Chapter VIII: Part 8

[This transaction was completed at Evora, where Vasco da Gama resided, on November 7, the 4,000 cruzados being paid in Portugueses of 10 cruzados each. As the eldest sons of the contracting parties, D. Theodesio of Bragança and D. Francisco da Gama, were still minors, it was agreed that the King should be asked to “overlook this deficiency of age”, so that they, too, should be bound by this agreement.[501]]

16.—_Evora, December 17, 1519._[502]

The King, having sanctioned the arrangement between the Duke of Bragança and Vasco da Gama, and having dwelt once more upon the good services rendered by the latter not only to the Crown, but also to the inhabitants of the kingdom, and to all Christendom, grants to him and his heirs, irrevocably and for all time, the towns of Vidigueira and Villa de Frades, together with all privileges, including civil and criminal jurisdiction and church patronage, which had been enjoyed by the Dukes of Bragança, [These privileges, it should be understood, exceeded those usually enjoyed by a mere Count.]

17.—_Evora, December 29, 1519._[503]

D. Manoel, after a glowing eulogy of the services rendered by his Admiral of India, confers upon him the title of Count of Vidigueira, together with all prerogatives, rights, graces, privileges, liberties and franchises enjoyed by the Counts of the Kingdom by usage and ancient custom.

18.—_Lisbon, March 30, 1522._[504]

D. João III confirms Vasco da Gama’s claim, as Admiral, to the anchorage dues paid at Malacca, Goa and Ormuz, and authorises him to appoint receivers.

19.—_Evora, February 5, 1524._[505]

The Admiral, being about to proceed to India for a third time, the King, D. João III, is pleased to order that in case of his death his son and heir shall forthwith assume the title of Count of Vidigueira, and enter upon the enjoyment of all privileges, etc., to which this rank entitles him.

(_From a woodcut in Teixeira de Aragão’s Paper._)]

FOOTNOTES:

[1] He was thus eighteen years of age when Queen Isabella, in 1478, granted a safe-conduct to him and Fernão de Lemos, enabling them to pass through Castile on their way to Tangier (Navarrete, iii, p. 477). According to P. Antonio Carvalho da Costa’s unsupported statement, Vasco da Gama was born in 1469.

[2] According to Castanheda, the appointment was at first offered to Paulo da Gama, Vasco’s elder brother. He declined on account of ill-health, but offered to accompany his brother as captain of one of the vessels.

[3] Vasco da Gama, after his return from India, married Catarina de Ataide. He proceeded a second time to India in 1502. When returning from Cananor he shaped a direct course across the Indian Ocean to Mozambique. After a long period of rest, King João III again sent him to India in 1524, but he died at Cochin on December 25th of the same year, at the age of sixty-five. His remains were taken to Portugal in 1538, and deposited at Vidigueira. Since 1880 they are supposed to have found their last resting-place in the church of Belem.

For an interesting estimate of the character of the great navigator, see Lord Stanley of Alderley’s _The Three Voyages of Vasco da Gama_ (Hakluyt Society), 1869. See also the Appendices of this volume for further information on the first voyage.

[4] Ruy Gonçalves da Camara in 1473, Fernão Telles in 1474.

[5] Toscanelli’s letter to Columbus was written long after that addressed to Fernão Martinz, for the expression _ha dias_ (perhaps a rendering of _pridem_ or _haud diu_) does not mean “a few days ago”, but “long ago.” Columbus himself uses it in that sense when he writes from Jamaica that the “Emperor of Catayo asked long ago (_ha dias_) for men of learning to instruct him in the faith of Christ.” The request for missionaries had been made to the Pope in 1339 (Navarrete, _Colleccion_, 2nd ed., I, p. 457).

[6] Barros, _Dec. I_, l. 3, c. ii.

[7] It is quite possible that the draughtsman of the Cantino Chart placed St. Helena Bay incorrectly, and not as determined by Vasco da Gama. Canerio places this bay in lat. 32° 30´ S., which is only 10´ out of its true position.

[8] See Wieser, _Die Karte des Bartolomeo Columbo_, Innsbruck, 1893. Cuba is not shown on this chart, possibly because Bartolomeo would not do violence to his conscience by representing it as a part of Asia (as his brother believed it to be to the day of his death) after its insularity had been recognised.

[9] _The Journal of Christopher Columbus_, by C. R. Markham (Hakluyt Society), 1893.

[10] Thus Correa states correctly that the Cape was rounded in November, that is, in the height of summer, but introduces accessory details—perhaps taken from an account of some other voyage (Cabral’s, for instance)—which could only have happened in mid-winter. (See p. 193).

[11] An excellent translation of Correa’s account of _The Three Voyages of Vasco da Gama_, by Lord Stanley of Alderley, was published by the Hakluyt Society in 1869. It is accompanied by foot-notes, directing attention to those numerous instances in which Correa differs from other writers.

[12] Most of the documents discovered on these occasions were made known by Texeira de Aragão and Luciano Cordeiro, to whose published works frequent reference will be made.

[13] _Roteiro_, prim, edição, p. xix.

[14] _Roteiro_, seg. edição, p. xii.

[15] Prof. Kopke (_Roteiro_, prim. ed., pp. ix-xiv) deals much more fully with this subject. We have been content to give the substance of his remarks.

[16] See livro I, c. xxvii, of the first edition (1551) of his _Historia_. In the edition of 1554 this passage is suppressed, but further particulars of the voyage are not given.

[17] For a conclusive proof of this see p. 2. After the _S. Raphael_ had been broken up, the author may have been transferred to Coelho’s vessel, and have returned in her.

[18] This is the “secretary” (escrivão) of Vasco da Gama. Castanheda (I, p. 54) mentions also the comptroller (veador) of the captain-major, but we are inclined to think that this is a duplication of the same person, namely, Diogo Dias, the clerk or purser of the _S. Gabriel_.

[19] See p. 54, note 2, for this anecdote.

[20] _Roteiro da Viagem que em descobrimento da India pelo Cabo da Boa Esperança fez Dom Vasco da Gama em 1497._ Porto, 1838. 8vo, pp. xxviii, 184.

[21] _Roteiro da Viagem de Vasco da Gama em_ MCCCCXCVII. Segunda edição. Lisboa (Imprensa Nacional), 1861. 8vo, pp. xliv, 182.

[22] Compare p. xvii, and numerous references to Correa throughout this volume.

[23] Reproduced on p. 150.

[24] _Journal du Voyage de Vasco da Gama en_ MCCCCXCVII, _traduit du Portugais par Arthur Morelet_, Lyon, 1864.

[25] Reproduced by us, p. 171.

[26] For a copy of this contemned portrait, see p. 109.

[27] These vessels, as appears in the course of the Journal, were the _S. Gabriel_ (flag-ship), the _S. Raphael_ (Paulo da Gama), the _Berrio_ (Nicolau Coelho), and a store-ship (Gonçalo Nunes). The author served on board the _S. Raphael_. See Introduction.

[28] In the suburb of Restello, four miles below the Arsenal of Lisbon, stood a chapel or _ermida_, which had been built by Henry the Navigator for the use of mariners. In this chapel Vasco da Gama and his companions spent the night previous to their departure in prayer. After his victorious return, D. Manuel founded on its site the magnificent monastery of Our Lady of Bethlehem or Belem.

[29] The forbidding line of low cliffs, extending for 35 miles from Leven Head to Elbow Point, in lat. 24° N., was known to the Portuguese of the time as _terra alta_ (see D. Pacheco Pereira, _Esmeraldo de Situ Orbis_, p. 40). The Rio do Ouro or River of Gold is a basin, extending about 20 miles inland and four miles wide at its mouth. No river flows into it. The real “River of Gold” is the Senegal or the Upper Niger.

[30] Castanheda attributes the separation of the vessels to the fog and a storm.

[31] At the southern extremity of Ilha do Sal, in lat. 16° 31´ N., is the Porto de Santa Maria.

[32] S. Jorge da Mina, the famous fort built on the Gold Coast in 1482, by Diogo d’Azambuja, one of whose captains had been the very Bartholomew Dias who five years afterwards doubled the Cape, and who now returned to the _Mine_, having been made its captain, in recognition of his great services. (See L. Cordeira, _Diogo d’Azambuja_, Lisbon, 1890, and Barros, edition of 1778, to. I, part 1, p. 271.)

[33] Bombardas, originally catapults, subsequently any piece of ordnance from which stone balls were thrown. In the north of Europe the term was restricted to mortars. Gama, however, carried breech-loading guns, with movable _cameras_ or chambers. (See Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, p. 226, _note_ and _Introduction_.)

[34] São Thiago, the largest of the Cape Verde Islands. The Porto da Praia, within which lies the Island of Santa Maria (14° 50´ N.), is no doubt the bay referred to in the text.

[35] This date, August 18th, is obviously wrong. Deducting the delay of two days, Vasco da Gama spent 95 days on his passage from São Thiago to the Bay of St. Helena, the distance being about 1,170 leagues (4,290 miles), his daily progress amounted to 12 leagues or 45 miles. If the dates in the text were correct, he would have made 12½ leagues daily up to August 18th, and between that date and the 22nd (allowing for the delay) at least 300 leagues (1,010 miles), which is quite impossible. It is evident that the second date is wrong, and instead of “the same month”, we ought perhaps to read “October”. In that case the daily progress, up to October 22nd, would have averaged 10 leagues (34 miles). Thence, to St. Helena Bay, a distance of 370 leagues accomplished in 16 days, the daily progress would have averaged nearly 23 leagues (78 miles). Of course these are merely rough approximations, as the course taken by Vasco da Gama and the incidents of this memorable passage are not known to us. We may mention that modern sailing vessels going from S. Thiago by way of Sierra Leone and Ascension to the Cape, a distance of 5,410 miles, occupy on an average 49½ days on the passage, making thus 110 miles daily (58 in crossing from Sierra Leone to Ascension). A ship going direct (3,770 miles) has performed the passage in 41 days, thus averaging 92 daily. (See Admiral Fitzroy’s “Passage Tables” in the _Meteorological Papers_ published by the Admiralty in 1858.)

[36] The MS. has _Garçõees_, a word not to be found in the dictionary, but evidently an augmentative of _garça_, a heron. Pimental, in his _Arte de Navegar_, mentions large birds with dark wings and white bodies as being met with a hundred leagues to the west of the Cape of Good Hope, which are known as _Gaivotões_.—KOPKE.

The Gaivota, or gull, however, in no respect resembles a heron.

[37] That is, towards Tristão da Cunha, Gama being at that time 400 miles to the N.N.W. of these islands.

[38] Kopke supposes that we should read _phoca_ instead of _quoqua_, but this is not very likely, as _lobo marinho_ is employed throughout the _Rutter_ to describe the _phocæ_ or seals. Among the animals which these early navigators must have met with, but which are not mentioned, are porpoises (_peixe de porco_) and dolphins (_doiradas_ or gilt-heads).

[39] _Lobo marinho_, sea-wolf, a term vaguely applied to all species of seals, as also to the sea-elephant, has been translated throughout as _seal_.

[40] _Golfão, i.e._, Zostera nana, which is met with along the coast of South-Western Africa.

[41] A Portuguese fathom, or _braça_, is equal to 5.76 feet.

[42] This was considerably to the north of St. Helena Bay, which was only reached three days later.

[43] A reference, no doubt, to Pero d’Alenquer, Vasco da Gama’s pilot, who had been with B. Dias during his memorable voyage round the Cape, as had probably others of this armada.

[44] Now called Berg River.—KOPKE.

[45] Castanheda and Goes state that Nicolau Coelho was sent to take the soundings. It is, however, much more probable that this duty was intrusted to Pero d’Alenquer, who had already doubled the Cape with Bartholomew Dias, and had touched at several points in its vicinity.—KOPKE.

I cannot see how his having been with Dias can have conferred any very special qualification for taking soundings in a bay which Pero d’Alenquer had never seen before. On subsequent occasions Coelho seems to have been employed repeatedly upon this duty.

[46] _Baço_, a vague term, meaning also brown or blackish.

[47] Castanheda, in his first edition (1551), adopted this statement, but subsequently suppressed it. D. Jeronymo Osorio, Bishop of Silves, in _De rebus Emanuelsis_, has “pudenta ligneis vaginis includunt.—KOPKE.

The use of such a sheath is universal among the Bantu tribes of Southern Africa, but seems now to be more honoured in the breach than the observance among the Hottentots, here spoken of. John of Empoli, who went to India with Afonso de Albuquerque (_Ramusio_, i), observed such a sheath made of leather with the hair on, among the Hottentots of the Bay of S. Blas. Leguat (Hakluyt Society’s edition, 1891, p. 288) found it still in use in 1698.

[48] The shafts of their assegais are made of assegai- or lance-wood (_Curtisea faginda_) and not of olive-wood, and even in John of Empoli’s time had iron blades. Their spears for spearing fish, on the other hand, are tipped with the straight horn of the gemsbuck.

[49] We learn from Barros that Vasco da Gama landed for the purpose of observing the latitude. The captive was handed over to two ship’s boys, one of whom was a negro, with orders to treat him well.

[50] _Çeitil_, a copper coin, worth about one-third of a farthing.

[51] We gather from Barros and Goes that Fernão Velloso was granted the desired permission at the intercession of Paulo da Gama. When Vasco da Gama returned to his vessel, Coelho and some of the crew were left behind, collecting wood and lobsters. Paulo amused himself by harpooning a whale, which nearly cost him dearly, for the whale dived, and would have capsized the boat had not the water been shallow. In the afternoon, when Coelho and his people were returning to the vessels, Velloso was observed to run down a hill. Vasco da Gama, ever observant, saw this from his ship, and at once ordered Coelho back, entering himself a boat to join him. Some delay or misunderstanding occurred, the “negroes” threw stones and discharged arrows, and several men were wounded, including the captain-major and Gonçalo Alvarez. For further particulars see Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, p. 46.

[52] The distance is 33 leagues.

[53] Castanheda says that the Cape was doubled on “Wednesday, November 20”, but Wednesday was the 22nd. Barros says “Tuesday, 20th”, but Tuesday was the 21st. Compare Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, p. 48.

[54] The actual dimensions of False Bay are about 5 by 5 leagues. The bay is called “Golfo dent^o. delle Serre” on the map of Henricus Martellus Germanus, 1489, which illustrates the voyage of B. Dias (Add. MS. 15760, Brit. Mus.).

[55] This is without the shadow of a doubt Mossel Bay (see plan on map II). It is also most probably the Bahia de los Vaqueiros of B. Dias, who certainly was here [see below]. Barros refers to it as being _now_ called S. Braz. Its original name had thus been abandoned in favour of that bestowed by Vasco da Gama.

[56] The thirteen days are counted from November 25 to December 7, both these days being counted. According to Castanheda (I, p. 12), the store-ship was burnt.

[57] See note 4, p. 9.

[58] The distance by sea is over 90 leagues, that by land 64. “By sea” is probably a slip of the pen.

[59] The “gora” is the great musical instrument of the Hottentots. It is not a flute or reed-pipe.

[60] This island is still known as “Seal” Island, although its former visitors no longer make their appearance. The islet lies about half a mile from the land, is only 250 ft. in length and 15 ft. high.

[61] Usually called _Sotilicaires_ by Portuguese writers. They are clearly Cape Penguins.—KOPKE (abridged).

[62] The word used by the author is “padrão”, that is, a stone pillar bearing the arms of Portugal and an inscription, such as King John first ordered to be set up by his explorers. None of the “pillars” set up by Vasco da Gama has been recovered, for the “pillar” near Malindi is clearly of later date (see p. 90).

[63] This paragraph is of the greatest importance with reference to the voyage of B. Dias, for Pero d’Alenquer, one of his companions, is the real authority for these statements. The usual statement that this pillar was erected on the Ilha da Cruz must henceforth be rejected, as had already been done in 1575, when M. de Mesquita Perestrello made a survey of this coast (see his Report in Pimental’s _Roteiro da Navegação da India Oriental_).

The distances given by the author are remarkably correct. From the Cape of Good Hope to Mossel Bay (São Braz) is 60 leagues, as stated by him. Thence to Santa Cruz is 56 leagues; from Santa Cruz to the Rio de Infante is 21 leagues.

_Santa Cruz_ is the largest of a group of islands in the western part of Algoa Bay. It is 4 cables in length, rises to a height of 195 ft., and is nearly all bare rock. _There are no springs._ The _Ilhéos chãos_ are readily identified with a cluster of low rocky islets about 7 leagues to the east. The Cape Padrone of the charts marks the site of the last pillar erected by Dias, and 5 leagues beyond it rises “Ship Rock,” in the locality where Perestrello claims to have discovered the _Penedo das Fontes_ of Barros and other writers. Perestrello had, no doubt, in his possession original documents (now lost) which enabled him to identify the localities named by the early explorers. His substantial agreement with the author of this _Roteiro_ is most satisfactory.

[64] That is the Rio do Infante, now known as the Great Fish river.

[65] The Agulhas current hereabouts runs at the rate of 1 to 4 knots an hour to the westward.

[66] On Canerio’s map there is a Ponta da Pescaria, to the north of Port Natal.

[67] Equivalent to three-fourths of a pint.

[68] The MS. says January 10th, but Thursday was the 11th.

[69] Hence called “Terra dos Fumos”, or, more correctly, “Mfumos” the “land of petty chiefs”. Dr. Hamy’s chart of 1502 has the name; Canerio has a “terra thrimias”, an exceptionally unrecognisable corruption of it; whilst on Ribero’s map (1529) we find the name, although in a slightly corrupted form (humos). The appellation has nothing to do with either “smoke” (fumo), or “moisture” (humor).

[70] Barros (_Dec. I_, l. 4, c. 4) tells us that Vasco da Gama entered the Rio dos Reis, by others called Rio do Cobre, on Twelfth Night (January 6). Goes, on the other hand, confirms the author of the _Roteiro_, and there cannot be a doubt that Barros is mistaken. The Rio dos Reis is, indeed, one of the rivers which enters the bay subsequently called after Lourenço Marques, but discovered, either in 1501 by Sancho de Toar, one of the captains of Cabral’s fleet, or in the following year by Antonio de Campo.

Dr. Hamy’s Chart has “R. do reys”, Canerio’s “G. de lom raios” (evidently a corrupt rendering of “Golfo dos or delos Reis”, which thus seems to have been the earliest name bestowed upon what is now known as Delagoa Bay). The “agoada de bon passa” of Dr. Hamy’s Chart, and the “Rio d’aguada” of Canerio, between this bay and Cabo das Correntes, is clearly the locality referred to by the author. Ribero (1529) has a “Rio de la laguna,” a “_rio de los reyes_”, and further east, an “aguada de buena paz”. M. de Mesquita Perestrello (1575) places the “Aguada da boa Paz” 15 leagues to the east of “Rio do Ouro” (the Limpopo), and 43 leagues to the west of Cabo das Correntes. This position corresponds to that of the Zavora River of Admiralty Chart No. 648, in 34° 25´ E. It was here that Vasco da Gama cast anchor. The reference to the “swell of the sea” quite precludes the notion that he entered the well-sheltered Delagoa Bay.

M. Kopke (in a note, _Roteiro_, p. 147) would place the “Aguada da Boa Gente” between the Lagoa River and the Limpopo (Inhambane), in 32° 23´ E., and says that this locality is still generally known as “Aguada da Boa Paz”, but I can find no confirmation of this. Moreover, if this be the “Aguada”, where, on this barren coast, are we to look for the “Rio do Cobre”? (Compare Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, p. 66). See Map III.

[71] João dos Santos (_Ethiopia Oriental_, I. 2, c. 20) already identified this river with the Kiliman River. Dr. Hamy’s Chart calls it “Rio de bon Signals”, an evident corruption. Barros and Goes both call it “Rio dos Bons Signals”, whilst Correa refers to it as Rio da Misericordia, the river of Mercy (see Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, p. 11). Comp. Map III.

[72] A very involved sentence! Gama arrived off the bar of the Kiliman on January 24, cast anchor, and sent the smallest of his vessels, the _Berrio_, within, to take soundings. On the day after, the 25th, he crossed the bar with the two other vessels.

[73] _Almadia_, a “dug-out”, properly El Maziyah, ferry-boat (Burton’s _Camoens_, iv, p. 577.)

[74] Burton (_Commentary_, p. 408), points out that the “touca” is not a turban, but a kind of cap. Its shape, however, was not that of the “toque” of our milliners.

[75] From January 24 to February 24, both days included, is thirty-two days.

[76] Barros says they were beached for that purpose.

[77] This disease was evidently scurvy, so fatal to our early navigators. Castanheda (I. c. 4) tells us that in this time of trouble Paulo da Gama visited the sick night and day, condoled with them, and freely distributed the medicines which he had brought for his own use.

[78] The Padrão de São Raphael is distinctly marked and named on Dr. Hamy’s and Canerio’s Charts. No trace of it has ever been discovered.

[79] These are the “Insule primeras” (_i.e._, Ilhas primeiras) of Dr. Hamy’s and Canerio’s Charts. They are five in number, and form a chain less than 5 leagues in length. The three southern islands (Silva, do Fogo, and Crown) form a separate group, and are bare, whilst the two northern islands (Casuarina and Epidendron) have trees. Gama, apparently, missed the two southernmost islands.

[80] These six days are reckoned from February 24 to March 1.

Correa (Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, pp. 76-84) says that on the voyage from the river of Mercy to Moçambique, Davane, a Moor, was taken out of a zambuk. Barros and Goes know nothing of this incident. Later on (p. 128) we are told that this Davane agreed to accompany the Portuguese as broker, and that he was finally discharged at Cananor with good testimonials (p. 235). He was nicknamed “tayyib”, which in Arabic means “good” (p. 132). See Appendix E.

[81] See plan on Map III. See also Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, p. 80.

[82] Arabic, el Nafir, a sort of straight Moorish trumpet or tuba.

[83] They took their visitors for “Turks”, or at all events for Mohammedans. All this changed after their true character had been discovered.

[84] It appears from this that Vasco da Gama entered the port immediately on his arrival, and took up a position close to the town.

[85] “Ruivo”, red, in the original. Castanheda, who made use of this Journal, substitutes baço, tawny, which is equally inapplicable.

[86] That is, Arabic. The “Moors” of the author are, in fact, either pure Arabs (white Moors) or Swahilis speaking Arabic.

[87] “Aljofar”, cf. Arabic jauhar, johar, a jewel or precious stone (Burton). Aljofar, in Portuguese, means seed-pearls.

[88] Barros says that Fernão Martins was their interpreter.

[89] The notions about the Christianity of India prevailing at that time in Portugal (and among the earlier navigators) will be referred to elsewhere. We may add that Vasco da Gama was instructed to find out a mighty sovereign, known as Prester John, said to be a Christian, but the situation of whose states was very uncertain.—KOPKE.

[90] On Prester John, see Zarncke (_Abhd. K. Sächs. G. der Wiss._, 1876 and 1879), and G. Uzielli (_Boll. della Soc. Africana d’Italia_, 1892, viii). Vasco da Gama had no doubt received special instructions to inquire for that Christian potentate. At one time he was looked for inland from Benin, but the information received from Pero de Covilhão, whom King John had despatched overland to India, in 1487, no less than that furnished by Lucas Marcos, an Abyssinian priest, who came to Lisbon soon after Covilhão’s departure, confirmed the Portuguese in the belief that the “Prester John” they were in quest of was the Emperor of Ethiopia, whose capital at that time was in Shoa. (See Covilhão’s narrative, as given by _Alvarez_, Hakluyt Soc., 1881.)

[91] Barros calls them Abyssinians from the country of Prester John, and says that when they saw the image of the saint which formed the figure-head of the St. Gabriel, they knelt down and worshipped. The Abyssinian Christians, whatever their shortcomings, do not worship images, as is the practice of the Roman Church. These captives, therefore, must have been Indians, as stated by our author.

[92] Barros calls this sheikh Zacoeja (Shah Khwajah?).

[93] Marlota, a short dress of silk or wool worn in Persia and India. (Moura, _Vestig. da lingua Arab._, sub “marlota.”)

[94] A Mozambique matikal (miskal) weighs 4.41346 grammes (Antonio Nunes, _O livro dos Pesos_, 1554, p. 50, published at Lisbon, 1868), and its value in standard gold would consequently be about 12_s._; elsewhere (p. 64) he makes this coin the equivalent of 467 reis, or about 11_s._ 4_d._ (_see_ Index, under _Cruzado_).

[95] The island of S. Jorge.

[96] Tavolochinha, in the original, is an obsolete word, which from its etymology seems to refer to a defensive armour presenting a broad surface (tavola). Castanheda, in relating this incident, substitutes _escudo_—shield—whilst Goes and Osorio speak of _adargas_ or _parmae_, that is, bucklers.—KOPKE.

[97] Tamiça, lit. “spatry-cord”, popularly known as coir-rope. These “sewn boats” were already in use when the _Periplus of the Erythrean Sea_ was written, and the town of Rhapta (from [Greek: rhaptein], _to sew_) derived its name from them. (See McCrindle, _The Commerce and Navigation of the Erythrean Sea_, p. 71).

[98]

“Mats were the wings wherewith they lightly flew,
From certain palm-fronds wove by cunning hand.”

_Camoens_, Canto I, st. 46.—Burton’s Translation.

[99] The “Genoese needle” is, of course, the mariner’s compass.—According to the “Mohit” of Admiral Sidi Ali ben Hosein (1554), published by Dr. Bittner and Dr. Tomascheck (Vienna, 1897), the pilots of the Indian Ocean determined relative latitudes by observing the altitudes of certain stars. The result was expressed, not in degrees as was done by the scientific astronomers of the day, but in _isbas_ or “fingers”, each equivalent to 1° 42´ 50”. The instrument which they used consisted of three staffs. Two of these were moveable on a hinge, and were directed respectively upon the horizon, and the star the altitude of which it was desired to determine. A third staff (or an octant) was fixed at the end of the horizon-staff, and upon it the angle observed could be read off. Vasco da Gama brought one of these instruments with him to Portugal, but the astronomer of Cabral’s expedition, who had been instructed to test its qualities, reported unfavourably (_Alguns documentos_, 1892, p. 122). Yet the results obtained by means of this instrument by the pilots of the Indian Ocean were very satisfactory, and the charts prepared by these very practical men were far more correct than the abortions produced by “scientific” Arab geographers. Parallels (at intervals of one-eighth of an _isba_) and meridians were marked upon these charts, and they were superior in this respect to the Portulani of the Mediterranean pilots. The meridians were probably drawn at intervals of _zams_, which were equal to one-eighth _isba_, or three hours’ sail, or nearly thirteen of our sea-miles. It is quite possible, as suggested by Dr. Bittner, that these pilots also invented the cross-staff, for _balhestilho_, the name by which this instrument became known in Portugal, is more likely to be derived from the Arabic _al-balista_ (altitude), than from the Latin _ballista_. Compare also Barros (_Dec. I_, liv. 4, c. 6), where an allusion is made to the instrument employed by the pilot who joined Vasco da Gama at Malindi. Barros says that the instrument consisted of three _taboas_ or plates.

[100] This fruit is the coco-nut.

[101] The sharifs (“nobles”) are the descendants of the Prophet, and although not “priests”, they enjoy a certain religious rank. Strictly speaking, this title can be claimed only by the head of the family which descends from the Prophet in a direct line. All others can only claim the title of _Saiyid_, Lord. The “white” Moors are, of course, true Arabs.

[102] There are Government tanks now on the island, which are filled by the prisoners of Fort St. Sebastian.

[103] _Agonia_, Arabic _El Jumbiyah_, a crooked poniard, worn in the waist-belt.

[104] Barros calls these captives “Moors”, and the author himself does the same at a later stage of his Journal (see note, p. 37).

[105] That is S. Jorge, and the small islet of S. Thiago, 1¾ miles to the south.

[106] The text has 30th, but Saturday was the 31st.

[107] These were the Kerimba islands, the southernmost of which is Kiziwa, 12° 35´ S. The mainland being generally low, will rarely be seen when coasting outside the reefs (_Africa Pilot_, Part III, p. 254).

[108] These were the islands off Cabo Delgado, called Ilhas das Cabecas (Cabras?) on Dr. Hamy’s and Canerio’s maps. None of these, however, is more than nine miles from the mainland.

[109] This island was Quiloa (Kilwa), whose king, at that time, was the most powerful along the coast, Sofala, the Zambezi, Angoshe and Mozambique being subject to him (_Duarto Barbosa_, p. 10).—KOPKE.

When Vasco da Gama attempted to put back he had probably reached Ras Tikwiri, 8° 50´ S.

[110] Mafia.—KOPKE.

[111] On the homeward voyage, in January 1499, the _S. Raphael_ was burnt at these shoals, which are described as lying off the town of Tamugata (Mtangata), and this enables us to fix upon the locality with much certainty. There still is a roadstead or bay called Mtangata, which “the long roll of the Indian Ocean renders a place of trembling to the coast trader” (Burton, _Journal Royal Geographical Society_, 1858, p. 200). A “town” of this name exists no longer, but Burton describes the ruins of what was once an extensive city near the village of Tongoni.

There are no “mountains” close to the coast corresponding to the “Serras de S. Raphael”, but the mountains of Usambara, rising 20 to 25 miles inland to an altitude of 3,500 ft., are visible in clear weather for a distance of 62 miles.

Sir John Kirk writes to me: “The baixas de S. Raphael are undoubtedly the coral reefs of Mtangata; and the Usambara mountains, with their valleys, steep precipices, and lofty summits would, especially at that season of the year, be plainly seen from the ships. There can be no doubt as to this point, as these are the only mountains that approach the coast and form so marked an object from the sea when the air is clear. They are then visible from the town of Zanzibar.”

[112] This was Pemba, which, owing to its deep bays, appeared to consist of a number of islands. Its distance from the mainland is only 30 miles (9 leagues), its length 37 miles. The trees of that island still supply masts for native vessels (Note by Sir J. Kirk).

[113] Zavra or zabra, a dhow, which is a small open vessel, sharp at the stern, with a square sail of matting.

[114] The Swahili “dress” their vessels at the feast that follows the Ramadan month (Sir J. Kirk), but Ramadan, of the year of the Hejra 903, _began_ on April 23, 1498, and the Bairam therefore lasted from May 22-24. These dates are according to the Old Style.

[115] _Alcaide_, from the Arabic _Alkadi_, the Judge.

[116] Burton (_Camoens_, iv, p. 241) suggests that this picture of the Holy Ghost may have been a figure of Kapot-eshwar, the Hindu pigeon-god and goddess, an incarnation of Shiva and his wife, the third person of the Hindu Triad.

[117] Trigo tremez, corn that ripens in three months. This, according to a note furnished by Sir John Kirk, would be sorghum (the “matama” of the Swahili), which is sent in shiploads to Arabia and the Persian Gulf.

[118] These two “Moors” were undoubtedly two of the four men whom Paulo da Gama had captured at Moçambique, but whom the author previously described as “Negroes”. Of the two pilots who escaped, one had been given them by the Sultan of Moçambique, the other must have been the old Moor who came on board voluntarily, unless one of the men taken by Paulo was a pilot. (See note 1, p. 31).

[119] Barros (_Dec. I_, liv. 8, c. 7) says erroneously that this fort was built _after_ Vasco da Gama’s visit. When the vessel of Sancho de Toar, of the armada of Pedro Alvarez Cabral, was lost near Mombaça, the Moors succeeded in fishing up seven or eight of her guns. These they placed in this fort, in the vain hope of being thus enabled to resist the attack of D. Francisco d’Almeida in 1505.—KOPKE.

[120] Castanheda (I, c. 10, p. 35) says they waited two days in the hope of being able to secure a pilot to take them to Calecut. On crossing the bar they were unable to heave up one of the anchors. The Moors subsequently fished it up and placed it near the royal palace, where D. Francisco d’Almeida found it when he took the town in 1505.

[121] The author spells Milinde, Milynde, Milingue.

[122] Sir J. Kirk suggests to me that these places are Mtwapa, Takaungu and Kilifi, distorted into Benapa, Toca-nuguo and Quioniete. “Kioni” is the native name of the village usually called Kilifi.

[123] The ruins of the ancient town of Malindi lie to the south of the modern village of that name, and are of great extent. They include the remains of a town wall. Persian and Arabic inscriptions have been discovered, but, with the exception of Vasco da Gama’s pillar, no traces of occupation by the Portuguese. Malindi Road, or Port Melinda of the Admiralty chart, lies about three miles to the south of the town, but Vasco da Gama anchored off the town, and not in this sheltered road. The anchorage is less than half a mile from the town in four fathoms and a half. Comp. Lord Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, p. 109.

[124] Barros speaks of these Christians as Banyans, while Goes and Castanheda say that these vessels belonged to merchants from Cranganor, in Malabar.

[125] Correa (p. 113) says that the Moor sent with this message was the Davane already referred to, and (p. 115) distinguishes him from the Moor who was captured on April 14th.

[126] _Balandrau_, a surtout worn by the Brothers of Mercy in Portugal.

[127] _Lambel_, a striped cotton stuff which had a large sale at the beginning of the African trade.—HERCULANO.

[128] I am indebted for a photograph of one of these trumpets to Sir John Kirk, who states that the Royal Trumpet, or Siwa, was peculiar to the cities ruled by the descendants of the Persians of Shiraz, who settled on this coast in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. They were of ivory, or copper and wood, and consisted of three pieces. The ivory or copper was sometimes most elaborately carved, and bore Arabic texts.

[129] We learn from this passage that the “king” referred to by the author was in reality the king’s son, who acted as regent. He may be supposed to be the Sheikh Wagerage (Wajeraj), who in 1515 wrote a letter to D. Manuel, in which he begged for permission to send annually _one_ vessel to Goa and to Mozambique. He very humbly (or sarcastically?) addresses the king as the “fountain of the commerce of all cities and kingdoms, the most equitable of sovereigns, and the enricher of all people”; when, indeed, the Portuguese had crippled the trade of Malindi, which had received them with open arms. Another letter addressed to King Manuel was written by “Ali, King of Melinde”, in 1520. Was this “king” the son of Wajeraj, or of the “prince who visited Vasco da Gama on board his vessel”? F. João de’Sousa, who publishes these letters (_Documentos Arabicos_, Lisbon, 1790, pp. 67, 123), with a few comments, only obscures the point, unless indeed Wajeraj the Sheikh and Ali the Prince be one and the same person.

Cabral met a Sheikh Omar, a brother of the King of Malindi, who was present at Malindi when Vasco da Gama touched at that place; as also a Sheikh Foteima, an uncle of the king (Barros, _Dec. I_, liv. 5, c. 3).

On the ungenerous treatment dealt to the King of Malindi, see D. F. d’Almeida’s letter of 1507 (Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, p. 125).

[130] Of course they looked upon these Romish images and pictures as outlandish representations of their own gods or idols.

[131] Burton (_Camoens_, IV, p. 420) suggests that they cried _Krishna_, the name of the eighth Incarnation of Vishnu, the second person of the Hindu Trinity, and the most popular of Indian gods. Sir J. Kirk knows of no word resembling “Krist” likely to have been called out by these Indians.

[132] This pilot was a native of Gujarat, whom Goes (c. 38), Barros (_Dec. I_, liv. 4, c. 6), and Faria y Sousa call Malema Cana, or Canaqua. Malema is a corruption of Mallim, master or teacher, whilst Canaqua (Kanaka), is the name of his caste. It is also used for sailing master.

[133] The island in question is Kilwa. The information furnished by this Malindi pilot is scarcely more correct than that previously obtained from the Moors (see note 3, p. 32).

[134] Alcochete, a town on the left bank of the estuary of the Tagus, above Lisbon.

[135] From April 15 to 23 is nine days.

[136] The “Bay” is the Arabian Sea, which the “Strait” of Bab el Mandeb joins to the Red Sea. Cambay (Khambhat), in Gujarat, when the Portuguese first came to India, was one of the most flourishing marts of commerce. The silting up of the Gulf accounts, in a large measure, for its commercial decline since then.

[137] The MS. says 17th, but Friday was the 18th.

[138] From April 24 to May 18, both days inclusive, is twenty-five days; the African coast was within sight for several days.

[139] Mount Eli (Dely) was probably the land first sighted, a conspicuous hill forming a promontory about 16 miles to the north of Cananor, and named thus from the Cardamoms which are largely exported from this part of Malabar, and are called Ela in Sanscrit (Yule’s _Marco Polo_, ii, p. 321).

[140] The rains in Malabar begin about April or May, and continue until September or October. They are synchronous with the S.W. monsoon, and are heaviest in June, July, and August. The annual rainfall exceeds 150 inches!

[141] Cotta Point, or Cape Kadalur, the “Monte Formosa”, of the Portuguese, 15 miles N.N.W. of Calecut.

[142] Castanheda and Barros call this place Capocate. It was seven miles N.N.W. of Calecut, at the mouth of the Elatur River.

[143] The MS. says “abaixo”, below, with reference no doubt to the latitude, which is less than that of Calecut.

[144] Pandaramy (Pandarani) is Batuta’s Fandarain. Barros calls it Pandarane. It is identical with Pantharini Kollam, the northern Kollam or Quillan, and boasts one of the nine original mosques built on the Malabar coast by Malik Ibn Dinar. It is 14 miles N.N.W. of Calecut. The author of the MS. elsewhere spells Pandaramy and Pandarin.

[145] According to Correa (Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, p. 159), his name was João Nunez. See Appendix E.

[146] One of the “Moors” is frequently referred to as “Monçaide”. See Appendix E.

[147] Castanheda (I, c. 15) retails the conversation which this Moor is supposed to have had with Gama on board ship, and says that the captain-major was much pleased with his offers of service.

[148] The visitors thus became at once acquainted with the various castes constituting the population of Calecut, including the _Nairs_, or fighting caste of Malabar, who eat meat (which shows a servile origin), but wear the thread of the Dwija (twice-born), rank next to the Brahmans, and practise polyandry; and the turbulent _Moplah_, who are descendants of Arab fathers and native women. These latter are the “native” Moors.

[149] Goes (I, c. 39) and Castanheda (I, c. 15) say that he was at Panane, a coast town, 28 miles to the south of Calecut.

[150] One of these messengers was Fernão Martins. They were accompanied by Monçaide (Castanheda, I, c. 15).

[151] Off Calecut there are banks and reefs which may endanger the safety of a ship, but the anchorage in the roadstead within them is perfectly safe.

[152] _Bale_ in the Arabic Wali, governor. _Alcaide_, in Portuguese, has this same meaning. Barros and Castanheda give this official the title of “Catual” (Kot-wal, governor of a fort, in Hindustani). He was the civil intendant of the Rajah and head of the police. Correa calls him _gosil_, or _guozil_ (pron. Wozil), a corruption, probably, of the Arabic _wazir_, minister.

[153] Among the thirteen men were Diogo Dias, João de Sá, Gonçalo Pirez, Alvaro Velho, Alvaro de Braga, João de Setubal, João de Palha, and six others, whose names are not recorded. Paulo da Gama and Coelho were left in charge of the vessels, with orders to sail at once for Portugal should any disaster happen to their chief. Coelho was, moreover, ordered to await his chief’s return in the boats. See Appendix E.

[154] This river is the Elatur. See Map IV.

[155] Burton (_Goa_, p. 191) says that even now the usual ferry-boat consists of a platform of planks lashed to two canoes and usually railed round.

[156] This “church” was, of course, a pagoda or temple. The high pillar in front of it is used for suspending the flag which indicates the commencement of the Temple festival. It is of wood, but usually covered with copper or silver. The cock, which surmounts it, is the symbol of the War-god Subraumainar. The smaller pillar supports the coco-oil lamps during the festival.—Rev. J. J. Jaus.

[157] Corucheo, which literally means spire or minaret; but further on the author calls this sanctuary a chapel, capella. Goes (c. 40) calls it a “round” chapel.

[158] Goes (c. 40) says that the four priests alone entered this sanctuary, and, pointing to the image, said “Maria, Maria”, upon which the natives prostrated themselves, whilst the Portuguese knelt, in adoration of the Virgin. Burton suggests that this was an image of Gauri, the “White Goddess”, whilst Charton (III, p. 246) suggests Maha Maja and her son Shakya. Our illustration is taken from E. Moor, _The Hindu Pantheon_, new edition by Rev. W. O. Simpson (Madras, 1864) Plate xxxv. It represents Krishna and his mother Devaki. When Kansa (Devaki’s brother) heard of his birth, he ordered all newly-born infants to be slain. The trays with animals and fruit are supposed to symbolise Krishna’s power over the animal and vegetable kingdoms. On the low table are placed food, poison, and amrita, symbolising life, death, and immortality, as also a small triangular die denoting trinity in unity.

The Rev. J. Jacob Jaus, of the Basel Mission at Calicut, informs me that there is a local deity called Māri, or Māriamma, much dreaded as the goddess of small-pox, and highly venerated. Amma, in Malayalam, means mother.

[159] These bells are struck by the Brahmans when they enter the temple, but must not be touched by people of inferior castes.

[160] It is just possible that some of the Portuguese doubted whether these Hindu Gods and images represented the saints of their own churches. Castanheda (i, p. 57) says that when João de Sá knelt down by the side of Vasco da Gama, he said: “If these be devils, I worship the true God”; at which his chief smiled. But however this may be, it is equally true that the reports furnished by the heads of the expedition described these Hindus as Christians, and that the king believed them to be so (see Appendix A).

[161] The “quafees” are, of course, Brahman priests. The Rev. J. J. Jaus suggests _kāz_ (Arabic), meaning “judge”.

[162] The “white earth” is a mixture of dust, cow-dung, sacrificial ashes, sandal wood, etc., cemented in rice-water (see Belnos, _The Sundya or Daily Prayer of the Brahmans_, Lond., 1851).

[163] For a description of this palace, see _Travels of Pietro della Valle_ (Hakluyt Society, 1892), pp. 367-377.

[164] Goes says that knives were used.

[165] For Correa’s elaborate but quite untrustworthy narrative of this audience, see Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, pp. 193-6.

[166] Atambor, a corruption of the Arabic _tambur_, the betel-nut. It is the fruit of Areca Catechu, and is universally chewed throughout India, the Indian Archipelago and Southern China. Its juice discolours the teeth, but is said to make the breath sweet, and to be conducive to health. “Erva” (herb) is quite inapplicable to this fruit. Usually it is cut up into four slices, which are wrapped up in a leaf of Betel-pepper (Piper Betle), and chewed with an admixture of lime and catechu.

[167] These fruits were the Jack (_Artocarpus integrifolia_) and bananas.

[168] According to Goes (c. 41), Gama was attended by his interpreter, Fernão Martins, whilst the king was attended by the head Brahman, his betel carrier, and his factor (veador da fazenda), who, he said, were persons in his confidence.

[169] These are, of course, the letters referred to by Barros and other historians, which were given to Gama when he left Portugal. Correa’s story, that Vasco and his brother Paulo concocted the letters whilst off Calecut, and forged the king’s signature, is therefore quite incredible. Nor is Gama made to say in the “Roteiro” that he had been sent with a fleet of fifty ships, and that the voyage took two years (Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, pp. 168, 173). The “grand” Vasco has many sins to answer for, and we ought not, without good proof, to fasten upon him the charge of forgery. As to truthfulness, that seems not to have been a strong point with the diplomatists of that age.

[170] That is, it was about 10 P.M.

[171] This was done to afford shelter until the rain should have ceased.

[172] It is still the practice in Calecut to ride horses without a saddle, and no slight seems therefore to have been intended.

[173] According to G. Correa’s not very credible narrative, the captain slept at the factory, which had been established previously to the audience of which an account has just been given.

[174] _Lambel_, striped cloth, see p. 41, note 3.

[175] As a matter of fact, Vasco da Gama was very poorly provided with suitable merchandise, as may be seen from the king’s letter printed in the Appendix.

[176] Barros writes Çamorij; Correa, Samori and Çamorin, and others Zamorin. It is a title; according to some a corrupt reading of Tamuri Rajah, Tamuri being the name of the most exalted family of the Nair caste, whilst others derive it from “Samudriya Rajah”, that is, “King of the Coast” (see G. P. Badger’s _Varthema_, pp. lxii and I, 37).

[177] Whom others call his “veador”, that is butler or comptroller of the household.

[178] That is, a man of Guzerat.

[179] “Bisarma” in the original. Herculano accepts the definition of Spelmann (_[v]_. Ducange, _sub_ bisarma).

[180] These men were Diogo Dias, as factor, and Alvaro de Braga as his assistant (Castanheda, I, 74.)

[181] The fanão of Calecut (according to Nunes, _O Livro dos Pesos_, 1554) is worth 25-5/7 reis, or 7.45_d._ Three hundred reis of the coinage of 1485 were of the value of 7_s._ 7_d._, taking the gold cruzado at 9_s._ 8_d._

[182] The bahar at Calecut is equivalent to 208.16 kilogrammes (Nunes, _O Livro dos Pesos_.)

[183] The xerafin at Calecut is worth about 7_s._ 5_d._; the sum demanded therefore amounted to £223.

[184] Can this be Ormuz?

[185] This Moor was Monçaide, elsewhere more accurately referred to as “a Moor of Tunis”. See Appendix E.

[186] The author says nineteen; but it appears from what precedes that there were only eighteen in all. See Appendix E.

[187] The author says Wednesday, but that day was the 22nd.

[188] A reference to the 600 xerafins.

[189] The “tenor”, not the literal phraseology; and hence the absence of the complimentary verbiage so usual with Orientals must not be interpreted as an intentional insult to the King of Portugal.

[190] This pillar was dedicated to S. Gabriel. There exists apparently no record of its having actually been set up by the king, as promised.

[191] This “Moor of Tunis”, according to Castanheda (I, c. 24, p. 8), was Bontaibe (Monçaide), concerning whom see Appendix E.

[192] As a matter of fact, it was only a portion of what had been landed, and Cabral was instructed to demand payment from the Samorin for what had not been returned (_Alguns documentos_, p. 98).

[193] Five of these men of Calecut were actually taken to Lisbon. They were restored to their country by Cabral (see _Alguns documentos_, p. 97).

[194] Castanheda calls these “barcas”, _tones_. The “tone” is a rowing boat, the planks of which are “sewn” together.

[195] A note by the copyist says:—“The author has omitted to tell us how these weapons were made.”

[196] The country of Prester John (Abyssinia) was known as “Lower India.”

[197] Ceylon cinnamon still enjoys this pre-eminence, its cultivation in other parts of the world not having hitherto been attended with success. The “cinnamon”, or cassia, found in Malabar is of very inferior quality.

[198] The Moluccas, and more especially Amboīna, are the true home of the clove, the cultivation of which is now carried on widely in different parts of the world.

[199] Should be Arabia.

[200] The “Grand Sultan” is, of course, the Circassian Mamluk Sultan of Egypt.

[201] Prof. Kopke rashly identifies this place with Suez, but M. F. Denis points out that it must be Tor.

[202] The cruzado was a Portuguese gold coin worth about 9s. 8d.; 600,000 cruzados amounted thus to £290,000.

[203] This Cidadym (called Cadadin in the _Commentaries of Afonso Dalbuquerque_, Hakluyt Society, 1875, i, p. 202) can be identified with Sultan Muhammed ben Azhar ed-din ben Ali ben Abu Bekr ben Sa’d ed din, of Harar, who ruled 1487-1520 (see Paulitschke, _Harar_, p. 506).

[204] Castanheda (I, c. 25, p. 84) says that Monçaide wrote this letter, in which Vasco da Gama apologised for having carried off the Malabaris; explained that he had done so in order that they might bear witness to the discoveries he had made; and said that he would have left a factor behind him if he had not been afraid that the Moors would kill him. He expressed a hope that ultimately friendly relations would be established to their mutual advantage. Goes (c. 43), who also gives a version of this letter, says the king was much pleased with it, and read it to his wives and the relatives of the kidnapped men.

[205] Burton (_Camoens_) identifies Compia with Cananor, which, on the partition of the dominions of Cherman Perumal was included in the kingdom of the Chirrakal Rajahs. From João de Sousa (_Documentos Arabicos_, p. 80) we learn that the king with whom Vasco da Gama made a treaty in 1502 was called Cotelery. Correa (Stanley’s _Vasco da Gama_, p. 224) gives a circumstantial account of Vasco da Gama’s transactions with the king of Cananor during this first voyage. Neither Goes nor Barros knows anything about these events.

[206] These are the Netrani or Pigeon Islands (Ilhas dos Pombos), in lat. 14° 1´ N., the largest being about half a mile in length, and rising to a height of 300 feet.

[207] The Anjediva or “Five Islands” lie close to the coast in 14° 45´ N., and about 40 miles to the south of Goa. The largest of these is not quite a mile in length. It rises boldly from the sea, but a beach on its northern side affords facilities for landing. D. Francisco de Almeida built a fort there in 1505, but it was demolished seven months afterwards. The existing fortifications were erected by order of Francisco de Tavora, Conde d’Alvar, in 1682. (See A. Lopez Mendes, _A India Portugueza_, ii, 1886, p. 209, with map.)

[208] The author says 19th, but Thursday was the 20th.