Chapter IV: Part 4

On the following morning, having left this place, we anchored at a distance of two bombard-shots from the place at which we had been at first, and close to an island, where we had been told that water would be found.[211] The captain-major at once sent Nicolau Coelho in an armed boat in search for this watering place. He came there upon the ruins of a large stone church which had been destroyed by the Moors, with the exception of a chapel which had been roofed with straw. This, at least, was told us by the natives of the country, who prayed there to three black stones which stood in the middle of the chapel.[212] Beside this church we discovered a tank of the same workmanship as the church itself—that is, built of hewn stone—from which we took as much water as we needed. Another tank, of large size and four fathoms deep, occupied the highest part of the island. On the beach, in front of the church, we careened the _Berrio_ and the ship of the captain-major. The _Raphael_ was not drawn up on the beach, on account of difficulties which will be referred to further on.

Being one day in the _Berrio_, which was drawn up on the beach, there approached two large boats, or _fustas_,[213] crowded with people. They rowed to the sound of drums and bagpipes, and displayed flags at the masthead. Five other boats remained on the coast for their protection. As they came nearer we asked the people whom we had with us who they were. They told us not to allow them to come on board, as they were robbers who would seize us if they could. The people of this country, they said, carried arms and boarded vessels as if they came as friends, and having succeeded, and feeling strong enough, they laid hands upon them. For this reason they were fired upon from the _Raphael_ and the captain-major’s ship, as soon as they came within range of our bombards. They began to shout “Tambaram,”[214] which meant that they were Christians, for the Christians of India call God “Tambaram.” When they found that we took no notice of this, they fled towards the land. Nicolau Coelho pursued them for a short distance, when he was recalled by a signal flag on the ship of the captain-major.

On the following day, whilst the captain and many of our people were on land, careening the _Berrio_, there arrived two small boats with a dozen well-dressed men in them, who brought a bundle of sugar-cane as a present for the captain-major. After they had landed they asked permission to see the ships. The captain thought they were spies, and grew angry. Just then two other boats, with as many people, made their appearance, but those who had come first, seeing that the captain was not favourably disposed towards them, warned these new-comers not to land, but to turn back. They, too, re-embarked at once, and went away.

Whilst the ship of the captain-major was being careened there arrived a man,[215] about forty years of age, who spoke Venetian well. He was dressed in linen, wore a fine _touca_ on his head, and a sword in his belt. He had no sooner landed than he embraced the captain-major and the captains, and said that he was a Christian from the west, who had come to this country in early youth; that he was now in the service of a Moorish lord,[216] who could muster 40,000 horsemen; that he, too, had become a Moor, although at heart still a Christian. He said that, being one day at his master’s house, news was brought that men had arrived at Calecut, whose speech none could understand, and who were wholly clad; that when he heard this he said that these strangers must be Franks, for this is the name by which we [Europeans] are known in these parts. He then begged permission of his master to be allowed to visit us, saying that a refusal would cause him to die of sorrow. His master thereupon had told him to go and tell us that we might have anything in his country which suited us, including ships and provisions, and that if we desired to remain permanently it would give him much pleasure. When the captain had cordially thanked him for these offers, which appeared to him to have been made in good faith, our visitor asked as a favour that a cheese be given him, which he desired to take to one of his companions who had remained on the mainland, as a token that all had gone well. The captain ordered a cheese and two soft loaves to be given to him. He remained on the island, talking so much and about so many things, that at times he contradicted himself.

Paulo da Gama, in the meanwhile, had sought the Christians who had come with this visitor, and asked who he was. They said he was a pirate (_armador_), who had come to attack us, and that his ships, with many people in them, had remained on the coast. Knowing this much, and conjecturing the rest, we seized him, took him to the vessel drawn up on the beach, and there began to thrash him, in order to make him confess whether he was really a pirate, or what was the object with which he had come to us. He then told us that he was well aware that the whole country was ill-disposed towards us, and that numbers of armed men were around, hidden within the creeks, but that they would not for the present venture to attack us, as they were expecting some forty vessels which were being armed to pursue us. He added that he did not know when they would be ready to attack us. As to himself he said nothing except what he had said at first. Afterwards he was “questioned”[217] three or four times, and although he did not definitely say so, we understood from his gestures that he had come to see the ships, so that he might know what sort of people we were, and how we were armed.

At this island we remained twelve days, eating much fish, which was brought for sale from the mainland, as also many pumpkins and cucumbers. They also brought us boat-loads of green cinnamon-wood with the leaves still on. When our ships had been careened, and we had taken in as much water as we needed, and had broken up the vessel which we had captured, we took our departure. This happened on Friday, October 5.[218]

Before the vessel referred to was broken up, its captain offered us 1000 fanões for it, but the captain-major said that it was not for sale, and as it belonged to an enemy he preferred to burn it.

When we were about two hundred leagues out at sea, the Moor whom we had taken with us declared that the time for dissembling was now past. It was true that he had heard at the house of his master that we had lost ourselves along the coast, and were unable to find our way home; that for this reason many vessels had been despatched to capture us; and that his master had sent him to find out what we were doing and to entice us to his country, for if a privateer had taken us he would not have received a share of the booty, whilst if we had landed within his territory we should have been completely in his power, and being valiant men, he could have employed us in his wars with the neighbouring kings. This reckoning, however, was made without the host.

[_The Voyage across the Arabian Sea._]

Owing to frequent calms and foul winds it took us three months less three days to cross this gulf,[219] and all our people again suffered from their gums, which grew over their teeth, so that they could not eat. Their legs also swelled, and other parts of the body, and these swellings spread until the sufferer died, without exhibiting symptoms of any other disease. Thirty of our men died in this manner—an equal number having died previously—and those able to navigate each ship were only seven or eight, and even these were not as well as they ought to have been. I assure you that if this state of affairs had continued for another fortnight, there would have been no men at all to navigate the ships. We had come to such a pass that all bonds of discipline had gone. Whilst suffering this affliction we addressed vows and petitions to the saints on behalf of our ships. The captains had held council, and they had agreed that if a favourable wind enabled us we would return to India whence we had come.

But it pleased God in his mercy to send us a wind which, in the course of six days, carried us within sight of land, and at this we rejoiced as much as if the land we saw had been Portugal, for with the help of God we hoped to recover our health there, as we had done once before.[220]

This happened on January 2, 1499.[221] It was night when we came close to the land, and for this reason we put about ship and lay to. In the morning [January 3] we reconnoitred the coast, so as to find out whither the Lord had taken us, for there was not a pilot on board, nor any other man who could tell on the chart in what place we were. Some said that we must be among certain islands off Moçambique, about 300 leagues from the mainland;[222] and they said this because a Moor whom we had taken at Moçambique had asserted that these islands were very unhealthy, and that their inhabitants suffered from the same disease which had afflicted us.

[_Magadoxo._]

We found ourselves off a large town, with houses of several stories, big palaces in its centre, and four towers around it. This town faced the sea, belonged to the Moors, and was called Magadoxo.[223] When we were quite close to it we fired off many bombards,[224] and continued along the coast with a fair wind. We went on thus during the day, but lay to at night, as we did not know how far we were from Milingue [Malindi] whither we wished to go.

On Saturday, the 5th of the month, being becalmed, a thunderstorm burst upon us, and tore the ties of the _Raphael_. Whilst repairing these a privateer came out from a town called Pate[225] with eight boats and many men, but as soon as he came within reach of our bombards we fired upon him, and he fled. There being no wind we were not able to follow him.

[_Malindi._]

On Monday, the 7th [of January][226] we again cast anchor off Milindy, when the king at once sent off to us a long boat holding many people, with a present of sheep, and a message to the captain-major, bidding him welcome. The king said that he had been expected for days past, and gave expression to his amicable and peaceable sentiments. The captain-major sent a man on shore with these messengers with instructions to bring off a supply of oranges, which were much desired by our sick. These he brought on the following day, as also other kinds of fruit; but our sick did not much profit by this, for the climate affected them in such a way that many of them died here. Moors also came on board, by order of the king, offering fowls and eggs.

When the captain saw that all this attention was shown us at a time when we stood so much in need of it, he sent a present to the king, and also a message by the mouth of one of our men who spoke Arabic, begging for a tusk of ivory to be given to the King [of Portugal], his Lord, and asking that a pillar be placed on the land as a sign of friendship. The king replied that he would do what was asked out of love for the King of Portugal, whom he desired to serve; and, in fact, he at once ordered a tusk to be taken to the captain and ordered the pillar to be erected.[227]

He also sent a young Moor,[228] who desired to go with us to Portugal, and whom he recommended strongly to the captain-major, saying that he sent him in order that the King of Portugal might know how much he desired his friendship.

(_From a photograph by Sir John Kirk._)]

We remained five days at this place enjoying ourselves, and reposing from the hardships endured during a passage in the course of which all of us had been face to face with death.

[_Malindi to São Braz._]

We left on Friday [January 11], in the morning, and on Saturday, which was the 12th of the month, we passed close to Mombaça. On Sunday [January 13] we anchored at the _Baixos de S. Raphael_,[229] where we set fire to the ship of that name, as it was impossible for us to navigate three vessels with the few hands that remained to us. The contents of this ship were transferred to the two other ships. We were here fifteen days,[230] and from a town in front of us, called Tamugate,[231] many fowls were brought to us for sale or barter in exchange for shirts and bracelets.

On Sunday, the 27th, we left this place with a fair wind. During the following night we lay to, and in the morning [January 28] we came close to a large island called Jamgiber [Zanzibar], which is peopled by Moors, and is quite ten leagues[232] from the mainland. Late on February 1, we anchored off the island of S. Jorge, near Moçambique and left at once. On the following day [February 2], in the morning, we set up a pillar in that island, where we had said mass on going out. The rain fell so heavily that we could not light a fire for melting the lead to fix the cross, and it therefore remained without one. We then returned to the ships.

On March 3 we reached the Angra de São Braz, where we caught many anchovies, seals and penguins, which we salted for our voyage. On the 12th we left, but when ten or twelve leagues from the watering-place the wind blew so strongly from the west, that we were compelled to return to this bay.

[_São Braz to the Rio Grande._]

When the wind fell we started once more, and the Lord gave us such a good wind that on the 20th we were able to double the Cape of Good Hope. Those who had come so far were in good health and quite robust, although at times nearly dead from the cold winds which we experienced. This feeling, however, we attributed less to the cold than to the heat of the countries from which we had come.

We pursued our route with a great desire of reaching home. For twenty-seven days[233] we had the wind astern, and were carried by it to the neighbourhood of the island of São Thiago. To judge from our charts we were within a hundred leagues from it, but some supposed we were quite near. But the wind fell and we were becalmed. The little wind there was came from ahead. Thunderstorms,[234] which came from the land, enabled us to tell our whereabouts, and we plied to windward as well as we could.

On Thursday, the 25th of April, we had soundings of 35 fathoms. All that day we followed our route, and the least sounding we had was 20 fathoms. We nevertheless could get no sight of the land, but the pilots told us that we were near the shoals of the Rio Grande.[235]

[Here the Journal ends abruptly. The succeeding events may be shortly stated. Vasco da Gama and Coelho were separated in a storm, according to Resende. Coelho continued his voyage, arriving at Cascaes, below Lisbon, on July 10, 1499. Vasco da Gama, having waited one day for his consort, proceeded to the island of São Thiago, placed João de Sá in charge of the _S. Gabriel_, and chartered a caravel in which he conveyed his dying brother Paulo to the island of Terceira. João de Sá arrived soon after Coelho, and certainly anterior to August 28th, on which day the king addressed a letter to the Cardinal Protector of Portugal (see Appendix). Paulo died a day after he had landed at the Angra of Terceira, and was buried in the church of the Monastery of S. Francisco.[236] A resident of Terceira, one Arthur Rodriguez, at once started in a caravel to carry the news of Vasco da Gama’s arrival to Lisbon.

The date of Vasco da Gama’s return to Lisbon is not known with certainty. The commission appointed in 1871 to remove the remains of Vasco da Gama from the church of Vidigueira to Belem made every effort to ascertain the exact date, but in vain; and whilst Barros, Goes, and Pero Barretto de Resende state that it happened on August 29th, Castanheda fixes upon September 8th, and a MS. in the Torre do Tombo, consulted by Texeira de Aragão, has September 18th. Herculano, in a note to the second edition of the “Roteiro”, is content with saying that it happened at the end of August or at the beginning of September. Texeira de Aragão assumes (on the ground of a vague expression in De Barros) that he reached Terceira on August 29th, arrived at Lisbon on September 9th, and made his triumphal entry into the town on September 18th. This assumption is partly supported by the statement of Barros that Vasco da Gama, after his arrival at Belem, on account of the loss he had suffered in the death of a beloved brother, spent nine days in retirement.[237]

I am myself inclined to believe that Vasco da Gama reached Lisbon on August 29th, and made his triumphal entry on September 8th.]

[THE KINGDOMS TO THE SOUTH OF CALECUT.]

The following are the names of certain kingdoms on the coast to the south of Calecut, together with the productions of each, and what they are worth, all of which I have learnt in the most trustworthy manner from a man who spoke our language and who had come to those parts from Alexandria thirty years before.[238]

CALECUT, where we were. The articles of merchandise mentioned below are sent to it, and the vessels of Mecca take their cargoes to that city. The King, who is called Çamolim, can muster 100,000 fighting men, including auxiliaries, for the number under his proper jurisdiction is very small.

In the following we give the articles of merchandise brought thither in the vessels of Mecca, and their value throughout this part of India[239]:—

_Copper_, of which the frazila of nearly 30 pounds is worth 50 fanãos or 3 cruzados.

_Stone of Baqua_,[240] which is worth its weight in silver.

_Knives_, worth one fanão each.

_Rosewater_, worth 50 fanãos the frazila.

_Alum_, worth 50 fanãos the frazila.

_Camlot_, worth 7 cruzados the piece.

_Red cloth_, worth 2 cruzados the _pequy_[241] of three spans (palmas).

_Quicksilver_, worth 10 cruzados the frazila.

QUORONGOLIZ [Corongolor][242] is a Christian country and the king is a Christian. Its distance from Calecut by sea, and with a favourable wind, is 3 days. The king can muster 40,000 fighting men. There is much pepper, the frazila being worth 9 fanãos, whilst at Calecut it is worth 14.

COLEU [Colam, Coulão][243] is Christian. Its distance from Calecut by sea, and with a good wind, is 10 days. The king can muster 10,000 men. There is much cotton-cloth in this country, but little pepper.

CAELL [Cael],[244] the king of which is a Moor, whilst the people are Christians. Its distance from Calecut, by sea, is 10 days. The king can assemble 4,000 fighting men, and owns 100 war-elephants. There are many pearls.

CHOMANDARLA [Choramandel][245] is inhabited by Christians, and the king is a Christian. He can muster 100,000 men. There is much lac here, worth half a cruzado the frazila, and an extensive manufacture of cotton cloths.

CEYLAM [Ceylon] is a very large island inhabited by Christians under a Christian king. It is 8 days from Calecut, with a favourable wind. The king can muster 4,000 men, and has moreover many elephants for war as well as for sale. All the fine cinnamon of India is found here, as well as many sapphires, superior to those of other countries,[246] besides rubies, few but of good quality.

CAMATARRA [Sumatra] is Christian. It is 30 days from Calecut with a favourable wind. The king can muster 4,000 fighting men, and has 1,000 horsemen and 300 war-elephants. In this country much spun[247] silk is found, worth 8 cruzados the frazila. There is also much lac, worth 10 cruzados the bahar of 20 frazilas [208 kilo.].

XARNAUZ[248] is Christian and has a Christian king. Its distance from Calecut is 50 days with a good wind. The king can muster 20,000 fighting men and 4,000 horse, and owns 400 war-elephants. In this country is found much benzoin,[249] worth 3 cruzados the frazila, as also much aloes,[250] worth 25 cruzados the frazila.

TENACAR[251] is Christian with a Christian king. It is 40 days’ sail from Calecut, if the wind is favourable. The king can muster 10,000 fighting men and possesses 500 fighting elephants. In this country is found much Brazil-wood[252] which yields a red dye, as fine as kermes, and is worth 3 cruzados the bahar, whilst at Quayro [Cairo] it fetches 60. There is likewise a little aloes.

BEMGALA [Bengal].[253] In this kingdom there are many Moors and few Christians, and the king is a Christian. He can muster 20,000 fighting men on foot and 10,000 horse. In this country there is much cloth made of cotton and of silk, and much silver. The distance from Calecut is 40 days’ sail, with a favourable wind.

MELEQUA [Malacca] is Christian with a Christian king. It is 40 days’ sail from Qualecut [Calecut], with a good wind. The king can muster 10,000 fighting men, including 1,200 horse. All cloves[254] come from here, being worth on the spot 9 cruzados the bahar,[255] as also nutmeg, which is worth the like amount. There is also much porcelain, much silk and much tin, of which last they coin money; but this money is heavy and of little value, 3 frazilas being worth only 1 cruzado. There are many big parrots in this country, whose plumage is red, like fire.

PEGUO [Pegu] is Christian and has a Christian king. The inhabitants are as white as we are. The king can muster 20,000 fighting men, _scilicet_ 10,000 horse and the others on foot, besides 400 war-elephants. This country produces all the musk[256] of the world. The king possesses an island about four days’ sail, with a good wind, from the mainland. In this island there are animals like deer, who have pouches containing this musk, attached to their navels. At a certain period of each year they rub themselves against trees, when the pouches come off. It is then that the people of the country gather them. Their abundance is such that they give you four large pouches, or ten to twelve small ones, which would fill a large chest, for one cruzado. On the mainland many rubies[257] and much gold are found. For ten cruzados as much gold may be bought here as for twenty-five at Calecut. There is also much lac and benzoin of two kinds, white and black. The frazila of white benzoin is worth three cruzados, of black only a cruzado and a half. The silver to be obtained here for ten cruzados is worth fifteen at Calecut.

The distance of this country from Calecut is thirty days with a fair wind.

BEMGUALA [Bengal][258] has a Moorish king, and is inhabited by both Moors and Christians. Its distance from Calecut is thirty-five days with a fair wind. There may be 25,000 fighting men, _scilicet_ 10,000 horse and the remainder on foot, as also 400 war-elephants. In this country the following merchandise is found:—much corn and much cloth of great value. Cloth which may be bought here for ten cruzados is worth forty at Calecut. There is also much silver.

CONIMATA[259] has a Christian king and Christian inhabitants. It is fifty days’ sail from Calecut, with a good wind.

The king can assemble five or six thousand men, and owns one thousand fighting elephants. In this country there are many sapphires and much brazil-wood.

PATER[260] has Christian inhabitants and a Christian king, and there is not a single Moor. The king can assemble four thousand fighting men, and has a hundred war-elephants. In this country is found much rhubarb, the frazila on the spot being worth nine cruzados. There are also many spinel rubies and much lac, a bahar of which is worth four cruzados. The distance from Calecut is fifty days with a fair wind.

[ABOUT ELEPHANTS.]

_How the Elephants fight in this country._

They make a house of wood holding four men, and this house is put on the back of the elephant with the four men in it. The elephant has attached five naked swords to each of his tusks, being ten for the two tusks. This renders him so redoubtable that none awaits his attack if flight is possible. Whatever those seated on the top order to be done is done as if he were a rational creature, for if they tell him “kill this one, or do this thing or another”, he does it.

_How they capture Elephants in the Primeval Forests._

When they wish to capture a wild elephant they take a tame female, and dig a large hole on the track frequented by elephants, and cover its mouth with brushwood. They then tell the female “Go! and if you meet with an elephant, entice him to this hole, in such a way that he falls into it, but take care that you do not fall into it yourself.” She then goes away, and does as she has been told, and when she meets one she draws him on in such a way that he must fall into the hole, and the hole is so deep that unaided he could never get out of it.

_How they are got out of the hole and broken-in._

After the elephant has fallen into this hole, five or six days are allowed to pass before he is given anything to eat. When that time has elapsed, a man brings him a very small supply of food, the supply being increased from day to day until he eats by himself. This is continued for about a month, during which time those who bring him food gradually tame him, until at last they venture to descend into the hole. This is done for several days until he permits the man to put his hands upon his tusks. He then goes into the hole and puts heavy chains around the legs, and whilst in this condition they train him so well that he learns all but to speak.

These elephants are kept in stables like horses, and a good elephant is worth 2,000 cruzados.[261]

PRICES AT ALEXANDRIA.[262]

[Value per
Pound.]
_£_ _s._ _d._

One quintal of cinnamon is worth 25 cruzados, 0 2 5
” ” cloves ” 20 ” 0 1 11
” ” pepper ” 15 ” 0 1 5
” ” ginger ” 21 ” 0 2 0
(At Calecut one bahar, equal to 5 quintals,
is worth 20 cruzados) 0 0 5
One quintal of nutmeg is worth 16 cruzados, 0 1 7
” ” lac ” 25 ” 0 2 5
” ” Brazil-wood ” 10 ” 0 1 0
One ratel of rhubarb ” 12 ” 5 16 0
One mitikal of musk ” 1 ” 50 5 4
One ratel of aloe-wood ” 2 ” 0 19 4
” ” benzoin ” 1 ” 0 9 8
One quintal of frankincense ” 2 ” 0 0 2½
(At Mecca the bahar is worth 2 cruzados) 0 0 0½

[A VOCABULARY OF MALAYALAM.]

THIS IS THE LANGUAGE OF CALECUT.[263]

See, look! nocane [nōkka].
Hearest thou? que que ne [kēlka].
Take him away criane.
To draw balichene [walikkān].
Rope coraoo [kayara].
Largely lacany.
Give me cornda.
To drink carichany [kutippān].
Eat tinane [tinmān].
Take y na.
I do not wish to totenda.
To go mareçane.
Go away! poo [pō].
Come here! baa [bā or wā].
Be silent! pote.
Rise! legany.
To throw carecane [karikkān].
To speak para ne [parane, speak thou].
Mad, silly moto.
Serious monday decany.
Lame mura call [murakāl].
To fall biamçe.
Many, much balidu [walare].
Bad betall [chītta].
Wind clarle [kātta].
Little chiredu [chiratu?].
Give him criane.
Timber, wood mara [maram].
Stone calou [kallu].
Teeth faley.
Lips çire [chīra?].
Nose muco [mūkka].
Eyes cana [kanna].
Forehead necheim [nīcha?].
Hair talanay [talla].
Head tabu.
Ears cadee [chewi].
Tongue naoo [nākka].
Neck caestez.
[Breast] mulay [mula].
Breasts nane.
Arms carit.
Stomach barri [wayara].
Legs cali [kāla].
— canay.
— seyrim.
— cudo.
Hands lamguajem [kai].
Fingers beda.
— cula.
Fish miny [mīna].
Mast mana.
Light, fire tiir [tī].
To sleep teraquy.
Man amoo [āna].
Women pena [penna].
Chin, beard tari.
Lobster xame.
Parrot tata [tatta].
Doves cayninaa.
— baly.
To kiss mucane.
To bite canchany [katikkān].
To see, look noquany [nokkuwān].
To hear çegade [kēlkawān].
To beat catane.
Wound morubo.
Sword batany.
Shield cutany.
Bow cayny.
Arrow ambum [anpa].
Spear concudoo.
To shoot with a bow heany.
Sun nerara.
Moon neelan.
Heaven mana.
The earth caraa.
The sea caralu.
Ship capell [kappal].
Boat çambuco.
Night erabut.
Day pagalala.
Eat tinane [tinmān].
— matara.
To mount arricany.
To be on foot anicany.
To go, travel narecane.
To embrace traigany.
Blows talancy.
To mourn, wail que ne.
To raise alagany.
To dance canechane.
To throw with stones
or wood ouriany.
To sing fareny.
Rain ma jaa [mara].
Water tany [tanni].
Blind curuge [kurutan, _blind man_].
Maimed of a hand muruquay [murukai].
— panany.
Take! ennay.
Let us go! pomga [pomka].
East careçache [kirakka].
West mecache [patinynyara].
North barcangache [watakka].
South tycamgarche [tekka].
Dog naa [nāya].
Bitch pena [pennāya].
Young man hum nee.
Girl co poo.
House pura [pura].
Needle cu doo.
Rod parima.
Oar tandii [tandu].
A great gun ve dii.
Top-sail talii.
Halyard anguaa.
Anchor napara.
Flag çoti [koti].
Rudder, helm xoca.
Pilot cu pajaoo.
Shoe cacu paja.
Cap tupy [topi].

_The following are some of the Names [of Persons]._

Tenae. Aja paa. Anapa.
Pumi. A rreco. Canapa.
Paramganda. A xirama. Gande.
Uja pee. Cuerapa. Rremaa.
Quilaba. Cutotopa. Mamgala.
Gouaa.

APPENDICES.

_From “Leitura nova” (1º de Alemdouro) in the Torre do Tombo._

The signature is that of the King:—“Rey.”]

APPENDIX A.

TWO LETTERS OF KING MANUEL, 1499.

The first of these letters is addressed to King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella, of Castile, whose daughter, Doña Isabella, King Manuel had married in October 1497.[264] The letter is dated July 1499, and may have been written immediately after the arrival of Coelho’s vessel on July 10.

The draught, or copy, of this letter in the Torre do Tombo[265] has been published by A. C. Texeira de Aragão in the _Boletim_ of the Lisbon Geographical Society, VI, 1886, p. 673. It was published a second time in _Alguns Documentos do Archivo National da Torre do Tombo_, Lisbon, 1892, p. 95. There are several omissions in the latter version, due probably to the illegibility of the manuscript. In our rendering of this valuable document, all passages omitted in _Alguns Documentos_ are printed in italics, while attention is directed to other differences by means of foot-notes.

The draught of the letter addressed to the “Cardinal Protector” also exists in the Torre do Tombo,[266] but is evidently very illegible, for the text published by Texeira de Aragão is full of blanks. The original, as also the letter to Pope Alexander VI, to which reference is made, may possibly be discovered in Rome. The letter is dated August 28, 1499, that is, the day before Vasco da Gama’s supposed return to Lisbon. It was certainly written _after_ the arrival of the _S. Gabriel_, for it refers to the “Moor of Tunis” or Monçaide, to the “Jew”, who subsequently became known as Gaspar da Gama, and to the men carried off from Calecut, none of whom is likely to have been on board Coelho’s small vessel.[267]

The “Cardinal Protector” can be identified with D. Jorge da Costa, a man of mean extraction, whom Doña Catharina, the virgin daughter of King Duarte, and sister of King Afonso IV, appointed her chaplain, and who subsequently rose to high dignities in the Church, until, finally, the Pope bestowed upon him a cardinal’s hat. King John took a dislike to the cardinal, who went to reside at Rome; but King Manuel had a high opinion of his wisdom, and soon after his accession, in 1495, he invited him, through Pedro Correa,[268] his special ambassador to the Court of Rome, to return to Lisbon. The cardinal declined this invitation, pleading his great age and infirmities as an excuse, but ever afterwards attended most faithfully to the King’s business with the Pope.

I.—KING MANUEL’S LETTER TO THE KING AND QUEEN OF CASTILE, JULY 1499.

Most high and excellent Prince and Princess, most potent Lord and
Lady!

Your Highnesses already know that we had ordered _Vasco da Gama,
a nobleman of our household, and his brother Paulo da Gama, with_
four vessels to make discoveries by sea, and that two years have now
elapsed since their departure. And as the principal motive of this
enterprise has been, with our predecessors, the service of God our
Lord, and our own advantage,[269] it pleased Him in His mercy to
speed them on their route. From a message which has now been brought
to this city by one of the captains,[270] we learn that they did
reach and discover India and other kingdoms _and lordships_ bordering
upon it; that they entered and navigated its sea, finding large
cities, large edifices and rivers, and great populations, among whom
is carried on all the trade in spices and precious stones, which are
forwarded in ships (which these same explorers saw and met with in
good numbers and of great size) to Mecca, and thence to Cairo, whence
they are dispersed throughout the world. Of these [spices, etc.] they
have brought a quantity, including cinnamon, cloves, ginger, nutmeg,
_and pepper_, as well as other kinds, together with the boughs and
leaves[271] of the same; also many fine stones of all sorts, such as
rubies and others. And they also came to a country in which there are
mines of gold, of which [gold], as of the spices and precious stones,
they did not bring as much as they could have done, for they took no
merchandise with them.[272]

As we are aware that your Highnesses will hear of these things
with much pleasure and satisfaction, we thought well to give this
information. And your Highnesses may believe, in accordance with what
we have learnt concerning the Christian people whom these explorers
reached, that it will be possible, notwithstanding that they are
not as yet strong in the faith or possessed of a thorough knowledge
of it, to do much in the service of God and the exaltation of the
Holy Faith, once they shall have been converted and fully fortified
(confirmed) in it. And when _they shall have thus been fortified in
the faith there will be an opportunity for destroying the Moors of
those parts. Moreover, we hope, with the help of God, that_ the great
trade which now enriches the Moors of those parts, through whose
hands it passes without the intervention of other persons or peoples,
shall, in consequence of our regulations (ordenanços) be diverted _to
the natives and ships of our own kingdom_, so that henceforth all
Christendom, _in this part of Europe_, shall be able, _in a large
measure_, to provide itself with these spices and precious stones.
This, with the help of God, who in His mercy thus ordained it, will
cause our designs and intentions to be pushed with more ardour
[especially as respects] the war upon the Moors _of the territories
conquered by us in these parts_, which your Highnesses are so firmly
resolved upon, and in which we are equally zealous.

And we pray your Highnesses, in consideration of this great favour,
which, with much gratitude, we received from Our Lord, to cause to be
addressed to Him those praises which are His due.[273]

Most high _and excellent Prince and Princess, most potent Lord and
Lady, may the Lord our God ever hold your persons and kingdoms in His
holy keeping_.

_Written at Lisbon, July 1499._

II.—KING MANUEL TO THE CARDINAL PROTECTOR, AUGUST 28TH, 1499.

Most Reverend Father in Christ, whom we love much as a brother!

We, Dom Manuel, by the Grace of God King of Portugal and of the
Algarves on this side of and beyond the sea, in Africa, Lord of
Guinea and of the Conquest the Navigation and Commerce of Ethiopia,
Arabia, Persia and India, We send to recommend to your Reverence
... very great news ... Our Lord having ended our labours in the
exploration of Ethiopia and India, of other countries, and eastern
islands ... we inform you with pleasure ... and in order that you may
know the progress of events we enclose the draught of a letter which
we wrote to the Holy Father ... Beyond what we wrote to his Holiness,
your Reverence must know that those who have just returned from this
investigation and discovery visited, among other ports of India, a
city called Qualicut, whence they brought us cinnamon, cloves ... the
King looks upon himself and the major part of his people as Christian
... throughout the year there are found there cucumbers, oranges,
lemons and citrons ... there are great fleets ... The island of
Taprobane, which is called Ceilam,[274] is 150 leagues from Qualicut
... Our people brought five or six Indians from Qualicut ... moreover
a Moor of Tunes ... and a Jew,[275] who turned Christian, and who is
a merchant and lapidary, and well acquainted with the coasts from
Alexandria to India, and beyond with the interior (_sertão_) and
Tartary as far as the major sea.... As soon as we had these news
we ordered general processions to be made throughout our kingdom,
returning many thanks to Our Lord ... His Holiness and your Reverence
must (_deve_) publicly rejoice no less and give many praises to God.
Also, whereas by Apostolical[276] grants we enjoy very fully the
sovereignty and dominion of all we have discovered, in such manner
that little or nothing else seems needed, yet would it please us, and
we affectionately beg that after you shall have handed our letters
to the Holy Father and the College of Cardinals, it may please you,
speaking in this as if from yourself, to ask for a fresh expression
of satisfaction with reference to a matter of such novelty and great
and recent merit, so as to obtain His Holiness’s renewed approval and
declaration, in such form as may appear best to you, most Reverend
Father, whom Our Lord hold in his keeping.

Written at Lisbon, August 28, 1499.

The King.

APPENDIX B.

(_From the Portrait in the Museu das Bellas Artes at Lisbon._)]

This portrait formerly belonged to the Conde de Farrobo, who had it from the Casa de Niza. It was presented to the Museu in 1866 by King D. Ferdinand. It dates back, apparently, to the first quarter of the sixteenth century. In 1845 it was restored by Luiz Tirinanzi. The above is taken from a photograph kindly forwarded by Senhor José Bastos, of Lisbon. The signature attached (Ho Conde Almyrante) is that of Vasco da Gama.

The portrait in the possession of the Conde de Lavradio, which was published in Lord Stanley of Alderley’s _The Three Voyages of Vasco da Gama_, is a copy of the above.

GIROLAMO SERNIGI’S LETTERS ON VASCO DA GAMA’S FIRST VOYAGE.

Girolamo Sernigi was born in Florence in 1453. His father, Cipriano di Chimenti, was a member of the Clothiers’ Guild, and was held in high respect by his fellow citizens. The family became extinct in 1680.[277]

Girolamo was residing at Lisbon, where he had settled as a merchant, when Vasco da Gama’s expedition returned from India. He remained there for many years afterwards, and in 1510 commanded a vessel which went out to Malacca with the fleet of Diogo Mendez de Vasconcellos.[278]

In addition to the letters giving an account of the voyage of Vasco da Gama, he wrote others dealing with the trade between Portugal and India. Some of these will be found in the _Diari_ of Marino Sanuto.

Manuscript copies of these letters exist in the Biblioteca Riccardiana, Florence (Codices 1910, f. 61, and 2112b), in the library of Mr. Ralph Sneyd, of Newcastle-under-Lyne, and possibly elsewhere. I am indebted to the mediation of Dr. R. Garnett and the kindness of Professor Biagi, chief librarian of the Biblioteca Mediceo-Laurenciana, at Florence, for a careful copy of Codex 1910. The MS. in the library of Mr. Sneyd formerly belonged to Count Soranzo of Venice, and Prof. Guglielmo Berchet of that city quotes passages from it in his valuable contribution to the “Raccolta Colombiana”.[279] I regret to say that I failed in my endeavours to secure a copy of this valuable manuscript. Fortunately, to judge from the few extracts given by Prof. Berchet, there seems to be no reason to suppose that it differs in any essential respect from the other documents of which I was able to avail myself.

The two letters addressed to a gentleman at Florence were published for the first time in Fracanzio di Montalboddo’s famous _Paesi novamente retrovati_, Vicenza, 1507. This seems to be a faithful reproduction of the original, except that a few passages have been omitted, and that the letters have been divided into chapters, each with a distinctive heading. Ramusio,[280] who republished these letters in 1550, has taken much greater liberties with their writer. He has not merely improved his literary style, but has also condensed many passages, not always very happily, and suppressed others altogether. The more important of these omissions, and occasional additions, have been pointed out by me in the notes appended to the present translation.

The writer’s name is not mentioned by Fracanzio or Ramusio. Bandini[281] rashly suggested it was Amerigo Vespucci, who addressed these letters to Dr. Lorenzo di Pierfrancesco de’ Medici. Professor Kopke[282] devotes several pages to a refutation of this untenable hypothesis. It suffices to state that Vespucci was away with Alonzo de Hojeda in the West Indies, from May 1499 to February 1500, and cannot consequently have been at Lisbon in July 1499, when the first vessel of Vasco da Gama’s fleet came back from India.[283]

To Baldelli Boni is due the credit of having first made known the name of the actual writer, and of having directed attention to the copy of the first letter existing in the Riccardian library.[284]

The first of these letters was undoubtedly written immediately after the arrival of Coelho’s vessel, on July 10th. The information it conveys was obtained from various members of the expedition, and there is at least one passage in it which shows that it was not all written on the same day.

The second letter was written some time afterwards, for it embodies information obtained from the “pilot”, Gaspar da Gama, who had not come back when the first letter was written (see p. 136). This intelligent informant reached Lisbon on board the flag-ship, the _S. Gabriel_, the command of which had been entrusted by Vasco da Gama to his clerk, João de Sá, when he himself left São Thiago in a caravel for Terçeira.

Both these letters are addressed to a gentleman at Florence with whom the writer was not on terms of familiarity, and whom he consequently addresses as “Vossignoria”. This need not, however, be translated as “your Lordship”, for that style of address was customary in the case of persons of much humbler degree.

The third letter is undoubtedly by the same writer. An abstract of it, in German, was discovered among the papers of Conrad Peutinger, of Augsburg, the antiquarian, and at one time the owner of the famous _Tabula Peutingeriana_. It was first published, together with other documents dealing with early voyages to the New World and to India, by Dr. G. Greiff, in 1861.[285]

Peutinger[286] was shown this letter during a temporary visit to Rome, and made the abstract thus published. He states explicitly that the letter was addressed to the author’s _brother_. Covering the same ground as the preceding letters, and written about the same time, it is only natural that there should occur many similar passages; and this would in all probability be even more apparent if we were in a position to collate the letter seen by Peutinger at Rome with that preserved in the “Riccardiana”. But the letter, notwithstanding, is quite distinct from the letters addressed to a gentleman in Florence. The arrangement of the subjects dealt with is different, and whilst we meet with paragraphs not to be found in either of the other letters, there are numerous omissions. Among these latter we may direct attention to the speculation about the Chinese being Germans, which would most certainly not have been passed over by a German.

The Peutinger letter was written after the captain had come back “_a salvamento_” to Lisbon with the “one vessel” of 90 tons, not previously accounted for. This definite statement is rather puzzling, for if Vasco da Gama really came home in his flagship, we are either compelled to reject the statements of such well-accredited historians as De Barros, Goes, and Castanheda, who affirm that the captain-major ordered João de Sá to take his flagship, the _S. Gabriel_, to Lisbon, whilst he himself chartered a swift caravel which conveyed himself and his dying brother to the Azores; or we must assume that João de Sá, having refitted the _S. Gabriel_ at São Thiago, joined his chief at Terçeira, and returned with him to Lisbon.[287] We are inclined to believe that we have before us an inaccurate statement made by the writer of the letter, or else an erroneous rendering of his meaning by Peutinger. The letter was certainly written after the arrival of João de Sá in the _S. Gabriel_, but Vasco da Gama himself, coming direct from Terçeira, may have reached Lisbon a day or two later: these two distinct events becoming thus blended, as it were, in the mind of a man not thoroughly informed of the matter.

We have contented ourselves with printing a few extracts from Peutinger’s letter.

GIROLAMO SERNIGI’S FIRST LETTER TO A GENTLEMAN AT FLORENCE.[288]

[_The Start._]

The most illustrious Lord Manuel of Portugal sent 3 new vessels to
discover new countries, namely 2 vessels[289] (balonieri) of 90
tons each, and one of 50 tons, in addition to which there was a
ship (navetta), of one hundred and ten tons, laden with provisions.
Between them they took away cxviij men,[290] and they left this city
of Lisbon on July 9 1497.[291] Vasco da Gama went as captain of this
fleet.

[_The Voyage._]

On July x 1499 the vessel of 50 tons came back to this city.[292] The
captain, Vasco da Gama, remained at the Cape Verde islands with one
of the vessels of 90 tons in order to land there his brother Paulo da
Gama, who was very ill.[293] The other vessel of 90 tons was burnt
because there were not people enough to navigate and steer her. The
store-ship also was burnt, for it was not intended she should return.

In the course of the voyage there died 55 men from a disease which
first attacked the mouth, and thence descended to the throat; they
also suffered great pain in the legs from the knee downwards.

They discovered 1800 leagues[294] (each league being equal to 4¼
of our miles) of new land beyond the cape of Good Hope, which cape
was first discovered in the time of King John. Beyond that cape they
followed the coast for about 600 leagues[295] and met with a dense
population of black people. And when they had made these 600 leagues
they discovered a large river,[296] and at the mouth of that river a
great village inhabited by black people, who are, as it were, subject
to the Moors. These Moors live in the interior of the country, and
continually make war upon the blacks. And in this river, according to
these blacks, are found immense quantities (infinite) of gold; and
they told the captain that if he would tarry a moon,[297] that is a
month, they would give him gold in plenty. But the captain would
not wait, and went about 350 leagues[298] further, and discovered
a great walled city, with very good stone houses in the Moorish
style, inhabited by Moors of the colour of Indians. There the
captain landed, and the Moorish king of this city received him with
much feasting (chon gran festa), and gave him a pilot for crossing
the gulf. This city is called Melinde, and lies at the entrance of
a gulf, the whole of which is peopled by Moors. This pilot spoke
Italian.[299]

[_The Arabian Sea._]

This gulf is above 700 leagues across,[300] and they crossed it from
side to side, and came to a very large city, larger than Lisbon,
inhabited by Christians, and called Chalichut.

On both sides of this gulf there is a dense population of Moors, with
great towns and castles.[301] At the termination of this gulf there
is a strait[302] like that of Romania,[303] and having passed through
this strait there is another and greater gulf, which is the Red Sea.
And from the right hand of this to the house of Mecca, where is the
tomb of Mohammed, is 3 days’ journey by land. At the said house of
Mecca is a very great town of Moors. I am of opinion that this is the
Gulf of Arabia,[304] concerning which Pliny wrote that Alexander the
Great went there, to make war, as also did the Romans, who took all
by war.

[_Chalichut._]

Let us return to the above-named city of Chalichut, which is bigger
than Lisbon, and peopled by Christian Indians, as said.[305]

In this city are churches with bells,[306] but there are no priests,
and the divine offices are not performed nor sacrificial [masses]
celebrated, but in each church there is a pillar holding water, in
the manner of the fonts holding our holy water, and a second pillar
with balm. They bathe once every 3 years in a river which is near the
city.[307] The houses in this city are of stone and mortar, in the
Moorish style, and the roads laid out and straight as are these.[308]

[_An Audience._]

And the king of this city is waited upon in grand style (molto
altamente), and keeps regal state, having his chamberlains,
door-keepers, and barons,[309] as also a very sumptuous palace.
When the captain of the said vessel arrived at the city the king was
away at a castle at a distance of about 6 leagues, and having been
informed that Christians had arrived he at once came to the city
attended by about 5000 persons.[310] After the lapse of 3 days the
king sent for the captain, who had stayed in his vessel. The captain,
with xii of his men, went at once, and about 5000 persons accompanied
him from the shore as far as the palace of the king, at the gate of
which stood x doorkeepers with silver-mounted sticks. Having entered
he proceeded to a chamber where the king reposed upon a low couch.
The whole of the floor was covered with green velvet,[311] whilst
around it was drapery of variously-coloured damask. The couch had a
very fine white coverlet, all worked with gold thread, and above it
was a canopy, very white, delicate and sumptuous.

The king at once asked[312] the captain what he had come to seek.
The captain replied that it was the custom among Christians that when
an ambassador had to deliver his message to a prince he should do so
in secret and not in public. The king, upon this, ordered all his
people outside. The captain then said that the King of Portugal had
long since heard of his Highness (alteza) and that he was a Christian
king. Being desirous of his friendship he had been ordered to visit
him, as was the custom between Christian kings.

The king received this message (ambascata) most graciously, and
ordered the Christian captain to be lodged in the house of a very
rich Moor.

[_Moorish Merchants._]

In this city there reside many very wealthy Moorish merchants, and
all the trade is in their hands.[313] They have a fine mosque[314] in
the square of the town. The king is, as it were, governed by these
Moors because of the presents which they give him; and owing to their
industry[315] the government is wholly in their hands, for these
Christians are coarse people.

[_Spice Trade._]