Chapter LX: Book III: of the second part of the prologue (ll. 33-63) to the epilogue (2)

[842] Pichon, _Hist. d. l. litt. lat._, p. 553: “Sans nommer Néron en toutes lettres (la chose eût été impossible) Perse le met en scène sous le nom d’Alcibiade.” Waltz, _Vie de Sénèque_, “_L’Alcibiade est Néron, comme l’a pensé Casaubon_.” Kukula’s _Persius und Nero_ (Graz, 1923) treats the first satire as containing a definite attack on Nero.

[843] _Vita_: “Editum librum continuo mirari homines et diripere coeperunt”; _cf._ Quint., _I. Or._, X. i. 94; Mart., IV. xxix. 7.

[844] Rousse, _Perse_, p. 135.

[845] Schanz, _Gesch. d. röm. Litt._, II. 2, p. 85.

[846] Sorn, _Die Sprache des Persius_, p. 31: “es ist ein Meer von Dunkelheit.”

[847] G. G. Ramsay, _Juv. and Pers._, Loeb, 1918, Introd., pp. xxx.-xxxii.

[848] Vacca, _Vit. Luc._, mentions his “studium uitae quietioris.”

[849] Hieron., _Chron. Euseb._, ad. ann. Abr. 2079: “M. Annaeus Lucanus Cordubensis poeta in Pisoniana coniuratione deprehensus brachium ad secandas uenas medico praebuit”; _cf._ Suet., _Vit. Luc._: “brachia ad secandas uenas praebuit medico.”

[850] Stat., _Sil._, II. vii.; Mart., I. lxi.; VII. xxi., xxii., xxiii.; X. lxiv.; XIV. cxciv.

[851] Tac., _Ann._, XV. xlix., lvi., lvii., lxx.; _Dial._ xx.

[852] Text: Ed. pr., Rome, 1469; Grotius, Antw., 1614, 1625, 1639; Farnaby, Eng. ed., 1618; Amst., 1715; Korrte (= Cortius), 1726; Oudendorp (index), Leyd., 1728; Burman, Leyd., 1740; c. notis Grotii et Bentleii, Strawb. Hill, 1760; Glasg., 1816; Weber, 3 vols., Lpz., 1821-1831 (scholia and Korrte’s comment.); Lemaire, 2 vols., 1830-1832; Weise, 1835; Haskins (introd. by Heitland), Lond., 1887; Hosius, Lpz., 1892 and 1905; ed. 3, 1913; Francken, 2 vols., Leyd., 1896-1897 (bibliog.); Heitland in Postgate’s _C.P.L._, 1905; Housman, Oxf., 1926. Bk. I., Lejay, Par., 1894 (important introd.); VII., Postgate, Camb., 1896; VIII., do., 1917. Fragments: Bährens’s _Frag. P. Rom._, 1886, pp. 365-368. Transns. into verse: Gorges, 1614 [rare]; May, 1627, ed. 2, 1631 (heroic couplets); Rowe, 1719 (heroic couplets); Ridley, 1896 (blank). Studies, etc.: Weber, _Vitae Lucani collectae_, progr., Marb., 1856-1858. Genthe, _De Luc. uita et scriptis_, diss., Berl., 1859; _Scholia uet. e codice Montepessulano_, 1868; Usener, _Commenta Bernensia_, 1869; Nisard, _Études ... sur les poètes latins de la décadence_, ed. 3, 1867, ii. pp. 85-454, ed. 4, 1878. On hist. sources: Baier, _De Liuio Lucani ... auctore_, diss., Bresl., 1874; Singels, _De L. fontibus et fide_, diss., Leyd., 1884; Westerburg, _Luc. Florus und Pseudo-Victor_, _Rh. Mus._, xxxviii. pp. 34-39; Giani, _La Farsaglia_, etc., Turin, 1888; Ziehen, _Luc., als Historiker_ in _Berichte d. freien Hochstiftes_, Frankft.-a-M., 1890; Vitelli, _Sulla composizione e publicazione della Fars._ in _Studi italiani di fil. class._, VIII. pp. 33-72, 1900; _Studi sulle storiche fonti della Fars._, _op. cit._ X. pp. 359-429; Ussani, _Sul valore storico del poema Lucaneo_ in _Atti del congresso internaz. di scienze storiche_, II. iv., Rome, 1903; Jullian, _Lucain historien_ in _Rev. des Études anciennes_, Bord., I. 4, 1900. On philos. sources: Souriau, _De deorum ministeriis in Phars._, thèse, Par., 1885; Oettl, _Lucans philosophische Weltanschauung_, prog., Brixen, 1888; Millard, _Lucani sententia de deis et fato_, diss., Utr., 1891. On lit. sources: Diels, _Seneca und L., Abhandl. der Berl. Akad._, 1886; Hosius, _L. u. seine Quellen_, _Rh. Mus._, XLVIII. pp. 380-397, 1893; Heitland’s introd., Haskins’s ed., pp. cviii.-cxxxi. On the whole question of sources: Pichon, _Les Sources de L._, Par., 1912; on Stoicism in general: E. V. Arnold, _Roman Stoicism_, Camb., 1911.

[853] _Ad Helu._, xviii. 4, 5.

[854] Bährens, _P.L. Min._, 1879-1883, IV. p. 77: _cf._ p. 247 _supra_.

[855] Probus took Persius and Lucan to be of the same time of life; but Persius was Lucan’s senior by about five years. Prob., _Vit. Persii_: “Cognouit per Cornutum etiam Annaeum Lucanum, aequauum auditorem Cornuti. Lucanus adeo mirabatur scripta (Persii) Flacci ut uix retineret se recitante eo cum clamore quin illa esse uera poemata diceret, sua ipse ludos faceret.” (_v.l._ “recitante eo de more.”)

[856] Suet., _Vit. Luc._: “ut praefatione quadam aetatem, et initia sua cum Vergilio comparans ausus sit dicere ‘et quantum mihi restat ad Culicem?’”

[857] Vacca, _Vit. Luc._: “puerili mutato in senatorium cultum et in notitiam Caesaris Neronis facile peruenit.”

[858] Suet., _Vit. Luc._: “ad extremum signifer Pisonianae coniurationis exstitit.”

[859] _Ib._, “matrem quoque innoxiam inter socios nominauit”; _cf._ Tac., _Ann._, XV. lvi. Vacca mentions no such incident.

[860] _Ann._, XV. lxx.: “recordatus carmen a se compositum, quo uolneratum militem per eiusmodi mortis imaginem obisse tradiderat, uersus ipsos rettulit, eaque illi suprema uox fuit.”

[861] _Phars._, III. 638-641; VII. 608-615; IX. 811-814.

[862] _E.g._ by May in the _Life_ prefixed to his translation.

[863] Stat., _Sil._, II. vii. 92: “Cur saeua uice magna non senescunt?”

[864] _Sil._, II. vii. 54-63.

[865] _Vit. Luc._, _ad fin._: “non fastidiendi quidem omnes, tales tamen ut _Belli Ciuilis_ uideatur accessio.”

[866] Genthe, _De L. uita et scriptis_, p. 61, plausibly refers to the _Saturnalia_ the coarse line quoted by Martial, X. lxiv. 6.

[867] What Schanz (_Gesch. d. röm. Lit._) calls “Tanzstücke,” citing Jahn’s description “in usum pantomimorum scriptae,” _Proleg. in Pers._, p. xxxiv.

[868] That is a possible correction of _appāmata_ in the best MSS.

[869] Tac., _Ann._, XIII. xliv. Sagitta in presence of a freedman killed a woman who would not marry him: the freedman sought to take the guilt on himself, but a maid revealed the truth, and Sagitta was brought to trial.

[870] Pichon, _Les Sources de Lucain_, p. 53, footnote: “ces deux poèmes n’en forment peut-être qu’un seul.” In noticing Pichon’s valuable work (_C.R._, xxvii. 1, 1913, pp. 25-28), I mentioned what appeared to me the incredibility of this hypothesis.

[871] Bährens, _F.P.R._, pp. 365-368.

[872] “Pharsalia” is borrowed from IX. 985; the title in MSS. is _De Bello Ciuili_.

[873] I. 125-126:

“Nec quemquam iam ferre potest Caesarue priorem
Pompeiusue parem.”

[874] I. 129-130.

[875] I. 135: “stat magni nominis umbra.”

[876] I. 144 _sqq._; “sed nescia uirtus stare loco ... gaudensque uiam fecisse ruina.”

[877] I. 185 _sqq._

[878] II. 1415:

“Sit subitum quodcumque paras: sit caeca futuri
Mens hominum fati: liceat sperare timenti.”

[879] II. 52-63.

[880] II. 258-259.

[881] II. 381 _sqq._

[882] III. 1-7.

[883] III. 399-421. Possibly the miraculous fire in the forest was suggested to Lucan by Sen., _Thyest._, 674: “excelsae trabes ardent sine igne.”

[884] IV. 373 _sqq._

[885] IV. 575-581.

[886] IV. 702-710.

[887] V. 476: “Caesaris adtonitam miscenda ad proelia mentem.”

[888] V. 731 _sqq._

[889] VI. 67-68.

[890] VI. 191-192, 198-199, 205, 208, 219.

[891] VII. 207 _sqq._

[892] VII. 24 _sqq._

[893] VII. 61.

[894] VII. 129-130.

[895] VII. 252: “Nil opus est uotis: iam fatum accersite ferro.”

[896] VII. 278: “Et primo ferri motu prosternite mundum.”

[897] VII. 349: “Causa iubet melior superos sperare secundos.”

[898] VII. 440-445.

[899] VII. 457-459.

[900] VII. 695.

[901] VIII. 5-6.

[902] VIII. 76-78.

[903] VIII. 491 _sqq._

[904] VIII. 673.

[905] VIII. 798-799.

[906] Cato, as hero of the desert, receives an epithet found nowhere else—_hareniuagus_, IX. 941.

[907] IX. 556 _sqq._

[908] IX. 566 _sqq._

[909] IX. 980 _sqq._

[910] X. 444-446.

[911] X. 528-529.

[912] VI. 813-814.

[913] _Op. cit._, p. 270. The late Canon Cruickshank, Professor of Greek in Durham, saw a possible limit in the reference to Munda (45 B.C.) as the last battle of the civil wars, I. 40. But some take _ultima_ there as “most distant,” and Lucan, in spite of _ultima_, goes on to refer to Mutina (43) and Perusia (41 B.C.).

[914] _Cf._ the language regarding portentous constellations in _Phars._, I. 527-529, with Sen., _N.Q._, VI. iii. 3 and VII. xx. 3.

[915] For summary of evidence, see Schanz, _op. cit._, pp. 104-105.

[916] _Satyr._, 118.

[917] Livy’s books from outbreak of the civil war till Caesar’s death were cix.-cxvi.

[918] Baier, _De Liuio ... Lucani auctore_, 1874; Pichon, _op. cit._, 1912.

[919] Sen., _Contr._, X. _praef._ 2; _Suas._, vi. 22.

[920] Sen., _Ep._, c. 9.

[921] See Heitland’s _Introd._

[922] Pichon’s explanation of the _picta arma_ of the Lingones as “une allusion aux boucliers ornés d’émail que l’on fabriquait à Bibracte” must interest anyone who has seen the Aeduan antiquities from Mont Beuvray at Autun.

[923] Pichon believes this “sans doute,” _op. cit._, p. 145.

[924] Lucan’s influence on Appian, Dio Cassius and Orosius, asserted by Ussani, is denied on good grounds by Pichon (_op. cit._, pp. 81 _sqq._). Westerburg (_Rh. M._, xxxviii. pp. 34 _sqq._) maintains that Florus drew from Lucan, and so did not simply summarize Livy. Against this theory powerful arguments are arrayed by Pichon (_op. cit._, pp. 69-81). Postgate (ed. Bk. VIII., postscript to introd.) remarks that much of the difficulty would be removed by the assumption that the epitomator of Livy used Lucan as well as Livy and that Florus used the epitome.

[925] Pichon, _op. cit._, p. 226; Heitland’s _Introd._, p. cviii. _sqq._

[926] Fronto, 157 n.: “is initio carminis sui septem primis uersibus nihil aliud quam _bella plus quam ciuilia_ interpretatus est.”

[927] Heitland, _Introd._, p. cxxviii.

[928] _Rh. Mus._, XLVIII. p. 393 _sqq._; Pichon, _op. cit._, p. 235 _sqq._

[929] References are given in Heitland’s _Introd._

[930] VIII. 161-184; X. 172 _sqq._

[931] VII. 144 _sqq._; _ib._, 777 _sqq._

[932] II. 93; III. 306. So it involves a little mythological lore to understand why, among omens of trouble, the flame announcing the close of the Latin festival is said to be parted into two, “copying the Theban pyres” (I. 550-552).

[933] VIII. 458 _sqq._

[934] IV. 589 _sqq._; IX. 359 _sqq._

[935] II. 173 _sqq._; IV. 566 _sqq._; VI. 529-569; VIII. 667-691; VIII. 777-778; IX. 766-781.

[936] II. 201 _sqq._

[937] II. 172.

[938] III. 567 _sqq._

[939] III. 723-751.

[940] VIII. 851 _sqq._

[941] V. 593 _sqq._

[942] VI. 45-46.

[943] VII. 851-852.

[944] He carries condensation too far, e.g. II. 35, _diuisere deos_=“they divided the gods,” _i.e._ Roman ladies took their prayers to different temples; or he uses an over-fanciful conceit, _e.g._ II. 72, _depositum_ applied to Marius, the exile, as “the deposit” entrusted by Fortune to the marshes. But such phrases have at least the intended quality of being striking.

[945] V. 455.

[946] Quint., X. i. 90: “ardens et concitatus.”

[947] Text: Wernsdorf, _Poet. Lat. Min._, 1780, vol. ii.; Gläser, Gött., 1842; Bährens’s _Poet. Lat. Min._, vol. iii.; _Calp. et Nemesian._, Schenkl, Prag., 1885, and by same editor in Postgate’s _C.P.L._, ii.; Keene, Lond., 1887. In Eng. verse (octosyll.), E. J. L. Scott, Lond., 1890.

Other wks.: Haupt, _De carm. bucol. Calp. et Nemes._, Leipz., 1854; Append. _On Later Bucolic Poets of Rome_ in Conington’s Virgil, vol. i., with summary of Haupt’s arguments.

[948] iv. 84:

“At mihi qui nostras praesenti numine terras
Perpetuamque regit iuuenili robore pacem,
Laetus et Augusto felix arrideat ore....”

vii. 6: “Quae patula iuuenis deus edit harena.”

[949] vii. 83-84:

“... Ac nisi me uisus decepit, in uno
Et Martis uultus et Apollinis esse putaui.”

[950] i. 42:

“Aurea secura cum pace renascitur aetas,
Et redit ad terras tandem squalore situque
Alma Themis posito, iuuenemque beata secuntur
Saecula, maternis causam qui uicit _Iulis_” (_v.l._ in ulnis!).

[951] _Ecl._ i. 77-83; Pliny, _N.H._, II. 25, 92; Suet., _Claud._, xlvi.; Dio., lx. 35.

[952] _Ecl._ vii. 23-24:

“Vidimus in caelum _trabibus spectacula textis_
Surgere, Tarpeium prope despectantia culmen”;

Tac., _Ann._, XIII. xxxi. (A.D. 57): “nisi cui libeat laudandis fundamentis et _trabibus_ quis molem amphitheatri apud campum Martis Caesar extruxerat”; Suet., _Nero_, xii.: “munere quod _in amphitheatro ligneo_ regione Martii campi intra anni spatium fabricato dedit....” The games instituted by Nero are mentioned in Suet., _Nero_, xi.

[953] iv. 36-42.

[954] Sarpe, _Quaest. philol._, Rostock, 1819. Keene, in introd. to his edn., agrees, p. 12. Summers, _Silver Age of Latin Lit._, p. 91, thinks that to identify the patron with Seneca or Calpurnius Piso is sheer caprice.

[955] iv. 53 _sqq._

[956] iv. 158-159.

[957] iv. 64-66:

“Magna petis, Corydon, si Tityrus esse laboras:
Ille fuit uates sacer et qui posset auena
Praesonuisse chelyn.”

[958] i. 11-12:

“Bullantes ubi fagus aquas radice sub ipsa
Protegit et ramis errantibus implicat umbras.”

[959] ii. 68-75.

[960] iv. 152-159.

[961] vii. 83-84.

[962] The influence of Calpurnius is illustrated in Prof. Mustard’s notes to his edns. of _The Eclogues of Baptista Mantuanus_, 1911; _The Piscatory Eclogues of Sannazaro_, 1914; _The Eclogues of Andrelinus and Arnolletus_, 1918.

[963] Text: ed. pr. in Sichard’s ed. of Ovid, Bas., 1527; (with Lucan) Corte, Leipz., 1726; Held, Bresl., 1831; Weber, cum proleg., Marb., 1859; Bährens’s _P.L.M._, 1879, vol. i.

[964] Haupt, _Opusc._, I. p. 391; _cf._ Lachmann’s comment on Lucretius, ed. 3, 1866, p. 326, “laudator Pisonis Calpurnius.”

[965] There are three instances, two in the first foot (_atque illos_, 24; _quare age_, 81) and one in the third (_et te credibile est_, 168), among the 261 lines; there are eight elisions, all in the first foot (eleven, if three doubtful cases be admitted) among the 759 lines of Calp. Siculus.

[966] _De Laude Pis._, 248: “Tu mihi Maecenas tereti cantabere uersu.” Calp. Sic., iv. 152: “tereti decurrent carmine uersus.”

[967] For such resemblances, see _Laus Pisonis_ by Gladys Martin, Cornell Univ. diss., 1917.

[968] _Ann._, XV. xlviii.

[969] l. 29: “Mitia legitimo sub iudice bella mouere.”

[970] l. 47: “Flet si flere iubes, gaudet gaudere coactus.”

[971] l. 132: “Obsequiumque doces et amorem quaeris amando.”

[972] _De Laude Pis._, 166, 171, 242. _Chelys_ is, except for Ovid’s use, post-Augustan; _e.g._ Calp. Sic., iv. 66, and in Statius often.

[973] Bährens, _P.L.M._, iii. 60-64.

[974] Schanz, _op. cit._, VIII. ii. 2, p. 98.

[975] Groag, art., “Calpurnius Piso” in Pauly-Wissowa, _Realencycl._, III. 1379; Bücheler, _Rh. Mus._, xxvi., p. 235.

[976] Text: (first published with Virgil), Scaliger, Lyon, 1572; Gorallus (_i.e._ Leclerc), Amst., 1703, 1715 (“P. Cornelii Seueri _Aetna_ et fragm....”); Wernsdorf’s _P.L.M._, iv., 1785; Munro, Camb., 1867; Bährens’s _P.L.M._, ii. 88, 1880 (in _App. Verg._); Sudhaus, Leipz., 1898; Ellis, 1901, and by same editor in Postgate’s _C.P.L._, vol. ii., 1905; Lenchantin de Gubernatis, Turin, 1911; _L’Etna_ (texte et trad.), Vessereau, Par., 1923 (defends Virgilian authorship).

[977] Wight Duff, _A Lit. Hist. of Rome to Close of Golden Age_, 1909, pp. 492-495, for previous discussion of _Aetna_.

[978] _Poema de Aetna monte Vergilio auctori praecipue tribuendum_, diss., Krak., 1882. Brakman, _Mnem._, li. 2 (1923), holding that the treatment is based on Posidonius and that style and metre are Lucretian, marshals internal evidence to support a date about 30 B.C.

[979] _Studia in Aetn. collata_, Erlang., 1896.

[980] _Rh. Mus._, liv. 7.

[981] Gross, _De metonymiis lat. a deorum nominibus petitis_ (diss., Hal., 19 (1911), p. 296), seeks on ground of resemblances between _Octauia_ and _Aetna_ to suggest that the poet of the _Aetna_ was the borrower, and wrote between A.D. 69 and 79.

[982] Sen., _Ep. Mor._, lxxix. 4-7.

[983] _Gesch. d. röm. Lit._, 1910, § 307: “ein inhaltlich sehr anziehendes kleines Lehrgedicht.”

[984] 616-617:

“Defectum raptis illum sua carmina tardant:
Hic uelox minimo properat sub pondere pauper.”

I should like to give the poet the credit of sarcastically regarding poems as heavy enough to be a hindrance; but the _carmina_ are possibly charms or spells to which recourse might be had in terror.

[985] 628-629:

“Parcite, auara manus, dulces attollere praedas:
Illis diuitiae solae materque paterque.”

[986] Text: Bährens, _P.L.M._, iii., pp. 7-59: _Italici Ilias Lat._ (praef., app. crit.), Plessis, Paris, 1885; _cf._ Tolkiehn, _Homer u. die röm. Poesie_, 1900, pp. 96-119.

[987] Wight Duff, _Lit. Hist. of Rome_, 119 _sqq._; Bährens, _Fragm. P.L._, p. 37 _sqq._

[988] Bährens, _Fragm. P.L._, p. 281 and p. 283; Wight Duff, _op. cit._, p. 123 and p. 245.

[989] Pers., i. 50; _cf._ i. 4 and Schol. The surviving line—

crudum manduces Priamum Priamique pisinnos,

was intended to translate _Il._, iv. 35—

ὠμὸν βεβρώθοις Πρίαμον Πριάμοιό τε παῖδας.

[990] Sen., _ad Polyb._, viii. 2, xi. 5.

[991] ll. 899-902:

“Quem nisi seruasset magnarum rector aquarum,
Vt profugus laetis Troiam repararet in aruis
Augustumque genus claris submitteret astris,
Non carae gentis nobis mansisset origo.”

[992] _La Poésie latine_, Par., 1909, pp. 528 _sqq._

[993] For a record of the discussions on the acrostics see Schanz, _op. cit._, pp. 121-122.

[994] Tolkiehn, _op. cit._, p. 101, quotes treatises by Paul Verres (1881) and by Altenburg (1890) to suggest that the metre of _Ilias Lat._ is better than that of Silius’s _Punica_. The contention is that Silius would not have written his _magnum opus_ in less careful style than an epitome of the _Iliad_. Galdi, _L’epitome nella letteratura latina_, 1922, p. 244, takes the view of Schanz that _Il. Lat._ is a free and brief rehandling of the Homeric _Iliad_ by a dilettante fond of Virgil and Ovid (“innamorato di Virgilio e di Ovidio”). A real epitome would have had more Homeric colour.

[995] _Rh. Mus._, xxiv. (1870), 492 _sqq._

[996] Hor., _Od._, IV. ix. 5-6; _cf._ Petron., _Sat._, ii.

[997] For reminiscences of Virgil and Ovid, see Plessis, _op. cit._, p. 532.

[998] Teuffel, _op. cit._, § 286, 7-11; Schanz, II. ii. § 360; fragments, Bährens, _F.P. Rom._, 1886, p. 368.

[999] Suet., _Ner._, lii.

[1000] Tac., _Ann._, XIII. iii.

[1001] _N.Q._, I. v. 6.

[1002] Mart., IX. xxvi. 9; Suet., _Dom._, i.; _Ner._, xxi., xxiv., xxxviii.; Tac., _Ann._, XV. xxxix.

[1003] _Vit. Pers._; schol. ad Pers., vi. 1.; Quint., X. i. 96.

[1004] Teuffel. _op. cit._, 304, 1.

[1005] Sen., _N.Q._, VI. ii. 7.

[1006] _Ann._, XIV. xlviii. (A.D. 62), XVI. xxviii. (A.D. 66).

[1007] Quint., X. i. 89; Juv., VII. 79-81.

[1008] Plin., _Ep._, III. v., account of his uncle’s works; V. viii., history compared with oratory; VI. xvi., his uncle’s death; VI. xx., continued account of eruption of Vesuvius.

[1009] Text: Barbarus, Rome, 1492; Dalecampius, Lyons, 1587; Gronov, c. not. varior., Leyd., 1669; Harduinus, Par., 1685 (1723); Franz, c. not. Harduini et varior., 10 vols., Leipz., 1778-1791; Sillig, 8 vols., Gotha, 1851-1858; Jan, Lpz., 1854-1865; ed. 3, Mayhoff, 1906 _sqq._; Detlefsen, Berl., 1866-1882, and crit. ed. of geog. bks. (II. 242–VI.), Berl., 1905; _Morceaux extraits de Pline_, trad. en fr., Guéroult, ed. augm., Par., 1845; _Chrestomathia Pliniana_, Urlichs, Berl., 1857; Chapters on Hist. of Art (from XXXIV.-XXXVI.), text and tr., Jex-Blake, introd. and comm., Sellers, Lond., 1896.

Trans.: Philemon Holland, Lond., 1601; ed. 2, 1634; Bostock and Riley, Lond., 6 vols., 1898, etc.

On his science: _Plinius u. seine Naturgesch. in ihrer Bedeutung für d. Gegenwart_, Dannemann, Jena, 1921.

On sources see bibliogr. in Teuffel, _op. cit._, Schanz, _op. cit._, and footnotes in this chapter.

On style: _Der Stil des ält. Plin._, Joh. Müller, Innsbr., 1883.

[1010] _Ep._, III. v. 7, states that he died in his fifty-sixth year; this was in August, A.D. 79.

[1011] _N.H._, _praef._ 1, _i.e._ like Catullus, a native of Gallia Cisalpina, though not, as some have argued, a fellow-townsman from Verona.

[1012] _N.H._, XXXVII. 81.

[1013] _N.H._, VII. 80; XIII. 83. Pliny calls Pomponius “consularis poeta” and “uatis ciuisque clarissimus.”

[1014] _N.H._, _praef._ 3.

[1015] _N.H._, XXXIII. 143.

[1016] XII. 98 (“... qua Rhenus adluit uidi”); XVI. 2; XXII. 8.

[1017] IX. 14-15; XXXIII. 63; XXXVI. 111.

[1018] _C.I.G._, III. 4536; _Herm._, XIX. (1884), p. 644. Since Hirschfeld, in 1887 (Röm. Mitt. d. deutsch. archäol. Inst., 2, p. 152), opposed Mommsen, several scholars, including Münzer, have also attacked the identification. Fabia and Detlefsen support it.

[1019] _N.H._, II. 150: “ego uidi in Vocontiorum agro”; VII. 36: “ipse in Africa uidi”; XVIII. 183: “in Treuerico agro ...”; Plin., _Ep._, III. v. 17: “cum procuraret in Hispania.”

[1020] _Ep._, III. v. 9.

[1021] _Ep._, VI. xvi.

[1022] _Ep._, III. v. 10.

[1023] _Ib._, 12.

[1024] _Ib._, 16.

[1025] _Ib._, 17.

[1026] _Ib._, 19.

[1027] _Ib._, 1-6.

[1028] _N.H._, VIII. 162.

[1029] _Ib._, XIV. 56.

[1030] Plin., _Ep._, III. v. 4.

[1031] _Ann._, I. lxix.; Symm., _Epist._, IV. 18, 16. Lehnerdt, _Herm._, xlviii., 1913, pp. 274-282, discusses the possible survival of a copy in Germany in the fifteenth century.

[1032] Gell., _N.A._, IX. xvi. 1.

[1033] _I. Or._, III. i. 21; XI. iii. 143, 148.

[1034] _N.H._, _praef._ 28.

[1035] For Pliny’s influence on Nonius Marcellus, Nettleship, _Jrl. of Philol._, XV. 189, “Study of Lat. Gram. in 1st Cent., A.D.”; on Gellius and others, Beck, _Studia Gelliana et Pliniana_, Lpz., 1892.

[1036] _Ann._, XIII. xx. (early in Nero’s reign, A.D. 55); XV. liii. (Piso’s conspiracy, A.D. 65); Hist., III. xxviii. (sack of Cremona, A.D. 69).

[1037] For the theories see Schanz, _op. cit._, pp. 495-496.

[1038] Peter, _Hist. Rom. Frag._, p. 310.

[1039] _N.H._, II. 199: “anno Neronis principis supremo, sicut in rebus eius exposuimus”; _praef._ 20 (of Vespasian and his sons): “Vos omnes, patrem te fratremque, diximus opere iusto, temporum nostrorum orsi a fine Aufidi Bassi.”

[1040] _Ep._, V. viii. 5: “historias et quidem religiosissime scripsit.”

[1041] _Ep._, III. v. 6.

[1042] _Praef._ 2 addresses Titus as “sexies consul.” His poem on the comet belonged to his fifth consulate, _N.H._, II. 89.

[1043] This is Urlichs’s view (_Chrestom._, Einl., p. xiv.): “Vermutlich gab er deshalb vor der Reise (von Rom) nur die erste Dekade vollständig heraus.” Bks. XI. and XII. in Riccard. MS. and the last six bks. in the Bamberg. MS. bear the words “editus post mortem.” _Cf._ Detlefsen, _Untersuch. üb. d. Zusammensetzung der Naturgesch._, 1899, p. 18; Klotz, _Herm._, xlii., 1907, pp. 324-325.

[1044] _Praef._ 33.

[1045] _E.g._ XXXIII. 22, he makes a reference forward to his book on precious stones (viz. XXXVII.): “sicut dicemus in gemmarum uolumine.”

[1046] _Praef._ 17: “ex exquisitis auctoribus C.”

[1047] _Praef._ 21: “est enim benignum, ut arbitror, et plenum ingenui pudoris fateri per quos profeceris.”

[1048] Montigny, _Quaestiones in Plin. nat. historiae de animalibus libros_, Bonn, 1848, p. 7: “uana eruditionis ostentatio.” Rabenhorst, _Die Indices auctorum u. die wirklichen Quellen der N.H._, in _Philol._, 65 (1906), sees in Pliny’s desire to acknowledge literary obligations merely a rhetorical trick.

[1049] VIII. 43-44: “Aristoteles ... uir quem in his magna secuturus ex parte praefandum reor,” i.e. Aristotle is for zoology his great authority, and Pliny proceeds to mention his summary of 50 volumes of Aristotle (“collecta in artum”). Klotz points out that the words in VI. 49, “Demodamas ... quem maxime sequimur,” only mean that Pliny’s material at this point goes back in the last resort to Demodamas (“in letzter Linie zum grössten Teil auf D. zurückgehen,” _Herm._, xlii., p. 327).

[1050] Brunn, _De auctorum indicibus Plinianis disputatio isagogica_, Bonn, 1856.

[1051] On the relation between the order of authors’ names in the special indices and the order followed in a general index common to Pliny’s books on closely allied subjects, see Klotz, _Herm._, xlii., p. 323 (1907), and his _Quaestiones Plinianae Geographicae_, 1906, p. 4 _sqq._

[1052] Numbers often constituted a difficulty in the MSS., and uncertainty led to gaps. Klotz, _loc. cit._, p. 325, cites Dicuil, _De mens. orb. terr._, as aware of imperfections in Pliny MSS. On the figures, _cf._ Birt, _Das antike Buchwesen_, Berl., 1882, p. 333.

[1053] Montigny, _op. cit._, showed that Pliny often named in his indices authors whom he had not directly consulted.

[1054] Teuffel, _op. cit._, 313, 3: “Im übrigen hat die Phantasie des modernen Quellenforschers hier, bei dem Verlust der meisten Quellen, weiten (auch reichlich benutzten) Spielraum.”

[1055] Rose, _Aristoteles Pseudepigraphus_, Lpz., 1863 (“ipsius nunquam Aristotelis Graecos libros adhibuit”); Birt, _De Halieuticis Ouidio falso adscriptis_, Bonn, 1878 (criticized by Aly, _Zur Quellenkritik_, 1885, pp. 17-18); Koebert, _Das Kunstverständnis des Plinius_, pp. 134-146, in _Abhandlungen ... W. v. Christ dargebracht_, 1891; Rabenhorst, _Der ältere Plinius als Epitomator des Verrius Flaccus_, Berl., 1903, and _Die indices auctorum u. die wirklichen Quellen der N.H._, _Philol._, 65, 1906 (examined by Klotz, _Herm._, xlii., p. 324 _sqq._, who declines to regard Pliny as a miserable humbug, “elender Windbeutel” and swaggerer, “Aufschneider.”) For brief account of Verrius Flaccus, see Wight Duff, _Lit. Hist. of Rome to Golden Age_, pp. 629-631; Trogus, _ib._, pp. 631, 636-637; Figulus, _ib._, p. 346; Juba, _ib._, p. 667.

[1056] Aly, _Zur Quellenkritik des älteren Pl._, Marb., 1885; Münzer, _Beiträge zur Quellenkritik der Naturgesch._, Berl., 1897.

[1057] Jahn, _Ueber die Kunsturteile des P._ (in _Berichte d. Sächs. Gesellschaft d. Wissenschaften_, 1850, pp. 105-142.)

[1058] Brieger, _De Fontibus Librorum XXXIII.-XXXVI._ _Nat. Hist. Plin. quatenus ad artem plasticam pertinent_, diss., Greifsw., 1856.

[1059] This is well summarized in E. Sellers’s introd. to _The Elder Pliny’s Chaps. on Hist. of Art_, 1896, where attention is directed to relevant works by Schreiber, Furtwängler, Oehmichen, Robert, L. Urlichs, his son H. L. Urlichs, and others. Münzer, _Zur Kunstgesch. des Pl._, examined the Greek bases for Pliny’s history of art in _Herm._, xxx. (1895), pp. 499-547. To this list may be added Kalkmann’s _Die Quellen der Kunstgesch. des Pl._, Berl., 1898. He denies Pliny’s indebtedness to Pasiteles of Naples included in the indices, and maintains that Pliny here relied instead on a chronological compilation by Apollodorus as well as a current catalogue of artists.

[1060] Aly makes this probable, _op. cit._, pp. 18-19.

[1061] _N.H._, XIV. 44-47. Münzer, _Beitr. zur Quellenkrit._, pp. 12-13.

[1062] _N.H._, XI. 273-276.

[1063] _E.g._ on Pliny’s “Arbeitsweise,” Aly, _op. cit._, pp. 19-21; Münzer, _op. cit._, pp. 3-133; Klotz, _Herm._, xlii. 323-329.

[1064] Plin., _Ep._, III. v. 10: “adnotabat excerpebatque.”

[1065] Furtwängler, _Pl. u. seine Quellen üb. die bildenden Künste_, in _Jahrb. für klass. Phil._, Supplbd. ix., Lpz., 1877, p. 4 _sqq._, regards Pliny’s mode of compilation as having been “nach einer unter Rubriken geordneten Excerptensammlung.”

[1066] _Cf._ his nephew’s description, _Ep._, III. v. 17: “electorum commentarios ... opisthographos quidem et minutissimis scriptos.”

[1067] _Op. cit._, pp. 20-21.

[1068] Since Aly wrote in 1885, the claims of Juba as a source have been pitched higher: Münzer, _op. cit._, 411-422.

[1069] II. 167-170.

[1070] _N.H._, II. 54: “macti ingenio este, caeli interpretes, rerumque naturae capaces ...”; 95: “Hipparchus nunquam satis laudatus”; 117: “ista plures sine praemio alio quam posteros iuuandi eruerunt.”

[1071] See list of works on the subject by Oehmichen, Gruppe, Detlefsen, Cuntz, Klotz and others in Schanz, _op. cit._, § 492.

[1072] _N.H._, XXV. 9: “cui summa auctoritas erat in ea arte nostro acuo.” Wellmann, “Beiträge zur Quellenanalyse des älteren Plinius,” _Herm._, lix. (1924), p. 129 _sqq._, has endeavoured to awake fresh interest in Castor as a Latin source and in Solon of Smyrna as a Greek source for Pliny’s medical botany.

[1073] This Xenocrates, the statuary who wrote _de toreutice_, is to be distinguished from Xenocrates, a physician of Aphrodisias in Cilicia, whose name appears in many previous author-lists, and from whose recent compilation Pliny borrowed remedies of a superstitious character.

[1074] _N.H._, III. 2: “locorum nuda nomina et quanta dabitur breuitate ponentur”; III. 39: “nec ignoro ingrati ac segnis animi existimari posse merito, si obiter atque in transcursu ad hunc modum dicatur terra.”

[1075] III. 138.

[1076] III. 39-42.

[1077] West, “Multiplication of Cities in Anct. Geog.,” _Class. Philol._ XVIII. 1, Jan., 1923.

[1078] XXVI. 18: “magicae uanitates.”

[1079] _N.H._, _praef._ 33: “Tu per hoc et aliis praestabis ne perlegant, sed ut quisque desiderabit aliquid id tantum quaerat”; Gell., _N.A._, V. xvi.: “degustandum ex philosophia censet, non in eam ingurgitandum.”

[1080] _N.H._, X. 81-82: “tanta uox tam paruo in corpusculo ... in una perfecta musica scientia modulatus editur sonus.” The lavish measure of Holland’s paraphrase is apparent here: three Latin words, _infuscatur ex inopinato_, become “anon all of a sudden, before a man would think it, she drowneth her words that one can scarce hear her.” His “descant between the plain song” and “crotchets, quavers, semiquavers and double semiquavers” add to the general effect of rich freedom in his tribute to the bird.

[1081] The chapters on _papyrus_ are specially treated by Dziatzko, _Untersuch. üb. ausgew. Kapitel d. antiken Buchwesens_, mit Text übers. u. erkl. von _N.H._, XIII. 68-69, 1900.

[1082] XIV. 142: “ex ore halitus cadi, ac fere rerum omnium obliuio, morsque memoriae.”

[1083] XXXVI. 101-125.

[1084] I think it not unlikely that “mola tantum salsa litant qui non habent tura,” _praef._ 11, is an echo of Persius, II. 75, “farre litabo.”

[1085] _N.H._, II. 13: “hunc esse mundi totius animum....”

[1086] _Ib._, 14.

[1087] _Ib._, 15-16: “maior caelitum populus etiam quam hominum intellegi potest.”

[1088] II. 18: “Deus est mortali iuuare mortalem, est haec ad aeternam gloriam uia.”

[1089] _Praef._ 16: “qui ... utilitatem iuuandi praetulerunt gratiae placendi, idque iam et in aliis operibus ipse feci.”

[1090] VII. 2: “hominem tantum nudum et in nuda humo natali die abicit ad uagitus statim et ploratum.” _Cf._ Lucret., V. 222-227.

[1091] VII. 3: “Heu, dementiam ab his initiis existimantium ad superbiam se genitos!” 5: “At, hercules, homini plurima ex homine sunt mala”; XVIII. 2-3: “ferro ipsi nocentius aliquid damus, nos et flumina inficimus, et rerum naturae elementa ipsumque quo uiuitur aerem in perniciem uertimus.”

[1092] XXII. 117-118: “parens illa ac diuina rerum artifex.... Naturae quidem opera absoluta atque perfecta gignuntur.... Scrupulatim quidem colligere ac miscere uires, non coniecturae humanae opus, sed impudentiae est.”

[1093] XXII. 1 ... “nihil ab rerum natura sine aliqua occultiore causa gigni”; XVIII. 1: “si quis aestimet uarietatem, numerum, flores, odores coloresque et sucos ac uires earum (herbarum) quas salutis aut uoluptatis hominum gratia gignit.”

[1094] XXIV. 1: “sacra illa parente rerum omnium nusquam non remedia disponente homini”; 4: “Naturae placuerat esse remedia parata uolgo,” etc.

[1095] XXI. 1-2 ... “inenarrabili florum maxime subtilitate, quando nulli potest facilius esse loqui quam rerum naturae pingere lasciuienti praesertim et in magno gaudio fertilitatis tam uariae ludenti ... ne pictura quidem sufficiente imagini colorum reddendae.”

[1096] The imprecation would be “sit tibi terra grauis.”

[1097] II. 154-155.

[1098] XVIII. 1: “Patrocinari terrae et adesse cunctorum parenti iuuat, quamquam inter initia operis defensae.”

[1099] II. 157-158.

[1100] II. 174-175 ... “cum ad mensuram auaritiae suae propagauerit, quam tandem portionem eius defunctus obtineat.”

[1101] XVIII. 19-21.

[1102] XXXIII. 148: “Asia primum deuicta luxuriam misit in Italiam”; XXXIV. 34: “usque ad deuictam Asiam, unde luxuria.”

[1103] IX. 104-105, 114.

[1104] XII. 82-4.

[1105] XIII. 20.

[1106] XIX. 52-55.

[1107] XXII. 4: “Non est nunc propositum ista consectari.”

[1108] XVI. 14: “O mores aeternos qui tanta opera honore solo donauerint....”

[1109] XIV. 2-6.

[1110] II. 117-118.

[1111] XXV. 22-23: “fortassis aliquibus curam nostram friuolam existimaturis: adeo deliciis sordent quae ad salutem pertinent ... misereri sortis humanae subit.”

[1112] XXXIII. 3: “Quam innocens, quam beata, immo uero et delicata esset uita, si nihil aliunde quam supra terras concupisceret.”

[1113] _Antig._, 332 _sqq._: πολλὰ τὰ δεινὰ, κοὐδὲν ἀνθρώπου δεινότερον πέλει, κ.τ.λ.

[1114] _N.H._, XXXIV. 138 (= Chap. xiv.).

[1115] Homer, VII. 108: “pretiosissimum humani animi opus”; XVII. 37: “fons ingeniorum Homerus”; eulogy on Cicero, VII. 116-117, XVII. 38: “Cicero, lux doctrinarum altera”; Virgil, VII. 114.

[1116] XXIX. 14.

[1117] _Praef._ 6: “uolgo scripta sunt”; 12-13: “(hi libelli) nec ingenii sunt capaces, ... neque admittunt excessus aut orationes sermonesue ... sterilis materia rerum natura, hoc est uita narratur....”

[1118] X. 9: “tendente ... abigente ... cadente ... ostendente ... emergente.”

[1119] III. 39 _sqq._

[1120] XXXVII. 201.

[1121] Galdi, _L’Epitome nella letteratura lat._, 1922, pp. 157-174.

[1122] The dispute concerning the relation of Solinus to Pliny as a source is discussed by Galdi, _op. cit._, pp. 159-166.

[1123] Welzhofer, _Bedas Citate aus der N.H._, in _Abhandln. W. v. Christ dargebracht_, pp. 25-41, Münch., 1891.

[1124] Rück, _Auszüge aus d. Naturg. des P. in einem astronomisch-komputist. Sammelwerke des 8-ten Jahrhts._, Münch., 1888.

[1125] Rück, _Das Excerpt der N.H. des P. von Robt. v. Cricklade_, Münch., 1902; _Die Geographie u. Ethnographie der N.H. des P. im Auszüge des R. v. Cricklade_, Münch., 1903 (with conspectus of Pliny’s “Fortleben” prefixed).

[1126] Singer, _Greek Biology and Gk. Medicine_, Oxf., 1922, p. 63.

[1127] Tac., _H._, I. viii., IV. xliii.; _Ann._, XIII. xx., XIV. ii.; Suet., _Ner._, xxi.; Dio, lxiii. 14.

[1128] Tac., _Agr._, x.; _Ann._, XIII. xx., XIV. ii., XV. lxi.

[1129] Tac., _Dial._, xv. 1, xxviii. 1-6, xxxii.; _H._, III. ix, xxv, xxviii; IV. xlii.

[1130] Stat., _Sil._, IV. vii. 53 _sqq._

[1131] Tac., _Agr._, ii.; Suet., _Dom._, x.; Dio, lxvii. 13.

[1132] Suet., _Dom._, x.

[1133] Ed. pr., Campanus, Rome, 1470; Badius, Par., 1516; Gronov, Leyd., 1665; Burman (with declamns.), Leyd., 1720; Caperonnier, Par., 1725; Gesner, Gött., 1738 (Eng. ed., Oxf., 1806); Spalding, rec. et annot., 4 vols., Lpz., 1798-1816; vol. 5, indices, Zumpt, 1829; vol. 6, lexicon, Bonnell, 1834; Bonnell (Teubn.), Lpz., 1854 _sqq._; Halm, Lpz., 1868 _sqq._; Meister, krit. Anm., Prag, 1886-1887; Radermacher, I.-VI., Lpz., 1907.

Sep. bks.: I., Fierville, Par., 1890; Colson, Camb., 1924; X., J. E. B. Mayor, Camb., 1872; Hild, Par., 1885; Bonnell, Berl., ed. 6, 1912; Peterson, Oxf., 1891 (Introd. treats Q.’s life, lit. criticism, style, MSS.); Dosson, Par., 1904.

Trans.: Guthrie, Lond., 1805; Watson (Bohn), Lond., 1856; Butler (Loeb), Lond., 1920 _sqq._

Saintsbury, _Hist. of Criticism_, I., 1900, pp. 289-321, gives a readable conspectus of the _Institutio_; _cf._ extracts in his _Loci Critici_, 1903. For comprehensive reports of modern studies on Q., Bursian’s _Jahresberichte üb. d. Fortschritte d. class. Altertumswissenschaft_, 1887, 1901 and 1922.

[1134] Martial, II. xc. 1-2:

“Quintiliane, uagae moderator summe iuuentae,
Gloria Romanae, Quintiliane, togae.”

[1135] Hieron., _ann. Abr._, 2104 = A.D. 88, “Quintilianus ex Hispania Calagurritanus”; Auson., _Prof. Burdig._, I. 7.

[1136] _I. Or._, IX. iii. 73. It is doubtful whether this is the Quintilianus of Seneca’s _Contr._, X. _praef._ 2; _ib._, iv. 19.

[1137] _I. Or._, VI. i. 14 (_cf._ Tac., _Ann._, XIII. xxxiii.), V. vii. 7, XII. xi. 3.

[1138] Juv., VI. 452. Colson, _Quint._, I., _Introd._, p. x., suspects the scholiast.

[1139] X. i. 24 and 118, VI. iii. 27 and 42, V. vii. 7, XII. x. 11.

[1140] Plin., _Ep._, VII. vi. 11.

[1141] _I. Or._, X. i. 102.

[1142] X. i. 119-120.

[1143] X. i. 119, XII. v. 5 and x. 11.

[1144] _I. Or._, X. i. 119, XII. x. 11; Tac., _Ann._, XIV. xxviii., _Hist._, II. x., IV. xli. and xliii.; _Dial._, viii. and xiii.

[1145] _I. Or._, X. i. 120, iii. 12.

[1146] Hieron., _ann. Abr._, 2084 = A.D. 68.

[1147] Hieron., _ann. Abr._, 2014 = A.D. 88: “Quintilianus ... primus Romae publicam scholam et salarium e fisco accepit et claruit.” Jerome’s date is too late; for Suet. _Vesp._, 18, shows that Vespasian, who died A.D. 79, first gave the annual grant to _rhetores_.

[1148] Auson., _Grat. Act._, 7. Possibly Juvenal is thinking of the same thing in VII. 197: “fies de rhetore consul.”

[1149] VI., _pr._ 16.

[1150] XI., ii. 39.

[1151] IV. i. 19 (“pro regina Berenice”), IV. ii. 86, VII. ii. 5 and 24, IX. ii. 74 (where a ticklish case is cited from his own experience).

[1152] _Ep._, II. xiv. 9: “ita certe ex Quintiliano praeceptore meo audisse memini.”

[1153] _Cf._ _I. Or._, I. ii. 4 _sqq._ with _Sat._, XIV. 31 _sqq._ In X. 122 Juvenal cites as his example of Cicero’s bad verse one of the well-known lines quoted in _I. Or._, XI. i. 24. When, however, Juvenal was caned at school (I. 15), his master was presumably not Quintilian, who did not believe in corporal punishment (_I. Or._, I. iii. 13).

[1154] Reuter, _De Qi. libro qui fuit de causis corrupt. eloq._, Bresl. 1887.

[1155] _I. Or._, VI. _pro._ 3, VIII. iii. 76, II. iv. 42 (“alio quoque libro”), II. x. 3-5, V. xii. 17-23, VIII. iii. 57-58 (“corrupta oratio”).

[1156] VII. ii. 24.

[1157] IV. i. 19, IX. ii. 73-74.

[1158] I. _pro._ 7.

[1159] See introd. epistle to Trypho, 1-3, I. _pr._ 1.

[1160] Colson, _op. cit._, p. xvi., suggests an earlier date, A.D. 86, as a possibility, on the ground that twenty years of teaching might include an unknown period in Spain.

[1161] I. _pr._ 21-22.

[1162] J. Overbeck, in an art., “Die Entdeckung d. Kindes im I. Jahrht. n. Chr.” (_Neue Jahrbr. für d. klass. Altertum_, liii.-liv., 1924), establishes, from literary and medical sources, the intelligent interest taken at this period in children and their upbringing. Stoicism contributed to it.

[1163] See chap. on “Roman Education under the Empire,” esp. pp. 27-29.

[1164] II. xii. 4-7: “maledicit ... laudari disertum.”

[1165] II. xii. 12.

[1166] II. xiii. 2.

[1167] II. xiii. 15-17.

[1168] II. xvi. 12-19: “deus ille, parens rerum fabricatorque mundi nullo magis hominem separauit ... quam dicendi facultate.”

[1169] I. _pr._ 9-10, II. ii. (whole section), II. xv. 1, XII. i. 1.

[1170] II. xxi. 14.

[1171] I. _pr._ 16, XII. ii. 10, XII. iii. and iv.

[1172] III. i. 8-21.

[1173] III. viii. 49.

[1174] V. xii. 17-23.

[1175] VI. iii. 6.

[1176] VII. i. 42-62.

[1177] VIII. _pr._ 3.

[1178] VIII. _pr._ 27.

[1179] _Ib._, 28 and 31.

[1180] VIII. iii. 1.

[1181] From another standpoint oratorical prose may be “simple” or “grand” or “intermediate,” X. i. 44: _Cf._ XII. x. 58-61 and 63.

[1182] X. i. 73, 32 (_cf._ 101 for Livy); 32 and 102 (for Sallust).

[1183] Claussen, _Quaest. Quintilianeae_ (Fleckeisen, Jahrb. Suppl., 6), Lpz., 1873; Dionys. Halic., _lib. de imitatione rel._, ed. Usener, Bonn, 1889. Usener denies Q.’s dependence on Dionys., but see Peterson, ed. Bk. X., Intr., pp. xxx. _sqq._; Heydenreich, _De Quintiliani Inst. Or. libro X., de Dionysii de imitatione libro_, II., etc., Erl., 1900.

[1184] Nettleship, _Lity. Criticism in Lat. Antiquity_ in _Jrnl. Philol._, XVIII., pp. 225 _sqq._; Cole, _Q.’s Quotatns. fr. Lat. poets_, C.R., XX. (1906), p. 47.

[1185] X. i. 105-112. The test of real progress, he says, lies in the student’s enjoyment of Cicero: “ille se profecisse sciat cui Cicero ualde placebit.”

[1186] X. i. 125-131. Rocheblave, _De Q. Senecae iudice_, Par., 1890, defends Seneca against Q.’s antagonism.

[1187] X. i. 98-99.

[1188] XI. iii. 30: “in quo nulla neque rusticitas neque peregrinitas resonat.”

[1189] XI. iii. 126: “quot milia passuum declamasset.”

[1190] Eurip. _Hec._, ll. 254 _sqq._

[1191] _E.g._ II. xvii. 19 (false argument comparable to a military ruse); _ib._, 36 (strict veracity may be postponed to public utility).

[1192] XII. x. 35-36.

[1193] _Ib._, 40.

[1194] _Ib._, 48.

[1195] _Ib._, 51.

[1196] _Ib._, 58-61.

[1197] _Ib._, 73.

[1198] _Ib._, 79.

[1199] _Ib._, 80.

[1200] XII. xi. 8: “id uiro bono satis est docuisse quod sciret.”

[1201] XII. xi. 10.

[1202] XII. xi. 17.

[1203] XII. xi. 30.

[1204] His _prooemium de scriptoribus artis rhetoricae_ (III. i.), as indicated, is a kind of ancient bibliography for rhetoric. For modern works on his sources, see Schanz, _op. cit._

[1205] I. i. 4 and 16, etc.

[1206] It has been calculated that he refers to over 450 passages of Cicero and nearly a third as many Virgilian passages.

[1207] XII. vi. 4: “plusque, si separes, usus sine doctrina quam citra usum doctrina ualet.”

[1208] X. ii. 24: “non qui maxime imitandus et solus imitandus est.”

[1209] XII. x. 45.

[1210] X. iii. 13-14.

[1211] _E.g._, XXX.: φῶς γὰρ τῷ ὄντι ἴδιον τοῦ νοῦ τὰ καλὰ ὀνόματα.

[1212] See Laurie, _Hist. Survey of Pre-Christian Educn._, Lond., 1895. Colson, _op. cit._, Introd., gives an account of Q.’s relation to the education of his times, his own educational principles, his scheme for teaching the mother-tongue and a brief comparison with (pseudo-)Plutarch’s _De Liberorum Educatione_ and Tacitus’s _Dial._

[1213] Froment, _Quid e Qi. orat. institutione ad liberos ingenue nunc educandos excerpi possit_, thes., Par., 1874; H. A. Strong, _Q. the Roman Schoolmaster_ (_Some of his probable views on mod. educn._), Univ. Press, Liverp., 1908.

[1214] II. v. 21-22.

[1215] On Q.’s style, Peterson, Bk. X., _Intr._, pp. xxxix. _sqq._; Bonnell’s _Lexicon_ (_Proleg._); Dosson, Bk. X. (_Remarques sur la langue de Q._); Marty, _De Quintilianeo usu et copia verborum cum Cic. comparatis_, 1886.

[1216] Fuller lists are given by Peterson, _op. cit._, xli. _sqq._

[1217] Hirt, _Ueber d. Substantivierung des Adject. bei Q._, Berl., 1890.

[1218] “Pas un seul augmentatif en _per-_,” Laurand, _Manuel des études gr. et lat._, Par., 1918, p. 606.

[1219] Q.’s _clausulae_ have been examined by Gladisch, _De Clausulis Quintilianeis_, Bresl., 1909, and De Groot, _Der antike Prosarhythmus_, Gron., 1921. Their statistics are arrived at by different methods, but both indicate considerable contrast (though apparently not the same amount of contrast) between Cic. and Q.

[1220] _E.g._ IV. ii. 122.

[1221] IV. ii. 127: “perire artem putamus nisi apparet, cum desinat ars esse si apparet.”

[1222] Colson, Bk. I., _Intr._, traces through the centuries the evidence for knowledge of either the _Institutio_ or its author.

[1223] To this century belongs the “Liber Glossarum,” that portentous medieval collection of glosses, which was perhaps compiled by Adelhard, abbot of Corbie. Three scraps from Q.’s ninth book are quoted in the medieval glossaries to exemplify the use of _pugnaciter_, _caesim_ and _austera_, but there is no proof whether these come direct from the text or through some intermediary. See Mountford, _Quotations fr. class. authors in medieval glossaries_ (Cornell publn.), New Yk. and Lond., 1925, pp. 85-86.

[1224] Colson, _op. cit._, li.

[1225] It survives as Parasinus, 7720.

[1226] _C.R._ xxi. (1907), pp. 33 _sqq._

[1227] For Q.’s influence on humanism, see Colson, _op. cit._, pp. lxiv. _sqq._, and Messer, _Q. als Didaktiker u. sein Einfluss auf die didaktisch-pädagogische Theorie des Humanismus_ in _Neue Jahrb._, 1897.

[1228] _Essay on Criticism_, ll. 669-694; _cf._ Pope’s own notes.

[1229] _The longer declns._, Merula, Ven., 1481; with Tac., _Dial._, Oxf., 1675, 1692; _Inst. Or. et Declam. XIX. et Calpurn. Flacci Declam._, c. not.... Burm., 3 vols., Leyd., 1720; Lehnert, Lpz., 1905 (to some extent based on Dessauer’s _Handschriftliche Grundlage_, 1898). _Cf._ Reitzenstein, _Studien zu Q.’s grösser. Declam._, Strassb., 1909. Trans.: Warr, “from the Oxford Ed.,” Lond., 1686. _The Tenth Declam._, Robinson Ellis, Lond. and Oxf., 1911.

_The shorter_: ed. pr. Ugoletus, Parma, 1494; Aerodius, Par., 1563 (136 pieces), Pithoeus, Par., 1580 (all the 145 extant); Ritter, Lpz., 1884 (_cf._ Ritter’s _Die Quintilianische Decl., Untersuchung üb. Art u. Herkunft_, Freib. u. Tüb., 1881.) Against Ritter’s belief in their authenticity may be put Trabandt, _De minoribus ... declam._, Greifsw., 1883; Fleiber, _De minoribus_, etc., Münst., 1890.

[1230] Ritter, _Quintilianische Declam._, 1881; groups (1) I.; (2) X.; (3) II., IV., V., VII., VIII., XI., XIV.-XIX.; (4), a group which may show the influence of Quintilian or a pupil, III., VI., IX., XII., XIII.

[1231] Reitzenstein, _op. cit._; Golz, _Der rhythmische Satzschluss in d. gröss. pseudo-Quintilianischen Decl._, Bresl., 1913; esp. pp. 61 _sqq._

[1232] Hammer, _Beitr. zu den 19 gröss_ ... Münch., 1893, p. 44. Ellis, _Notes on the 19 Larger Decl._, in _Hermathena_, 1909, pp. 328 _sqq._, alludes to these almost forgotten exercises as “dating perhaps from the second, perhaps from the fourth century A.D.” The latter alternative seems too late.

[1233] Trebell. Poll., _Trig. Tyr._, iv. 2; Auson., _Prof. Burdig._, i. 15-16.

[1234] _I. Or._, I. _pro._ 7.

[1235] _E.g._ The charge of attempted parricide brought against a son found mixing poison in No. ccclxxvii. may be compared with Sen., _Cont._, VII. iii., and No. xvii. of the longer declamations.

[1236] cccxl.; _cf._ Suet., _De Rhet._, i. The case is stated in the chapter on Roman education, p. 34 _supra_.

[1237] _Ossa eruta parricidae_, ccxcix.; Ritter, p. 180.

[1238] _Cf._ Liban., _Decl._, xlix., with the first of the xix. longer declamations.

[1239] _I. Or._, III. i. 21.

[1240] Mart., V. lvi. 6: “famae Tutilium suae relinquat.”

[1241] _I. Or._, III. i. 21: “parco nominibus uiuentium.”

[1242] Hieron., _Ann. Abr._, 2092 = A.D. 76; _cf._ Tac., _Dial._, xxvi. II.

[1243] Text: _Strategem._, ed. pr. (with Aelian, Vegetius, Modestus), Rome, 1487; Modius, Leid., 1607; Oudendorp, Leid., 1731, 1779; Gundermann, Lpz., 1888; Eng. trans., Scott, Lond., 1816. _De Aquis_, ed. pr. (with Vitruvius), Pompon. Laetus, 1484-1492; Polenus (_Proleg. vita_, etc.), Pad., 1722; Dederich (with Germ. tr.), Wesel, 1841; Nisard (with Fr. tr.), Par., 1846; Bücheler, Lpz., 1858; Herschel (with facsim. of MS., and Eng. tr.), Bost., 1899; Krohn, Lpz., 1922. Complete Wks.: Keuchen, Amst., 1661; Bipont ed., 1788; Dederich, Lpz., 1855; McElwain (Eng. tr.), Loeb ed., Lond. and N. Yk., 1925. To consult: Lanciani, _Topografia di Roma antica, i commentarii di Frontino intorno le acque_ (_Memorie ... della Accad. dei Lincei_, bol. 4), Rome, 1881; Ashby, _Die antiken Wasserleitungen d. Stadt Rom_ (_Neue Jahrb. f. d. klass. Altert._, 1909) (with his maps in _Builder_, Jan. 11, 1908, in _Papers of Brit. School at Rome_, and, in part, in “Livellazione degli antichi acquedotti romani,” _Memorie della società italiana delle scienze_, etc. ser. 3, vol. XX., 1917, by Reina, Corbellini and Ducci).

[1244] _Epig._ X. lviii. 5-6: “Doctas tecum celebrare uacabat Pieridas.”

[1245] Tac., _H._, IV. xxxix.

[1246] Tac., _Agr._, xvii: “sustinuit molem Iulius Frontinus.”

[1247] _Strat._, I. i. 8, I. iii. 10, II. iii. 23, II. xi. 7.

[1248] Domitian’s cognomen “Germanicus” is mentioned, _Strat._, II. xi. 7; he got it in A.D. 84.

[1249] _Strat._, I., _ad init._: “cum ad instruendam rei militaris scientiam unus ex numero studiosorum eius accesserim....”

[1250] _De Aq._, _praef._ 1: “nosse quod suscepi”; 2: “indecorum ... delegatum officium ex adiutorum agere praeceptis.”

[1251] _Ep._, IV. viii.

[1252] See Lachmann’s _Gromatici Veteres_, 1848.

[1253] _Strat._, I. _praef._: “cum hoc opus, sicut cetera, usus potius aliorum quam meae commendationis causa aggressus sim.”

[1254] Fritze, _De F. Strat. libro IV._, diss., Halle, 1888; Esternaux, _Die Komposition von Frontins Strat._, progr., Berl., 1889; Kortz, _Quaest. grammat. de F. operibus institutae_, diss., Münst., 1893.

[1255] Wölfflin, _Frontins Kriegslisten_, in _Herm._, IX. (1875), points out resemblances in thought despite the difference of subject; and the occurrence of significant similarities like _conuolnerare_, _Strat._, II. v. 31, _Aq._ 27 and 115; _depressus_ = _humilis_, _Str._, I. v. 24, _Aq._ 65; _adiutorium_ = _auxilium_, _Str._ II. v. 11, _Aq._ 14 and 67.

[1256] Wölfflin, _Herm._, IX., instances _ad_ with geographical names used differently from F.’s usage; _traditur_ used impersonally; total absence in Bk. IV. of certain phrases recurrent in F. like _ob hoc_, _ob id_, _et ideo_, _ideoque_, _eoque_; and unnecessary use of _suus_ with _frater_, _filius_, etc. There seems very little in the last point. In IV. i. 32 _suum_ is properly added to _fratrem_ for emphasis; but _filium_ in 40 and _fratrem_ in 41 have no _suum_.

[1257] This was Wachsmuth’s view, _Rh. Mus._, XV. (1860), pp. 574-583. Wölfflin agreed, _Herm._, IX. (1875), p. 91: “wir haben aber keinen Grund Wachsmuth zu widersprechen, wenn er die Entstehung des Buches (= _Strat._, IV.) in das vierte, oder auch fünfte, Jahrh. setzt.”

[1258] _Quaest. de ... strat. libris_ in _Fleckeis. Jahr. Suppl._, 1888.

[1259] Schanz, _Philol._, xlviii. (1889), p. 647; _Gesch. d. röm. Lit._, II. ii., p. 512. See _Str._ IV. iii. 14: “Lingonum opulentissima ciuitas ... septuaginta milia armatorum tradidit mihi.”

[1260] _Praef._, par. 4, reads like an addition designed to account for the existence of a fourth book on a commander’s strategics as a pendant to the special stratagems of I.-III.

[1261] _Str._, IV. v. 8, is the same as I. v. 12 except for _perrupit_ changed to _erupit_; IV. v. 9 shows a few slight changes on I. v. 14; and IV. v. 10 and 11 = I. v. 15 and I. xi. 3.

[1262] II. iv. 15 and 16 come from IV. vii. 4. and 41.

[1263] I. i. 11 is repeated as I. v. 13.

[1264] _Cf._ Livy, II. x., with _Strat._, II. xiii. 5.

[1265] _Strat._, III. _praef._: “machinamentis quorum expleta iampridem inuentione nullam uideo ultra artium materiam.”

[1266] Perhaps one of his closest copies is _Str._, I. v. 16, based on Liv., XXXV. xi. Here, Livy’s “Caudinae cladis memoria ... obuersabatur” becomes “obuersaretur Caudinae cladis exemplum”; “per ludibrium spectaculo esse” is repeated word for word; and “subditis calcaribus inter medias stationes hostium erupere” becomes “additis calcaribus per intermissas hostium stationes eruperunt.”

[1267] _E.g._ Liv., I. xxvii.; Val. Max., VII. iv. 1; _Str._, II. vii. 1. Here Frontinus seems independent of Val. Max., though, like him, he happens to introduce the word _fiducia_.

[1268] In _Str._, IV. i. 31 a dozen consecutive words (but for a change of an adjective to a noun) are identical with Val. Max., II. vii. 4.

[1269] _De Aq._, _praef._ 1: “Nerua Augusto”; 93: “Traianum Augustum”; 118: “diuus Nerua.” Krohn (Teubner ed., 1922) defends in his preface the title _De Aquaeductu Vrbis Romae_.

[1270] _Praef._ 2.

[1271] _De Aq._, 88: “Sentit hanc curam imperatoris piissimi Neruae principis sui regina et domina orbis in dies, et magis sentiet salubritas eiusdem aucto castellorum, operum, munerum et lacuum numero. Nec minus ad priuatos commodum ex incremento beneficiorum eius diffunditur; illi quoque qui timidi inlicitam aquam ducebant, securi nunc ex beneficiis fruuntur. Ne pereuntes quidem aquae otiosae sunt: alia munditiarum facies, purior spiritus, et causae grauioris caeli quibus apud ueteres urbis infamis aer fuit, sunt remotae.”

[1272] _De Aq._, 16: “Tot aquarum tam multis necessariis molibus pyramidas uidelicet otiosas compares aut cetera inertia sed fama celebrata opera Graecorum.”

[1273] Plin., _Ep._, IX. xix. 6.

[1274] _De Aq._, 100-101, 104, 106, 108.

[1275] _De Aq._, 7, 76, 97. Vitruvius, the architect, is mentioned twice in 25.

[1276] _Eg._ “Citra uexationem,” _Str._, I. viii. 9; “circa praedam occupatos,” I. vi. 3; “circa gratulationem morantis,” II. ix. 8; “quamquam dissimularent,” I. ii. 9; “instructuris,” II. _praef._ 1; “traditurus,” III. _praef._

[1277] _Philipp._, XIII. xix. 43: “uerbum omnino nullum in lingua Latina.”

[1278] “adiutorium,” IV. vii. 31; _cf._ II. v. 11; “foret,” IV. vi. 3, vii. 9; _cf._ “forent,” III. xvi. 3; “notabilis,” IV. iii. 13 (“notabiliter,” IV. i. 1); _cf._ III. viii. 2; “subinde,” IV. i. 1, vii. 13; and often in the earlier books.

[1279] Text: ed. pr., Ruger, et Bertoch., Bolog., 1474; Badius, Par., 1517; Ald., Ven., 1523; Carrio, Antw., 1565; Heinsius, Amst., 1680; Burman, c. not. varior., Utr., 1702, Leyd., 1724; Harles, Altenb., 1781; Wagner, c. comm. perpet., Gött., 1805; Lemaire, Par., 1825; Thilo (proleg.), Halle, 1863; Schenkl, Berl., 1871; E. Bährens, Lpz., 1875; Langen, Berl., 1897; Giarratano, Mil., 1904; Bury in _Corp. P. Lat._, Lond., 1905; Kramer, Lpz., 1913.

Trans.: Book I. (Eng. verse), T. Noble, 1808; (text w. Fr. verse) Dureau de Lamalle, 3 vols., Par., 1811; Fr. prose w. Lemaire text in Didot ed., 1864.

Studies: Greiff, _De ... Argonauticis cum ... Aeneide comparatis_, Trient, 1869; Schenkl, _Studien zu d. Argon. des V. Fl._ in _Sitzungsber. d. Wien Akad._, p. 271, 1871; Gebbing, _De V. Fl. tropis et figuris_, Marb., 1878; _De V. Fl. dicendi genere_, Cobl., 1888; Peters, _De V. Fl. vita et carmine_, Königsb., 1890; Moltzer, _De Ap. Rhodii et V. Flacci Argon._, Utr., 1891; Summers, _A Study of the Arg. of V. Fl._, Camb., 1894; Harmand, _De V. Flacco Ap. Rhodii imitatore_ (bibliog.), Nancy, 1898; Heeren, _De Chorographia a V. Fl. adhibita_, Gött., 1899; Renkema, _Observ. crit. et exeget. ad Argon._, Utr., 1906.

[1280] _Arg._, I. 5 _sqq._; _cf._ III. 417 _sqq._, VIII. 239 _sqq._

[1281] I. 7 _sqq._

[1282] III. 207, IV. 507.

[1283] Valerius is not consistent about the Argo as first of ships. However strange its building may be considered in the Thessaly of Bk. I., the Lemnians of Bk. II. are supposed to have sailed back in ships from Thrace (II. 108-111), and Hypsipyle sent her father off secretly in an old ship (II. 285-287).

[1284] _Odys._, xii. 70: Ἀργώ πᾶσι μέλουσα.

[1285] Prob. ad _Georg._, II. 126: “Media ... a Medo, filio Medeae et Aegei, ut existimat Varro qui iv. libros de Argonautis edidit.”

[1286] Summers, _A Study of the Argonautica_, pp. 15 _sqq._

[1287] I. 275:

“... Sparguntur litore curuo
Lumina nondum ullis terras monstrantia nautis.”

[1288] I. 311: “Alma nouo crispans pelagus Tithonia Phoebo.”

[1289] I. 558-560.

[1290] I. 723-724:

“Sunt hic etiam tua uulnera, praedo,
Sunt lacrimae carusque parens.”

[1291] _Cf._ _Arg._, I. 833-851 with _Aen._, VI. 638-641 and 660-664. Many words are intentional echoes, _amoena_, _deueniant_, _campos_, _sol_.

[1292] II. 38-47:

“Auxerat hora metus, iam se uertentis Olympi
Vt faciem raptosque simul montesque locosque
Ex oculis circumque graues uidere tenebras.
Ipsa quies rerum mundique silentia terrent
Astraque et effusis stellatus crinibus aether.
Ac uelut ignota captus regione uiarum
Noctiuagum qui carpit iter non aure quiescit,
Non oculis, noctisque metus niger auget utrimque
Campus et occurrens umbris maioribus arbor,
Haud aliter trepidare uiri.”

[1293] III. 596-597:

“Rursus Hylan et rursus Hylan per longa reclamat
Auia: responsant siluae et uaga certat imago.”

[1294] III. 724-725.

[1295] IV. 744: “Certa fides animis idem quibus incidit hostis.”

[1296] V. 343-347.

[1297] VI. 493-495.

[1298] VII. ll. 89 _sqq._

[1299] VII. 415-416.

[1300] VII. 429-430.

[1301] VII. 477, a highly alliterative line:

“Sis memor, oro, mei, contra memor ipsa manebo.”

[1302] _Aen._, IV. 323-324.

[1303] VIII. 419 _sqq._

[1304] VIII. 439 _sqq._

[1305] VIII. 458 _sqq._

[1306] Summers, _A Study_, etc., pp. 18-26; Butler, _Post-Augustan Poetry_, pp. 182-188.

[1307] Schenkl, _Studien_, pp. 279 _sqq._; Summers, _op. cit._, pp. 2-3; _cf._ p. 6.

[1308] Summers, _op. cit._, p. 7.

[1309] I. 5-6, 7-17, 20-21.

[1310] I. 559; II. 245, 304, 574.

[1311] VI. 53-56, 402 _sqq._; 410, 420.

[1312] VII. 83-86, 232-234.

[1313] Summers, _op. cit._, pp. 8-12.

[1314] Juv., I. 10-11.

[1315] See Gebbing’s pamphlets in bibliog.; and Summers, _op. cit._, esp. pp. 42-49.

[1316] III. 208-209:

“ut mugitor anhelat
Vesuius, attonitas acer cum suscitat urbes.”

[1317] IV., 462, 501, 542, 549.

[1318] Summers, _op. cit._, p. 54, gives a list of alliterations from the first four books.

[1319] Summers, _op. cit._, p. 62, gives references to ten; _e.g._ IV. 158: “melior uulgi nam saepe uoluntas” (“a people’s heart is often better than their king’s”).

[1320] _Eg._ Similes become especially frequent in the description of the fighting in Bk. III., and in Hercules’s alarm over the absence of Hylas (III. 577, 581, 587). Among natural and pathetic similes is that on children praying that their father seriously ill may be spared (V. 22-24).

[1321] VII. 124 _sqq._; IV. 507.

[1322] V. 43: “ubi monstriferae par ille nouercae?”

[1323] Ed. pr., Sweynheym et Pannartz, Rome, 1471; Parm., 1481; Mil., 1481; c. Marsi schol., Ven., 1483, 1492, 1493, and Par., 1512; Benessa, Lugd., 1514; Nicander (wilful interpolations), Flor., 1515; F. Asulanus, (Aldine) Ven., 1523; D. Heinsius, Leyd., 1600; Drakenborch, Utr., 1717; Ernesti, Lpz., 1791; Ruperti, Gött., 1795-1798; Nisard, ed. Didot (Fr. prose tr.), Par., 1878; Bauer, Lpz., 1890-1892; Summers, _C.P.L._, Lond., 1905.

Eng. trans.: Thos. Ross, _Second Punick War_ (_w. continuation to Death of Hannibal_) Lond., 1661.