, to Bentinck.

[733] Ibid., x. pp. 477-9.

[734] Ibid., x. p. 531.

[735] Full details in O’Donnell’s report to Wellington of July 1, 1813. _Dispatches_, p. 503. Toreno makes an odd mistake in calling the French commander de Ceva: this was the name of the junior officer who drew up the capitulation.

[736] Not to be confounded with General Cassagne, who long commanded a division in the Army of Andalusia.

[737] Late Hamilton’s division in 1810-11-12.

[738] Lord Dalhousie was left in command--a great slight to Picton--all the more so after what had happened at Vittoria. See _Supplementary Dispatches_, viii. p. 249.

[739] Late Cadogan’s.

[740] Pringle arrived and took command of this brigade a fortnight later. Meanwhile the senior battalion commander led it.

[741] Reille had only two chasseur regiments with him.

[742] See the indignant letters of French officials quoted in Vidal de la Blache, i. pp. 69 and 165-7.

[743] For the Army of Portugal only two chasseur regiments were left: for the Army of the North only one: for the Army of the Centre only the weak Nassau squadrons. But 13 out of the 14 cavalry regiments of the Army of the South remained behind.

[744] Chassé’s brigade lost 850 men of 1,700 present, and the Nassau regiment in the German brigade had similar casualties, though the Baden regiment got off more lightly.

[745] It should be noted that Daricau’s 6th Division was now led by Maransin--its old commander having been badly wounded at Vittoria. Maransin’s late brigade, still extra-divisional as at Vittoria, had been made over to Gruardet.

[746] Jourdan answered that it _was_ a false movement, but that on June 29th he could not possibly foresee that the King would change his mind as to the destination of the Army of the South. See Vidal de la Blache, i. p. 103.

[747] See Vidal de la Blache, i. pp. 103-4.

[748] Under Cameron of the 92nd as senior colonel--Cadogan who fell at Vittoria not having yet been replaced.

[749] Viz. Villatte’s and Maransin’s divisions, and Gruardet’s brigade of his own army, and Braun’s brigade of the Army of the Centre.

[750] On May 1 the three 2nd Division brigades had shown 7,200 bayonets--they had lost 900 men in action at Vittoria. If we allow for sick and stragglers and other casual losses, they cannot possibly have had 6,000 men in line on July 5.

[751] All these absurd theories are to be found in Gazan’s reports to Jourdan of July 4 and 5. See Vidal de la Blache, i. pp. 106-7.

[752] The troops of the Army of the North which Foy had collected from the Biscay garrisons, the brigades of Deconchy, Rouget, and Berlier of which we have heard so much in a previous chapter.

[753] Foy, Lamartinière, Maucune and Fririon (late Sarrut). There were behind them the King’s Spaniards and the raw Bayonne reserve.

[754] _Dispatches_, x. p. 512. The total losses having been 124 on all three days, Wellington’s ‘no loss’ means, of course, practically no loss.

[755] The clearest proof of Gazan’s resolute resolve not to stand, and of the complete mendacity of his dispatches concerning his heavy fighting on the 4th-5th and 7th, is that he returned the total of his losses at 35 killed and 309 wounded. As he had six brigades, or 13,000 men at least, engaged, it is clear that there was no serious fighting at all--a fact borne out by Hill’s corresponding return of 8 killed, 119 wounded, and 2 missing in the whole petty campaign.

[756] Cf. Lecestre, _Lettres inédites_, ii. p. 1037, where the Emperor says on July 3 that he cannot make out what is happening; and that Joseph and Jourdan are incapables.

[757] See, e. g., Joseph to Clarke, p. 336 of vol. ix of his _Correspondance_.

[758] See vol. v, p. 97.

[759] ‘Les malheurs de l’Espagne sont d’autant plus grands qu’ils sont ridicules.’ Napoleon to Savary, Dresden, 20 July: Lecestre, _Lettres inédites_, ii.

[760] Even that he was withdrawing the British Army from Portugal. Lecestre, ii. 998, May 5.

[761] Though he did once make the observation that ‘on ne conduit pas des campagnes à 500 lieues de distance,’ in a lucid interval.

[762] See v. pp. 194-6.

[763] Napoleon to Cambacérès, Lecestre, ii. 1055.

[764] See above, p. 88.

[765] See the very interesting pages of Vidal de la Blache, i. pp. 142-3.

[766] See Roederer’s account of the interview in Vidal de la Blache, i. pp. 132-3. Napoleon had suggested him as the best person for the errand.

[767] Napoleon to Cambacérès, Lecestre, _Lettres inédites_, ii. 1055.

[768] ‘Joey Bottles’ is the English equivalent.

[769] See especially the caustic paragraphs in Lecestre, ii. 1045, 1047, 1055, to Clarke and Cambacérès.

[770] So Jourdan’s _Mémoires_, p. viii. Vidal de la Blache, i. p. 140, says 5,000 francs only, which seems an impossibly small sum for Marshal’s half pay.

[771] Napoleon to Cambacérès, Lecestre, ii. 1045.

[772] Napoleon to Maret, No. 28 in _Lettres de Napoléon non insérées dans la Correspondance, Aug.-Sept.-Oct. 1813_. Paris, 1907.

[773] Bathurst to Wellington, June 23, _Supplementary Dispatches_, viii. pp. 17-18.

[774] Liverpool to Wellington, _Supplementary Dispatches_, viii. pp. 64-5, dated July 7.

[775] Wellington to Bathurst, July 12, from Hernani. _Dispatches_, x. p. 524.

[776] Wellington to Lord Liverpool, July 23, from Lesaca, ibid., x. p. 568. Cf. same to same, x. p. 596.

[777] _Dispatches_, x. p. 570.

[778] See Wellington to Torrens, _Dispatches_, x. p. 616.

[779] See Wellington to Bathurst, _Dispatches_, x. p. 599, and other epistles on same topic.

[780] Called the Mirador (’look-out’), Queen’s, and Principe batteries: there were others facing sea-ward, which were of no account in this siege, as no attack from the water-side took place.

[781] See Jones’s _Sieges of the Peninsula_, ii. p. 94.

[782] The governor surrendered the town on August 1, but retired into the castle of La Mota, where he capitulated a few days later, just as Rey did in 1813.

[783] Jones’s _Sieges of the Peninsula_, ii. p. 14.

[784] Dickson’s diary, July 12, 1813, p. 960 of Colonel John Leslie’s edition of the _Dickson Papers_.

[785] Jones, ii. p. 97.

[786] See above, p. 478.

[787] See Graham to Wellington, _Supplementary Dispatches_, viii. p. 62. The K.G.L. brigade of the 1st Division was present for a few days.

[788] Wellington to Graham, _Dispatches_, x. p. 512.

[789] _Wellington Dispatches_, x. p. 525.

[790] Melville to Wellington, _Supplementary Dispatches_, viii. pp. 224-5.

[791] Wellington to Melville, _Dispatches_, xi. p. 115.

[792] See the interesting account of his cross-country ride on June 25-9 in his _Letters from the Peninsula_, pp. 167-74.

[793] See Frazer, p. 195.

[794] In detail Jones gives them as twenty 24-pounders, six 18-pounders, four 68-pound cannonades, six 8-inch howitzers, and four mortars.

[795] See Hartmann’s _Life_, pp. 153-4.

[796] Nos. 4, 5 in map.

[797] Nos. 1, 2, 3 in map.

[798] No. 6 in the map.

[799] Why does Belmas, who was very well informed, and used Jones’s book, call the stormers ‘les Anglais’ and say that they lost 150 men? (_Sièges_, iv. p. 608). He knew from Jones that they were Caçadores only (Jones, ii. p. 21), and that their loss was under 70.

[800] Right column, to attack the cemetery and fortified houses--150 of 5th Caçadores, 150 13th Portuguese Line, three companies 1/9th Foot, three companies 3/1st Foot (Royal Scots) all under Hay, Brigadier of the 5th Division. Left column: 200 of 5th Caçadores, 200 of 13th Portuguese Line, three companies 1/9th Foot--all under Bradford commanding Portuguese independent brigade. Why did not Oswald use his own Portuguese brigade, but draw on Bradford? Possibly because Spry’s brigade were discouraged by the failure of their Caçador battalion on the 15th.

[801] Generally in British narratives called the Cask Redoubt, because wine casks had been used to revet the shifting sand of which the soil was there composed.

[802] Batteries 8 and 7 in the map.

[803] Batteries 13 and 14 in the map.

[804] Batteries 12 and 11 in the map.

[805] No. 6 in the map.

[806] There is a curious contradiction between Jones and Belmas as to the fate of the Cask Redoubt. The latter says that the British took it--the former that the garrison abandoned it, though not attacked.

[807] ‘From the looseness of the sand in which the battery was constructed, it was found impossible to keep the soles of the embrasures sufficiently clear to use the three short 24-pounders mounted on ship carriages--after a few rounds they had to cease firing.’ Jones, ii. p. 28.

[808] Burgoyne’s _Life and Correspondence_, i. p. 267.

[809] Burgoyne, who took out the flag of truce, says that the French officer who met him on the glacis used very angry words (ibid.).

[810] See _Dickson Papers_, ed. Col. Leslie, p. 970. The second breach is marked as ‘Lesser Breach’ on the map.

[811] Burgoyne, whose diary of the siege is one of the primary authorities, says that in his opinion the mine could have been much more useful than it was. ‘On the discovery of the drain, I should have immediately have altered the whole plan of attack. I would have made a “globe of compression” to blow in the counterscarp and the crest of the glacis, and then at low water have threatened an attack on the breaches, exploded the mine, and have made the real assault on the hornwork, which not being threatened had few people in it, and would undoubtedly have been carried easily.’ There was, he says, good cover in the hornwork, which would have been easily connected with the parallel, and used as the base for attacking the main front, with breaching batteries in its terre-plein and the crest of the glacis. Burgoyne, i. p. 271. But this is wisdom after the event.

[812] Jones, ii. p. 36.

[813] For all these details see Belmas, iv. pp. 620-1.

[814] Burgoyne says (i. 369) that the engineers on the 24th settled that the mine was no more than a signal ‘with a chance of alarming them’. On the 25th it would seem that a little more attention, but not nearly enough, was given to this useful subsidiary operation.

[815] Burgoyne says at 4.30.

[816] This is slurred over in the British narratives except _Dickson’s Diary_, p. 973. Belmas gives some account of it, however, though he calls the assailants British instead of Portuguese (iv. p. 623). They were some companies of the 8th Caçadores.

[817] Most of this narrative is from Colin Campbell’s long and interesting letter to Sir J. Cameron, printed on pp. 25-30 of his _Life_ by General Shadwell.

[818] Gomm, p. 312.

[819] Frazer’s _Letters from the Peninsula_, p. 205.

[820] The 38th lost 53 men, the 9th 25, the Portuguese 138 in the side-attack. Why need Belmas, who had Jones’s book before him, give the total of British losses as 2,000? (_Sièges_, iv. 625).

[821] Though Jones says that he saw some wounded bayoneted.

[822] Printed in Maxwell’s _Peninsular Sketches_, vol. ii.

[823] Campbell’s letter quoted above in his _Life_, i. p. 30.

[824] ‘The men, panic stricken, turned and could never be rallied,’ writes Frazer next day (p. 204). ‘One party, I believe of the 9th and 38th, went up to the breach and then turned and ran away,’ says Larpent (p. 200). Neither saw the actual assault in the dark.

[825] So at least he wrote to Castaños on the 24th: ‘j’espère que cette affaire est finie.’ _Dispatches_, x. p. 564.

[826] See Frazer, p. 206, and Burgoyne, i. p. 269.

[827] See Wellington to Graham, night of the 25th, _Dispatches_, x. p. 566.

[828] Permission was given to leave four guns behind in the main breaching batteries and two on Monte Olia, to keep up a semblance of continued attack. _Dispatches_, x. p. 566.

[829] The British officer in command in the trenches, Major O’Halloran, was court martialled, but acquitted. It was proved that he had given the correct orders to the Portuguese captains of the companies on guard, who had not obeyed them. All the prisoners except 30 were Portuguese.

[830] The history of this proclamation is curious. Clarke, or Napoleon himself, considered it too full of insults of a person who was, after all, the Emperor’s brother. So it had to be disavowed: Soult wrote to Paris that he had not authorized it, and Clarke had the ingenuity to print in the French newspapers that it was an invention of the English government, intended to disgust the Spanish partisans of King Joseph, and to advertise the ill feeling that prevailed between the French army and the Imperial family. See Vidal de la Blache, i. p. 138; as he remarks, the style is all Soult’s, and there is not a trace of foreign diction in it. No Englishman or Spaniard could have written it.

[831] Joseph to Napoleon, 1st February 1813.

[832] See notably the case of General Excelmans.

[833] See especially the proclamation of March 6, 1815.

[834] _Mémoires_ of St. Chamans, p. 35.

[835] Maximilien Lamarque, ii. p. 182.

[836] Stanhope’s _Conversations with Wellington_, p. 20.

[837] The gendarmerie were those who had come from the ‘legions’, employed in 1811-12-13 as garrisons in Northern Spain. They were embodied in units, horse and foot, and used as combatants (as at the combat of Venta del Pozo, for which see p. 71).

[838] As Table XVI in the Appendix shows, Foy’s division received two of Sarrut’s regiments: Cassagne’s (now Darmagnac’s) took all the French infantry of the old Army of the Centre: Villatte’s (now Abbé’s) was given two of Abbé’s regiments of the Army of the North: Conroux’s division absorbed Maransin’s independent brigade: Barbot’s (now Vandermaesen’s) received two regiments of the Army of the North: Daricau’s (now Maransin’s) got half Leval’s ‘scrapped’ division, Taupin the other half of it: Maucune absorbed one of Vandermaesen’s old regiments, Lamartinière one of Sarrut’s.

[839] 120th Line of Lamartinière.

[840] 2nd Léger of same, which suffered heavily at Vittoria while under Sarrut.

[841] 20,957 to be exact.

[842] Not only the _Afrancesados_ but some of the Army of the North troops withdrawn from the Biscay garrisons had a poor record, and had disgusted Foy in his recent Tolosa fight. These were high-numbered battalions, recently made up from the Bayonne conscript reserve.

[843] The best proof of the efficiency of the bulk of Villatte’s corps is that when Vandermaesen’s and Maucune’s divisions were cut to pieces in the battles of the Pyrenees, Soult made up a new brigade for each of them out of the Reserve. Joseph’s French Guards fought splendidly at San Marcial. The Germans were very steady veteran troops.

[844] Vidal de la Blache, i. p. 160.

[845] See above, p. 533. Jourdan to Joseph, July 5. The memorandum had been made over to Soult. Cf. Clere, _Campagne du Maréchal Soult_, p. 46, and Vidal de la Blache, i. p. 182.

[846] One asks oneself why Soult did not give Reille the Maya attack, saving him two-thirds of his journey, and send D’Erlon to join Clausel at St. Jean-Pied-du-Port, by a march much shorter than Reille was asked to make.

[847] It is said that persons acquainted with the country told Soult to send the whole column round by Bayonne, on account of the artillery, but that he refused. As a matter of fact, Lamartinière’s division and some of the guns _did_ go that détour, owing to the broken bridge.

[848] Wellington to Graham, July 22. _Dispatches_, x. p. 559.

[849] Ibid., p. 563, same to same.

[850] _Supplementary Dispatches_, viii. p. 113.

[851] Ibid., p. 114.

[852] Wellington to Graham, July 24, _Dispatches_, x. p. 563.

[853] Same morning, to Giron, ibid., p. 564.

[854] Wellington to Graham, 25th July, _Dispatches_, x. p. 566.

[855] Wellington to Graham, _Dispatches_, x. p. 570.

[856] See especially Lemonnier-Delafosse, pp. 211-12, and Wachholz of Brunswick-Oels, p. 321.

[857] Vittoria and light companies of Doyle, La Union, and Legion Estremena.

[858] La Union and the Legion, minus their light companies.

[859] Doyle and 2nd of Jaen.

[860] Sometimes called the Puerto de Val Carlos.

[861] See the very interesting letter of Bainbrigge of the 20th, printed as an Appendix to the regimental history of that corps, p. 390.

[862] Bainbrigge says that it was 7 a.m. before the regiment reached the Linduz, but that it was an hour earlier is demonstrated by the fact that they heard firing at Roncesvalles after arriving. Now Byng’s fight on the Leiçaratheca began at 6 a.m. Therefore Ross was on the Linduz earlier.

[863] What became of this Spanish company? Captain Tovey of the 20th (see history of that corps, p. 408) says that the French ‘made the Spanish picquet, who were posted to give us intelligence, prisoners, without their firing a shot’. Another account is that having seen Ross arrive, they quietly went off to rejoin their brigade, without giving any notice.

[864] There is a curious and interesting account of all this in the Memoirs of Lemonnier-Delafosse, aide-de-camp to Clausel, who was twice sent to stir up Barbot, whose conduct he describes in scathing terms (pp. 212-14). Clausel says that the 50th stormed the Leiçaratheca. That it stormed an abandoned position is shown by the figure of its losses. What Clausel does not tell can be gathered from Byng’s workmanlike dispatch to Cole, in _Supplementary Dispatches_, viii. pp. 128-9.

[865] Of the 27th and 130th Line.

[866] I confess that I doubt these figures. Martinien’s lists show the 27th Line with seven officer-casualties, the 1st Line with two, the 25th Léger with three, the 130th with two. Fourteen officer-casualties ought to mean more like 280 than 100 casualties of all ranks. In the whole Pyrenean campaign the French army lost 120 officers to 12,300 men--nearly 30 men to each officer. Clausel asks us to believe that at Roncesvalles the proportion was one officer to twelve men! Yet, of course, such disproportion is quite _possible_.

[867] While we have quite a number of good personal narratives of the fight on the Linduz, I have found for the fight on the Leiçaratheca nothing but the official reports of Clausel, Byng, and Morillo, save the memoirs of George L’Estrange of the 31st and of Lemonnier-Delafosse, who is interesting but obviously inaccurate, since he says that the French regiment which carried the hill was the 71st. Not only was it the 50th, as Clausel specially mentions, but 71 was a blank number in the French Army List.

[868] Four, not five, because the light company of the 20th was absent with the other light companies far to the right: so the wing was only four companies strong, or three deducting Tovey’s men. Wachholz forgets this.

[869] Wachholz, p. 322.

[870] Tovey fortunately wrote a narrative of this little affair, which may be found in the history of the 20th, p. 408. He says: ‘The enemy’s light troops opened so galling a fire that Major-General Ross called out for a company to go to the front. Without waiting for orders I pushed out with mine, and in close order and double-quick cleared away the skirmishers from a sort of plateau. They did not wait for us: on reaching its opposite side we came so suddenly on the head of the enemy’s infantry column, which had just gained a footing on the summit of the hill, that the men of my company absolutely paused in astonishment, for we were face to face with them. The French officer called to us to throw down our arms: I replied “bayonet away,” and rushing on them we turned them back down the descent. Such was the panic and confusion caused by the sudden onset, that our small party (for such it was compared to the French column) had time to regain the regiment, but my military readers may rest assured that it required to be done _double quick_.’

[871] This ditch had been cut by the Spaniards in 1793 as an outer protection to their redoubt on the Linduz.

[872] Wachholz, p. 324.

[873] The 6th Léger, 69th (2 battalions), 76th, and 36th show casualties, the rear regiments (39th and 65th) none. Nor does Maucune’s division. Similarly on the British side none of Anson’s or Stubbs’s battalions contribute to the list.

[874] As we have seen already, Clausel puts his loss at the Leiçaratheca at 160, to Byng’s and Morillo’s 120. At the other end of the line Ross’s brigade had lost 216 men--139 of them in the 20th, 31 in the 7th, 42 in the 23rd, 4 in the Brunswick company. [I know not where Napier got his strange statement that this company lost 42 men: their captain, Wachholz, reports 2 killed and 2 wounded.] Foy’s six front battalions had lost 10 officers and 361 men. The total Allied loss was about 350, there having been a few casualties among Campbell’s Portuguese and among the Spaniards at Orbaiceta. The total French loss was not less than 530. Both figures are very moderate. Cole estimated the French casualties at 2,000 men! Soult wrote that he had almost exterminated the 20th, whose total loss had been 139.

[875] Cole to Wellington, _Supplementary Dispatches_, viii. p. 127.

[876] Wellington to Liverpool, _Dispatches_, x. p. 596.

[877] See vol. iv. pp. 389-90.

[878] Cole to Murray, Linzoain, July 26th. Wrongly dated July 27th in _Supplementary Dispatches_, viii. p. 124.

[879] See diary of Dr. Henry, who was at Elizondo, and notes how all the senior officers rode out eastward (p. 161).

[880] Bell, vol. i. p. 102; Cadell, p. 161.

[881] One from each battalion plus the odd company of the 5/60th attached to each 2nd Division brigade.

[882] See Hope’s _Military Memoirs_, p. 319. Sceptical observers with telescopes said that the objects seen were droves of bullocks.

[883] See Moyle Sherer (who commanded the picquet), p. 257.

[884] Major Thorne, assistant quartermaster-general. Moyle Sherer says that Thorne owned that there was a small column on the move, but that he judged it to be a battalion shifting its quarters, or a relief of outposts.

[885] Mr. Fortescue (_History of the Army_, ix. p. 258) thinks that the 34th got up in time to join in their last struggle. But Bell of that regiment says ‘we laboured on, but all too late--a forlorn hope--our comrades were _all_ killed, wounded, or prisoners. The enemy had full possession of the ground.’ Bell’s _Rough Notes_, i. p. 103.

[886] Bell’s _Rough Notes_, i. p. 103.

[887] Bell, i. p. 104.

[888] All this is most difficult to follow, our numerous sources contradicting each other in matters of detail in the most puzzling fashion. For this part of the narrative I have used, beside the dispatch of William Stewart, the books of Moyle Sherer of the 34th, who commanded the Aretesque picquet and was taken prisoner--Sir George Bell of the same regiment, Cadell of the 28th, Hope and Sergeant Robertson of the 92nd, Patterson of the 50th, the two anonymous diarists ‘J. S.’ and the ‘Scottish Soldier’ of the 71st, besides D’Erlon’s and Darmagnac’s original dispatches, lent me by Mr. Fortescue. I take it that each authority may be followed for the doings of his own corps, but is of inferior weight for those of other units. Patterson says that the 34th was at one time in close touch with the 50th, Cadell that the 28th and 92nd worked together, while Hope says that the 28th was only seen by the 92nd right wing after it had ended its terrible first entry into the fight. Patterson says that he saw O’Callaghan of the 39th fighting along with the 50th in the third episode of the combat, when, according to other sources, that regiment had already retreated south toward the valley with the 34th. Stewart’s dispatch only speaks of the 28th and 34th retiring in that direction, not the 39th. A confused fight has left confused memories. I cannot be sure of all the details.

[889] The statement in Napier and succeeding writers that the wounded of the right wing of the 92nd formed a bank behind which the French advance halted, and stood to receive the fire of the left wing of that same corps, whose bullets hit many of its comrades, comes from the narrative of Norton of the 34th (Napier, V. appendix, p. 442), who was some way off. That the troops which came up were the right wing 71st, and not the left wing 92nd, seems to me proved by the narrative of Hope of the 92nd, who distinctly says that the right wing were relieved by the 71st, and that the left wing were still holding the Maya position and under Stewart, who had just arrived, along with the left wing of the 71st (_Military Memoirs_, p. 210).

[890] He himself in his dispatch only says that it was after 1 p.m.

[891] Tulloh (commanding 2nd division batteries) to Dickson, in _Dickson Papers_, p. 1022. Wellington’s censure of Stewart may be found in _Dispatches_, x. p. 588, and his reply to the latter’s self-defence in xi. p. 107. The details are hard to follow: Wellington says that Pringle ordered the guns to be taken off by the road to Maya--that Stewart directed that they were to go back, and look to ‘the mountain road to Elizondo’ as their proper line of retreat. When it became necessary for them to retire at all costs, that road was already in the hands of the French. But I do not know precisely what Wellington meant by the mountain-road to Elizondo. Does it mean the track by which the 28th and 34th had retired?

[892] See Stewart’s Report to Hill, Berueta, July 26.

[893] Robertson, pp. 109-10.

[894] Stewart’s dispatch says that it was the 82nd who fought with stones.

[895] This was not the brigade to which the 82nd belonged, but the reserve brigade of the 7th Division, short of one of its units, the 3rd Provisional.

[896] Cf. _Dispatches_, x. pp. 597-8.

[897] ‘Lettres de l’Empereur Napoléon non insérées dans la _Correspondance_, publiées par X. Paris and Nancy, 1909,’ page 3. It is amusing to find out what Napoleon III omitted of his uncle’s letters.

[898] ‘Lettres de l’Empereur Napoléon non insérées dans la _Correspondance_,’ p. 13.

[899] Wellington’s letter to Graham, giving the false report that D’Erlon had been repulsed at Maya, is dated at 10 p.m. The letter to O’Donnell must be a little later, as it repeats this error, but adds that a note has come in from Cole, saying that he was heavily engaged at noon. _Dispatches_, x. pp. 566-7.

[900] The dispatch giving this information (_Dispatches_, x. p. 570) is wrongly dated in the Wellington correspondence. It should be July _26th_ at 4 a.m. The hour of the receipt of Hill’s and Stewart’s reports is not given.

[901] All in _Supplementary Dispatches_, viii. pp. 120-1.

[902] Hill to Murray, _Supplementary Dispatches_, viii. p. 121.

[903] The orders to Pack and Dalhousie may be found in _Supplementary Dispatches_, xix. p. 258-9, dated from Almandoz--obviously before Cole’s dispatch had come to hand.

[904] This letter in _Supplementary Dispatches_, viii. pp. 124-5, is there wrongly dated July 27th (for 26th). Cole, of course, was no longer at Linzoain on the 27th.

[905] To Picton from Almandoz, _Supplementary Dispatches_, xiv. p. 259.

[906] Picton to Murray, 8.30 p.m., _Supplementary Dispatches_, xviii. pp. 121-2.

[907] See above, p. 622.

[908] See above, p. 591.

[909] These are his own words, in his Report of August 2.

[910] Foy to Reille, July 20.

[911] Reille to Soult, July 27.

[912] The tall hat is vouched for by George L’Estrange of the 31st, and Wachholz from Ross’s brigade, the furled umbrella by Bainbrigge of the 20th, all eye-witnesses, whose narratives are among the few detailed accounts of this retreat.

[913] Words overheard by Bainbrigge in his own company.

[914] See Quartermaster-General to Picton, enclosing letter for Cole, sent off from Lesaca on July 23 (_Supplementary Dispatches_, viii. pp. 112-13), which must have reached Picton at Olague on the 24th.

[915] This seems a more controvertible plea. Orders went out from Lesaca on the 23rd, and must have reached Picton not very late in the day on the 24th. Supposing he had marched from Olague on the afternoon of the 24th, he would have been at Zubiri (only 6 miles off) on that same night, or even at Viscarret. And from Zubiri to Roncesvalles is not an excessive day’s march for the 25th, especially when firing was to be heard at the front.

[916] The remaining four were in the Caçador battalion of Stubbs’s Portuguese brigade.

[917] Unfortunately all French losses are given _en bloc_ for the six days July 27 to August 1, and the casualties of each day cannot be disentangled. The casualties of Maya and Roncesvalles _can_ be ascertained, but not those of the subsequent days.

[918] Viz. about 6,000 of Cole’s division, 5,000 of his own, 1,700 of Byng’s brigade, 2,500 of Campbell’s Portuguese at Eugui, only a few miles away, and something under 4,000 of Morillo’s Spaniards.

[919] See Belmas, iv. p. 803.

[920] Napier says (v. p. 225), and all subsequent historians have followed him, that Picton originally intended to place Cole on a line between Oricain and Arleta, i. e. on the low back-slope of the ridge. This seems to me almost incredible, as this ground is all running downhill, completely commanded by the much loftier crests about the Col. Surely no one, according to the tactical ideas of 1813, would take up a defensive position half-way down a slope whose summit is abandoned to the enemy. I can find no authority save Napier (who was not in the battle) for this curious statement. And I am justified, I think, in holding that the San Miguel hill was the place where Picton intended to place Cole, by the narrative and sketch-map of Wachholz of Ross’s brigade, who places the first position of the 4th Division on a well-marked hill immediately to the right of Villaba, and close to the 3rd Division’s ground at Huarte. This _must_ mean San Miguel.

[921] R. Hill’s, Ponsonby’s, the Hussar brigade, and D’Urban’s Portuguese, Fane’s brigade, which was observing on the side of Aragon, did not arrive this day.

[922] One of the 4th Line.

[923] Reille’s report of August 1st.

[924] Clausel in his report says that he arrived in time to see the 4th Division cross the hill of Oricain.

[925] Perhaps Carlos de España’s division, arriving from the south.

[926] All this from the very interesting narrative of Clausel’s aide-de-camp Lemonnier Delafosse (p. 220), who bore the first message to Soult, and was (like his chief) much irritated by the Marshal’s caution and refusal to commit himself. Clausel had got a completely erroneous notion of the enemy’s intentions--like Ney at Bussaco.

[927] Quartermaster-General to Sir R. Hill, _Supplementary Dispatches_, viii. pp. 259-60.

[928] Wellington to Pack, _Supplementary Dispatches_, viii. p. 122, wrongly dated 1 o’clock--it should be 10 o’clock. Wellington was at Sorauren by 11.

[929] Final destination not given--clearly it might be down the high-road to Pampeluna; but if Picton had retreated still further and raised the siege, it might be to Lizaso, to join Hill and the rest.