Chapter X: Part 10

Hence the Cadmians were styled [Greek: Anakes], and [1227][Greek: Anaktes]; and the temples of their Gods, [Greek: Anaktoria], Anactoria. These terms were imported from the Anakim of Egypt and Canaan: but as the people, who brought them, were Oritae, and the sons of Urius, they must ultimately have come from Babylonia. Here astronomy, and the other sciences first commenced; and the worship of the Sun was first instituted: where the priests, and professors were styled Oritae, and [1228]Orchani. Lucian indeed says, that astronomy was not derived to the Greeks either from the Egyptians, or the Ethiopians; but from [1229]Orpheus. This however intimates, that the Ethiopians, under which name the sons of Chus are mentioned by the [1230]Greeks, were supposed to have introduced science into this country; otherwise this caveat had been unnecessary. But we shall in the end shew, that Orpheus was from the same quarter. And to put the matter out of all doubt, we find Herodotus maintaining very determinately, that the knowledge of the heavens, and every thing relating to the distribution of time, was imported from [1231]Babylonia. As these Babylonians, these sons of Urius, manifestly came to Greece by the way of Egypt, it appears pretty evident, that they were the sons of Chus, of the shepherd race, who so long held the sovereignty in that kingdom. Hence it is, that throughout the whole mythology of the Grecians there are continual allusions to shepherds; a title, which we know was peculiar to the Auritae of Egypt. Nonnus, in his allegorical poem, describes Cadmus in a pastoral habit, playing upon an instrument, and reclining himself under the shade of an oak.

[1232][Greek: Klinas geitoni noton hupo drui phorbados hules,]
[Greek: Kai phoreon agraulon aetheos heima Nomeos.]

He gives to him the same powers in harmony which were attributed to Orpheus. Hence Cadmus is made to say that he could charm the woods upon the mountains, and sooth the wild beasts of the forest: that he could even calm the ocean, and stop the course of its turbulent waters.

[1233][Greek: Thelxo dendrea panta, kai ourea, kai phrena theron;]
[Greek: Okeanon speudonta palindineton eruxo.]

Almost all the principal persons, whose names occur in the mythology of Greece and Italy, are represented as shepherds. Not only the Gods Faunus, Apollo, Pan, Sylvanus, Pales, Adonis, but Eumelus, Triptolemus, Ericthonius, Eumolpus, Aristaeus, Battus, Daphnis, Terambus of Egypt, and Osiris, are represented of that profession. Hence it is, that we find altars, and inscriptions to the shepherd [1234]Gods. Apollo was styled [Greek: Nomeus], and [Greek: Poimnios]; and was said to have been educated in [1235]Arabia. When Rhea produced to the world Poseidon, she gave him to the care of a [1236]shepherd to bring him up among the flocks. Atlas, the great astronomer, is represented as a shepherd. [1237][Greek: Atlas mathematikos en Libus aner.--Polueidos de ho dithurambopoios ton Atlanta touton POIMENA Libun phesin.] _Atlas the great mathematician, was a person of Libya. The Dithyrambic poet Polueidos says, that Atlas was a Libyan shepherd._ There was a tradition that the temple of Ammon in Libya was built by a shepherd, from whom it received its name; [1238][Greek: apo tou hidrusamenou poimenos.] It is reported of the Muses, that they were of shepherd extraction, and tended flocks, which they entrusted to their favourite Aristaeus.

[1239][Greek: Kai min heon melon thesan eranon, hoss' enemonto]
[Greek: Ampedion Phthian Athamantion, amphi t' erumnen]
[Greek: Othrun, kai potamou hieron rhoon Apidanoio.]

This is the person by Virgil styled Pastor Aristaeus. Zethus and Amphion are described as of the same profession, though kings of Thebes, [1240][Greek: Zethos de kai Amphion adelphoi esan poimenes.] Even the monster Polyphemus is taken notice of as a musician, and a [1241]shepherd. Macrobius mentions, that among the Phrygians the Sun was worshipped under a pastoral [1242]character, with a pipe and a wand. Tiresias, the prophet, is by Hyginus styled Tiresias, Eueri filius, or as some read it, Tiresias, Eurii filius, [1243]_Pastor_. This was also one of the titles out of many conferred upon the Phenician Hercules, to whom they attributed the invention of purple. He was the chief Deity, the same as Cham, and Orus, the God of light; to whom there is a remarkable invocation in the Dionusiaca of Nonnus.

[1244][Greek: Astrochiton Herakles, anax puros, Orchame kosmou,]
[Greek: Eelie, broteoio biou dolichoskie POIMEN.]

Some of the pyramids in Egypt were styled the pyramids of the shepherd [1245]Philitis; and were said to have been built by people, whom the Egyptians held in abomination: from whence we may form a judgment of the persons, by whom those edifices were erected. Many hills, and places of reputed sanctity were denominated from shepherds. Caucasus, in the vicinity of Colchis, had its name conferred by Jupiter in memory of Caucasus a shepherd. [1246][Greek: To oros eis timen tou Poimenos Kaukason metonomasas.] Mount Cithaeron in Boeotia was called Asterius; but received the former name from one Cithaeron, a [1247]shepherd, supposed to have been there slain. I have mentioned from Herodotus, that the Cadmians built the temple of [1248]Damater, or Ceres, in Attica, where they introduced her worship. And there is a remarkable circumstance mentioned in consequence of this by Hesychius, who tells us, that the priests of this Goddess were of a particular family, called [Greek: Poimenidai], or _the Shepherd race_. [Greek: Poimenidai, genos, ex hou ho Demetros hiereus.] The Cadmians therefore, from whom this priesthood came, must have been in a peculiar manner shepherds. The mountain Apaesantus in Argolis is said to have been named from [1249]Apaesantus, a shepherd. The Cuthites settled in Thrace near Haemus, in Sethonia; of whom Stephanus gives this short but remarkable history: [Greek: ekalounto proteron Nomaioi]. The author does not say, that they _were_ shepherds; but that they antiently were so called: so that it was not so much the profession, as the title of the people. They settled in Hetruria, and Latium; in which last province stood the city Praeneste, of which I have before spoken. It was said to have been of high antiquity, and was founded by Coeculus,

[1250]Vulcano genitum pecora inter agrestia Regem,
Inventumque focis, omnis quem credidit aetas.

We find here, that the founder of this city was a shepherd, and a king, and the reputed son of Vulcan, the same as Urius. It is said of him, that he was, inventum focis, because he was ab origine from the land of fire; by which is meant Ur of Chaldea. So the personage, represented under the character of Cacus upon Mount Aventine, is by Livy said to have been a shepherd. [1251]Pastor accola ejus loci, nomine Cacus, ferox viribus. He likewise is said to have been the son of the God of Fire: [1252]Huic monstro Vulcanus erat pater. The first city which the Cadmians built in Boeotia was named [1253]Poimandris; or as Eustathius renders it Poimandria, [1254][Greek: Poimandria]; the same which was afterwards called Tanagra. It is said to have been so denominated from one Poimander. This name is by interpretation a shepherd, or rather a shepherd of men. It answers to the title of [Greek: Poimen laou], so frequently to be met with in Homer. That excellent Poet was wonderfully fond of every thing, which savoured of antiquity: and has continual references to the antient history of Egypt, and to the rites of that country. He sometimes seems to adhere superstitiously to obsolete terms, thinking probably, that they enriched his verse, and gave a venerable air to the narration. Of these, no one occurs more frequently than the title of a shepherd Prince, which he bestows on many of his leaders. It is the translation of a title, which the sons of Chus, as well as the Egyptians, gave to their Deities, and to their kings. Hence the writings of Hermes were inscribed the works of the Shepherd Prince, as we may infer from the Greek transcript: for that was written in imitation of the former, and called [1255]Poimandras.

Thus have I endeavoured to state the progress of the Cuthites under their different appellations to Greece; and to describe the rout which they took in their peregrinations, I have shewn, that under the title of Phenicians and Cadmians, they first settled in Canaan, and in the region about Tyre and Sidon: from whence they extended themselves towards the midland parts of Syria; where they built Antioch. [1256][Greek: Kasos, kai Belos, Inachou paides, pros toi Orontei potamoi ten nun Antiocheian tes Surias polin ektisan.] _Casus, and Belus, two sons of Inachus, built the city in Syria, which is now called Antioch upon the river Orontes._ By Casus is meant Chus; and Belus is a Babylonish title of Ham, as well as of his immediate descendants, who are here alluded to. From Syria they penetrated to the Euphrates, and from thence to Armenia: and that there were colonies here of Amonians, and particularly of the Cuthites, may be known from the history of Cadmus: but more especially from the similitude of language, person, and manners, which subsisted among these [1257]nations. Zonaras is very explicit upon this head. He mentions the incroachments of the sons of Ham in these parts, and shews the extent of the trespass, of which they were guilty. [1258][Greek: Hoide ge paides tou Cham ten apo Surias kai Abanou kai Libanou ton oron gen kateschon, kai hosa pros thalassan auton etetrapto, mechris okeanou, kateilephasi.] _In respect to the sons of Ham, they seized upon all the inland country, which reaches from Syria, and particularly from the mountains Albanus, and Libanus: and all the region, which from thence extends towards the sea, even as far as the Ocean._ Of these emigrants Tacitus has given a curious account, which has never been sufficiently heeded. He takes notice of those who settled in Canaan, as well as those who passed higher towards the north. [1259]Sunt, qui tradant Assyrios convenas, indigum agrorum populum, parte AEgypti potitos, ac mox [1260]proprias urbes, Hebraeasque terras, et propiora Syriae coluisse. As the Cadmians settled about Byblus and Sidon, there seems in consequence of it to have been a religious correspondence kept up between this colony and Egypt. It is said according to the enigmatical turn of the times, that the head of Osiris was annually wafted by the floods to [1261]Byblus. It was reported to have been just seven days in its passage; and the whole was performed [Greek: theiei nautiliei], by a voyage truly miraculous. There are many proofs that the religion of Syria came in great measure from Egypt. The rites of Adonis, and the lamentations upon his account at Sidon, and Byblus, were copies of the mourning for Osiris, and represented in the same [1262]manner. Lucian, having described the pompous temple at Hierapolis, says, that there was another in the neighbourhood, not of Assyrian, but Egyptian original; the rites of which were received by the natives from Heliopolis in that [1263]country. This he did not see: but speaks of it as very grand, and of high antiquity.

These particulars I have thought proper to discuss thoroughly, in order to disclose the true history of the Cadmians, as I am hereby enabled to prove the great antiquity of this people; and to shew who they were, and from whence they came. It has been observed by many of the learned, that some particular race of men spread themselves abroad, and got access among numberless nations. Some have thought that they were Scythians: others, that they were Egyptians: others still, that they were from Phenicia, and Canaan. What they have said upon the subject, however they may seem to differ from one another, may in some degree be allowed. But I believe, that the true account is that which I have here given. I have endeavoured, with great pains, to sift the history to the bottom: and it is to me manifest, that they were for the most part the Auritae, those shepherds of Egypt. This people had spread themselves over that country like a deluge: but were in time forced to retreat, and to betake themselves to other parts. In consequence of this they were dissipated over regions far remote. They were probably joined by others of their family, as well as by the Canaanites, and the Caphtorim of Palestina. They are to be met with in Persis, and Gedrosia, under the name of Oritae. They are to be found in Boetica upon the Atlantic under the same [1264]name. They settled in Colchis, Thrace, Phrygia, Sicily, and Hetruria; and upon the extreme parts of the Mediterranean: Diluvio ex illo tot vasta per aequora vecti.

These are the migrations, of which the antient historian [1265]Istrus wrote in a curious treatise, long since lost; which he inscribed [Greek: peri ton Aiguption apoikias]. We meet with a summary account of them in Diodorus Siculus, who mentions, that after the death of Isis and Osiris the Egyptians sent out many colonies, which were scattered over the face of the earth. [1266][Greek: Ho de oun Aiguptioi phasi kai meta tauta apoikias pleistas ex Aiguptou kata pasan diasparenai ten oikoumenen.] Of these migrations there were two remarkable above the rest: the one of the sons of Chus, concerning whom I have been treating; the other of the Israelites, which was somewhat later than the former. The author above takes notice of both these occurrences, in a most valuable extract preserved by Photius; wherein he does not sufficiently distinguish the particular families of these emigrants, nor the different times of the migration: yet the account is very curious; and the history of each transaction plainly delineated. [1267][Greek: Euthus oun hoi xenolatoumenon ton alloethnon hoi epiphanestatoi, kai drastikotatoi sustraphentes exerrhiphesan, hos tines phasin, eis ten Hellada, kai tinas heterous topous, echontes axiologous hegemonas; hon hegounto Danaos, kai Kadmos, ton allon epiphanestatoi. Hode polus leos exepesen eis ten nun kaloumenen Ioudaian.] _Upon this, as some writers tell us, the most eminent and enterprising of those foreigners, who were in Egypt, and obliged to leave the country, betook themselves to the coast of Greece, and also to other regions, having put themselves under the command of proper leaders for that purpose. Some of them were conducted by Danaus, and Cadmus, who were the most illustrious of the whole. There were beside these a large, but less noble, body of people, who retired into the province called now [1268]Judea._

When therefore we speak of the history of Greece as far back as we can carry it, and of the rites and religion introduced into that country, we may accede to the account given of them by Zonaras. [1269][Greek: Ek Chaldaion gar legetai phoitesai tauta pros Aigupton kakeithen pros Hellenas.] _All these things came from Chaldea to Egypt; and from thence were derived to the Greeks_. The same is attested by [1270]Josephus. What preceded the arrival of the Cadmians, and other Cuthites, in these parts, is utterly unknown. With them commences the history of the country. It is true, there are accounts concerning Erectheus, Ericthonius, Cecrops, and other antient kings: but they were superadded to the history of Attica, just as the names of Inachus, Phoroneus, Apis, were to that of Argos. It was therefore matter of great surprise to Solon, when he was informed by the Egyptian priests of the antient occurrences of their country, and of the wars of the Atlantians, to find the same names stand at the head of their histories, as were observable in those of Greece: [1271][Greek: Kekropos te, kai Erechtheos, kai Erichthoniou, kai Erisichthonos, ton te allon.] _For instance, the names of Cecrops, Erectheus, Ericthonius, Erisicthon, and others._ [Greek: Kai ta ton Gunaikon kai tauta.] _The names also of their women were the same._ In reality, they were all titles of the Deity, as might be easily shewn. Erectheus for instance was the God of the sea, and as such worshipped by the very people who enlisted him among their kings. This may be proved from Athenagoras. [1272][Greek: Athenaios Erechthei Poseidoni thuei.] _The Athenian sacrifices to Erectheus the same as Poseidon_. Strabo seems to think, that most of the antient names were foreign; [1273]such as Cecrops, and Codrus, and Arclus, and Cothus: and he is certainly right in his opinion.

What I have here said, may in some degree prove a basis for the history of Greece. We may indeed talk of Xuthus, Ion, and Hellen: also of the Leleges, and Pelasgi, and thus amuse ourselves in the dark: but no real emolument can possibly arise, till the cloud, with which history has been so long obscured, be done away. This cannot well be effected, till some of the first principles, upon which we are to proceed, be made out, and these great truths determined.

This inquisition I have been obliged to make concerning some of the principal personages in the annals of Greece. For it is impossible to lay a foundation for a future history unless what is true, and what is false, be previously determined. All those, of whom I have been treating, stand foremost in the lists of antiquity, and have been admitted with too little consideration. Many of the first Fathers in the Christian church, seeing the high pretensions of the Grecians, tried to invalidate their claim, by shewing that all their antient heroes were subsequent to Moses. This was the repeated labour of Clemens of Alexandria, Theophilus, Eusebius, Tatianus, and others. It was a point urged by them continually in their recommendation of the Scriptures, as if priority of time were necessarily a mark of truth. The best chronologers likewise admit these personages in their computations; and great pains have been used to reconcile the contradictions in their histories, and to ascertain the aera when they flourished. These learned men acted upon a very laudable principle, but failed in the very beginning of their process. For, as I have before taken notice, the question should not have been about the time when these persons lived, but whether they ever existed. The fathers proceeded upon very precarious grounds, and brought their evidence to a wrong test. They indeed state things very fairly, and have authorities for all that they advance. But the traditions of the Greeks were not uniform. And if any Gentile writer, instead of carrying the aera of Inachus and Phoroneus, or of Dionusus and Perseus, towards the time of Moses, had extended it to the times of the first kings in Egypt, I do not see what they could have done; for this person, in his turn, could have produced authorities. They might indeed have disputed the point, and have opposed evidence to evidence, but nothing certain could have ensued.

END OF VOL. II.

W. Marchant, Printer, 3, Greville-street, Holborn.

[1] In all antient accounts of the Romans the term was expressed Poini, and Poinicus. Poinei stipendia pendunt. Poinei sunt soliti suos sacrificare puellos. Ennius. Annal. vii. Afterwards it was changed to Poenus, and Punicus.

[2] Simon the Canaanite. Matth. c. 10. v 4. Also the woman of Canaan. Matthew. c. 15. v. 22.

[3] Ausonius. Epigram. 25. Ph'Anac, the Great Lord.

[4] Apuleius. l. xi. p. 246.

[5] Zachlas adest AEgyptius, propheta primarius,--et cum dicto juvenem quempiam linteis amiculis intectum, pedesque palmeis baxeis indutum, et adusque deraso capite, producit in medium. Apuleius. l. 2. p. 39.

[6] Pedes ambrosios tegebant soleae, palmae victricis foliis intextae. Ibid. l. 11. p. 241.

[7] Euripides in Ione. v. 920.

[8] Cantic. c. 7. v. 6.

[9] Psalm 93. v. 12.

[10] Plutarch Symposiac. l. 8. c. 4. Adversus pondera resurgit. Gellius. l. 3. c. 6.

[11] Pliny. Hist. Nat. l. 13. c. 4. [Greek: Hieron Heliou to phuton, ageron te on]. Juliani Imp. Orat. v. p. 330.

[12] Revelations. c. 7. v. 9. [Greek: Peribeblemenoi stolas leukas, kai Phoinikes en tais chersin auton.]

[13] John. c. 12. v. 13.

[14] [Greek: Hekkaidekate dunasteia Poimenes Hellenes Basileis.] Syncellus. p. 61.

[15] The Lords of the Philistines; and the Princes of the Philistines. 1 Samuel. c. 29. v. 2, 3, 4.

[16] Ezekiel. c. 26. v. 16.

[17] Isaiah. c. 23. v. 8.

Ezekiel. c. 28. v. 2.

[18] Herodotus brings the Phoenicians from the Mare Erythraeum; by which he means the Sinus Persicus. l. 7. c. 89. l. 1. c. 1.

[19] Philo, mentioning the march of the Israelites towards the Red Sea, and the Amalekites, adds: [Greek: nemontai d' auten Phoinikes]. De V. Mosis. vol. 2. p. 115.

[Greek: Phoinikon kome], in Edom. Procopius. Persic. l. 1. c. 19.

[20] Phoenicus, in Crete. Steph. Byzant.

[21] [Greek: Aphroi Phoinikes]. Glossae.

[22] [Greek: Kata Bouthroton Phoinike]. Strabo. l. 7. p. 499.

Mount Olympus, in Lycia, was styled, by way of eminence, Phoinic. [Greek: Olumpos polis megale kai oros homonumon, ho kai Phoinikous kaleitai]. Strabo. l. 14. p. 982. Bochart supposes Phoenic and Phoenices ([Greek: Phoinikes]) to be derived from Beni Anac, changed to Pheni Anac, i.e. the sons of Anac: but how can this be applicable to a mountain, or to the Palm tree? I am happy, however, that in a part of my etymology, and that a principal part, I am countenanced by that learned man.

Bishop Cumberland derives it from Anac torquis. Orig. p. 302.

[23] Hesychius.

[24] A city and mountain in Boeotia, called Phoenice: the natives, Phoenicians. Strabo. l. 9. p. 629.

[25] Chron. p. 27.

[26] Syncellus. p. 126. from Eusebius.

[27] [Greek: Belos ap' Euphretao. ktl.] Nonnus.

[28] Bochart. Hierazoican. l. 2. c. 7.

[29] Gellius. l. 2. c. 26.

[30] Gellius. Ibidem.

[31] Iliad [psi]. v. 454.

[32] John. c. 12. v. 13.

[33] 1 Maccab. c. 13. v. 51.

[34] Ibidem. c. 13. v. 37.

[35] Varro apud Nonium Marcellum.

[36] Horapollo. l. 1. c. 7. p. 11.

[37] AElian de Animalibus. l. 7. c. 60.

He cites Hermippus and Aristotle for vouchers.

[38] [Greek: Ethnos einai phasin Aithiopon, hopou, kuon basileuei, kai basileus prosagoreutai, kai hiera kai timas echei basileon. Andres de prassousin, haper hegemosi poleon prosechei, kai archousin.] Plutarch adversus Stoicos. vol. 2. p. 1064.

[39] Ibid.

[40] Lycophron. v. 439.

[41] Comment. upon Lycophron. p. 68.

[42] Lucan. Pharsalia. l. 9. v. 787.

[43] Ausa Jovi nostro latrantem opponere Anubim. Propert. l. 3. El. 11.

[Greek: Hexes de estin ho kunopolitis nomos, kai Kunon polis, en hei Anoubis timaitai, kai tois kusi time, kai sitis tetaktai tis hiera.] Strabo. l. 17. p. 1166.

[44] [Greek: Selenen de graphontes, E OIKOUMENEN, e grammatea, e hierea, e orgen, e kolumbon, kunokephalon zographousi.] l. 1. c. 14. p. 26.

[45] [Greek: Hierogrammatea te palin, e propheten, e osphresin, e ptarmon, e archen, e dikasten, boulomenoi graphein kuna zographousin.] l. 1. c. 39. p. 52.

[46] [Greek: Eo gar tous Aiguptious, hoiper kai deisidaimonestatoi eisi panton; homos tois theiois onomasin eis koron epichromenous; schedon gar ta pleista EX OURANOU estin.] Lucian de imaginibus.

See Observations on Antient History. p. 166.

Solebant autem AEgyptii sibi suisque Deorum patriorum nomina plerumque imponere.--Moremque hunc gens illa servare perrexit, postquam salutari luce Evangelica diu fruita esset. Jablonsky. v. 1. l. 1. c. 5. p. 105.

[47] It is possibly alluded to in Psalm 80. v. 16. and in Jeremiah. c. 6. v. 20.

[48] Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. p. 365. [Greek: Chenosiris].

[49] The purport of the term Cahen, or Cohen, was not totally unknown in Greece. They changed it to [Greek: koes], and [Greek: koies]; but still supposed it to signify a priest. [Greek: Koies, hiereus Kabeiron, ho kathairomenos phonea.] Hesychius. [Greek: Koiaitai hieraitai.] Ibid.

It was also used for a title of the Deity. [Greek: Koias, ho strongulos lithos]; scilicet [Greek: Baitulos]. Moscopulus. p. 5. The Baetulus was the most antient representation of the Deity. See Apollon. Rhod. Schol. ad. l. 1. v. 919.

[50] [Greek: Ou, kathaper ta loipa zoa en hemerai miai teleutai, houto kai toutous: alla meros auton kath' hekasten hemeran nekroumenon hupo ton Hiereon thaptesthai. ktl.]

[Greek: Heos d' an hai hebdomekonta kai duo plerothoisin hemeras, tote holos apothneskei.] Horapollo. l. 1. c. 14. p. 2.

[51] [Greek: Eis hieron epeidan prota komisthe Kunokephalos, delton autoi paratithesin ho Hiereus, kai schoinion, kai melan, peirazon, ei ek tes epistamenes esti sungeneias grammata, kai ei graphei.] Horapollo. l. 1. c. 14. p. 28.

[52] Horapollo. l. 1. c. 16 p. 30. [Greek: Dodekatis tes hemeras kath' hekasten horan ourei; tode auto kai tais dusi nuxi poiei. ktl.] Speaking of the two Equinoxes.

[53] Hoffman: Cunocephalus.

Vossius de Idol. vol. 2. l. 3. c. 78.

[54] What Orus Apollo attributes to the Cunocephalus, Damascius (in Vita Isidori) mentions of the Cat. Photii Bibliotheca. c. 242. p. 1049.

[55] By Strabo expressed [Greek: Keipos], who says, that it was reverenced by the people at Babylon, opposite to Memphis. l. 17. p. 1167. [Greek: Keipon de Babulonioi hoi kata Memphin (sebousi)].

[56] Babun, [Greek: Babun], of Hellanicus Lesbius. Athenaeus. l. 15. p. 680. called Bebon, [Greek: Bebon], by Manethon. Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. p. 371, 376. Babon was thought to have been the same as Typhon: by some esteemed a female, and the wife of that personage. Plutarch. ibid.

The Ape and Monkey were held sacred, not in Egypt only, but in India, and likewise in a part of Africa. Diodorus Sicul. l. 20. p. 793. Maffeus mentions a noble Pagoda in India, which was called the monkeys' Pagoda. Historia Ind. l. 1. p. 25: and Balbus takes notice of Peguan temples, called by the natives Varelle, in which monkeys were kept, out of a religious principle. See Balbi Itinerarium.

[57] Martianus Capella. l. 4. sub initio.

Astronomia is made to speak to the same purpose.--Per immensa spatia seculorum, ne profana loquacitate vulgarer, AEgyptiorum clausa adytis occulebar. Martianus Capella. l. 8.

[58] Johannes Sarisburiensis Metalogic. l. 2. p. 787. Editio Lugd. Bat. anno 1639.

He speaks of Parmenides as if he were a native of Egypt; and seems to have understood that Parmenides took up his residence in the Egyptian seminary, in order to obtain a thorough knowledge in science. Et licet Parmenides AEgyptius in rupe vitam egerit, ut rationem Logices inveniret, tot et tantos studii habuit successores, ut ei inventionis suae totam fere praeripuerint gloriam.

[59] Hermes was the same as Anubis Latrator. Jablonsky. l. 5. c. 1.

[Greek: Kuna sebeis; tupto d' ego.] Anaxandrides apud Athenaeum. l. 7. p. 300.

[Greek: Hermen kuna.] Plutarch. Isis et Osiris.

[60] Strabo. l. 17. p. 1167. [Greek: Kunokephalon de (timosin) Hermopolitai.]

[61] [Greek: Hermopolitike phulake]. Strabo. ibid.

[62] Analogous to this we read in Herodotus, that the Persian brigade, whose deficiencies were supplied by continual recruits, was styled [Greek: athanatos], immortalis. Herodotus. l. 7. c. 83.

It consisted of ten thousand men.

[63] Herodotus. l. 2. c. 37.

[64] [Greek: Dodekatis hemeras kath' hekasten horan OUREI Kunokephalos.] Horapollo. l. 1. c. 16.

[65] Herodot. l. 4. c. 191.

Upon the Mare Erythraeum, [Greek: hidruma Kunoskephalon kaloumenon]. Strabo. l. 16. p. 1120. Also Pliny. l. 6. c. 30. and l. 7. c. 2. of Cunocephali in Ethiopia and India.

[66] Herodot. l. 4. c. 191.

[67] Many places were named Cunocephale: all which will be found upon inquiry to have been eminences, or buildings situated on high, agreeably to this etymology. [Greek: Kunoskephale, LOPHOS tis Thessalias.] Stephanus Byzant. from Polybius. l. 17.

[Greek: Kunonkephalai] near Scotiussa. [Greek: LOPHON puknon parallelon AKRAI.] Plutarch in Flaminino, of the same place.

The citadel at Thebes was called [Greek: Kunoskephale] by Xenophon. Those who speak of the Cunocephali as a people, describe them as Mountaineers. Megasthenes per diversos Indiae montes esse scribit nationes caninis capitibus. Solinus. c. 52.

A promontory of this name upon the coast of the Red Sea, mentioned above from Strabo. Another promontory Cunocephale in Corcyra. Procopius. Goth. l. 3. c. 27.

[68] Solinus. c. 4. and Isidorus. Origi l. 9. de Portentis.

[69] Steph. Byzantinus.

[70] Ptolemy. l. 3. c. 15.

[71] Hesychius. Also a family at Lacedaemon, [Greek: Phule Lakonike]: and Cunosouroi, the name of a family at Megara. See Alexander ab Alexandro. l. 1. c. 17.

[72]

Esse duas Arctos, quarum Cynosura petatur
Sidoniis; Helicen Graia carina notet. Ovid. Fastor. l. 3. v. 107.

[73] L. 3. p. 207.

[74] V. 99.

[75] Palaephatus [Greek: peri epheureseos konchules.]. p. 124.

[76] Cassiodorus of the purple. Cum fame canis avida in Tyrio littore projecta conchylia impressis mandibulis contudisset, illa naturaliter humorem sanguineum diffluentia ora ejus mirabili colore tinxerunt: et ut est mos hominibus occasiones repentinas ad artes ducere, talia exempla meditantes fecerunt principibus decus nobile. l. 9. c. 36.

See also Chronicon Paschale. p. 43. Achilles Tatius. l. 3. Julius Pollux. l. 1. c. 4. p. 30. Ed. Amstel. Pliny. l. 9. c. 36.

[77] Cyrus Prodromus [Greek: epi apodemoi tei philiai].

[78] Nonni Dionysiaca. l. 40. p. 1034.

[79] Etymologicum Magnum.

[80] Johannes Antiochenus, who tells the story at large, says, that purple was the discovery [Greek: kunos poimenikou] which in the original history was undoubtedly a shepherd king.

[81] Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. p. 355.

[82] [Greek: Oude Sokrates ton kuna kai ton chena omnus epaizen.] Porphyry de Abstinentia. l. 3. p. 286.

It is said to have been first instituted by Rhadamanthus of Crete: [Greek: Ekeleuse (Rhadamanthus) kata chenos, kai kunos, kai kriou omnunai.] Eustathius upon Homer. Odyss. [Upsilon]. p. 1871.

See Aristophan. [Greek: Ornithes.] Scholia, v. 521. [Greek: Omnunai keleusai (Rhadamanthun) chena, kai kuna, ktl.] from Socrates. l. 12. de Rebus Creticis.

The antient Abantes of Euboea styled Zeus himself Cahen; called in aftertimes Cenaeus. There was a promontory of the same name: [Greek: Kenaion akroterion (Abanton)] Steph. Byzant. Here Hercules was supposed to have sacrificed after his conquest of AEchalia.

Victor ab AEchalia Cenaeo sacra parabat
Vota Jovi. Ovid. Metamorph. l. 9 v. 136.

Sophocles in Trachin. v. 242, mentions, [Greek: Bomous, telet' enkarta Kenaioi Dii].

[83] Plato in Gorgia. vol. 1. p. 482.

[84] Porphyry. l. 3. p. 286. so corrected by Jablonsky. l. v. c. 1. p. 10

[85] Clementis Cohortatio. p. 32.

[86] Pliny. l. 8. p. 446.

[87] Anthologia. l. 1. Epigram. 144.

[88] Theophrast. Charact.

[89] Hesychius.

[90] Diodorus Siculus de pompa Isiaca. l. 1. p. 78.

[91] Huetius. Praep. Evang. p. 86. from Cornutus de natura Deorum.

A like history is given of serpents in Syria by Aristotle, [Greek: peri thaumasion akousmaton]: and by Pliny and Isidorus, of birds in the islands of Diomedes.

[92] Nonni Dionysica. l. 3. p. 94.

[93] Ibid.

[94] Homer. Odyss. l. 8. v. 92.

[95] [Greek: Ton Kuna ton chruseon apedeixen (ho Zeus) phulattein to hieron en Kretei]. Antoninus Liberalis. c. 35. p. 180.

[96] Pausanias of Taenarus. l. 3. p. 275.

[97] ---- of Troezen. l. 2. p. 183.

[98] ---- of Hermione. l. 2. p. 196.

[99] Dionys. [Greek: Perieges]. v. 791. This temple stood, according to Diodorus Siculus and Arrian, in the country of the Cimmerians, near the Acherusian Chersonese. See Scholia to Dionysius above.

[100] Oppida tota canem venerantur. Juvenal. Sat. 15. v. 8. Diodorus. l. 1. p. 16.

[101] Herodotus. l. 2. c. 66.

[102] Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. p. 368.

[103] [Greek: Exo kunes] was a proverbial expression among the Jews.

[104] Deuteronomy. c. 23. v. 18.

[105] In this golden cup Hercules was supposed to have passed over the ocean. [Greek: Chruseon ---- depas, en hoi ton okeanon dieperasen Herakles.] Apollodorus. l. 2. p. 100.

There was likewise in the same place a story about a golden belt. Philostratus: Vita Apollon. l. 5. p. 212.

[106] Palaephatus. Edit. Elz. 1642. p. 76. the author would not say [Greek: sphodra plousioi], but keeps to the antient term [Greek: chrusoi], though it is scarce sense.

[107] Pindar. Olymp. Ode 2. [Greek: stroph. d.] p. 25.

[108] [Greek: Chrusophorousi d' ek tou Kaunasou pollai pegai psegma aphanes.] Appian de Bello Mithridat. p. 242. Salauces, an antient king of Colchis, was said to have abounded with gold. Pliny. l. 33. c. 15. p. 614. Arrian supposes that they put fleeces into the river, to intercept ([Greek: psegma aphanes]) this imperceptible mineral; and that hence arose the fable of the Golden Fleece.

[109] Pindar. Olymp. Ode 7. p. 64.

[110] Callimachus. Hymn to Apollo. v. 34.

In like manner there was a shower of gold at Thebes, in Boeotia. Pindar speaks of Jupiter [Greek: Chrusoi mesonuktion niphonta]. Isthm. Ode 7. p. 746.

[111] Callimachus. Hymn to Delos. v. 260.

[112] Homer. Hymn to Apollo. v. 135.

[113] [Greek: Peukes eidos heteron; leibesthai d' haimati, kathaper toi chrusoi ten Heliada aigeiron.] Philostratus. l. 5. p. 211. AEschylus mentions the Arimaspians as living upon a golden stream:

[Greek: Hoi Chrusorrhuton ]
[Greek: Oikousin amphi nama Platonos porou.] Prometheus. p. 49.

[114] Hence the celebrated city in Egypt had the name of Cherchusora. Some traces of Orcus may be found in Zeus Hircius, and Orcius, mentioned by Pausanias. l. 5. p. 442. He supposes the name to be from [Greek: horkos], an oath, and mentions a legend to that purpose.

[115] Hesiod. Theog. v. 281.

[116] [Greek: Chrusaoris, polis Karias----Epaphroditos de ten Karian pasan Chrusaorida legesthai (phesi).] Steph. Byzant.

[117] Strabo. l. 14. p. 975. Zeus was a title conferred upon more than one of the family.

[118] Herodotus. l. 2. c. 15. Also c. 17. and 97. called by Strabo [Greek: Kerkesoura]. l. 17. p. 1160.

[119] Sanchoniathon apud Euseb. Praep. Evan. l. 1. p. 35.

[120] Diodorus Sic. l. 4. p. 224.

[121] Hesiod. Theog. v. 287.

[Greek: Trisomaton boter' Erutheias.] Euripides. Hercules Furens. v. 423.

[122] Homer. Iliad. [Omicron]. v. 256.

[123] Homer. Hymn to Apollo. v. 123.

[124] Second Hymn to Diana. v. 3.

Perseus is styled [Greek: Chrusaoros] in Orpheus de Lapid. c. 15. v. 41.

[125] Homer. Hymn to Apollo. v. 131.

[126] Ibid. v. 126.

[127] Apollo was represented as the author of the lyre, called among the oriental nations Kinor, and Cuthar: from the latter of which came [Greek: kitharis], and cithara in the west.

[128] Pindar. Pyth. Ode 1.

[129] [Greek: Chruse, he polis tou Apollonos engus Lemnou--kai tes Lesbias topos; kai Panephaistia tes Lemnou akroterion--kai en Bithuniai, kai peri Chalkedona, kai tes Karias; kai en tei Halikarnasidi Dorion pedion; kai en Hellespontoi; esti kai alle Cherrhonesos tes Indikes; en de tei ektos Gangou Indikei.] Stephanus Byzant.

See also [Greek: Chrusopolis] ibidem.

[130] Cedrenus. p. 12.

[131] Strabo. l. 16. p. 1095.

[132] Hoffman Lexic.

[133] Plutarch de fluminibus. p. 1151. The original name was Chrusaor, which had no relation to a golden stream: at least that part of it was so named which ran through the city Mastaura. See Stephanus Byzant. [Greek: Mastaura.]

[134] [Hebrew: KTM] of of the Hebrews.

[135] Dionysius [Greek: perieges]. v. 589. Scholia ibidem.

[136] The antients, as I have before observed, were not consistent in their theology. The Sun was properly Cham, styled also Orus, but, as a title, was bestowed upon more persons than one.

[137] Josephus of Salatis, the first Shepherd King; [Greek: Houtos en tei Memphidi kategineto.] Contra Apion. l. 1. Sec.. 14.

[138] Diodorus Sic. l. 1. p. 88.

[139] Josephus contra Apion. l. 1. c. 14.

[140] Justin Martyr mentions this: [Greek: Egno gar kai temenos Chruses Aphrodites en Aiguptoi legomenon, kai pedion Chruses Aphrodites onomazomenon.] Cohort, p. 28. Chruse Aphrodite is plainly the Cuthite Venus; the Deity of the Cuthim.

[141] Pocock's and Norden's Travels, and maps of the country about Cairo.

[142] Colchis, near Comar. Arrian Periplus maris Erythraei. Geog. Vet. vol. 1. p. 33.

[143] [Greek: Kataschein de phasi kai es Pegadas tes ton Oreiton choras. Hoide Oreitai, chalkai men autois hai petrai, chalke de he psammos, chalkoun de psegma hoi potamoi agousi. Chrusitin hegountai ten gen dia ten eugeneian tou Chalkou.] Philostratus. Vita Apollon. l. 3. p. 155.

[144] The Petra and Pagoda were the same: both names for temples.

[145] This mistake arose from Cal-Chus being styled the region of the Cuthim.

[146] Scholia upon Pindar. Pyth. Ode 4. p. 259.

[147] Ibid. Isth. Ode 5. p. 462.

[148] Sanchoniathon apud Euseb: Praep. Evan. l. 1. c. 10. p. 35.

[149] Ibid.

[150] Lucian de Electro. vol. 2. p. 523. Edit. Salmurii.

[151] Ovid. Metamorph. l. 1. v. 751.

[152] Homer. Odyss. l. [lambda]. v. 15. Phaethon was universally allowed to be the Sun by the antient mythologists of Greece; to whom we must appeal, and not to the Roman poets. Orpheus says,

[Greek: Eelion Phaethonta eph' harmasi poloi agousi.] de Lapid. v. 90.

And in another place;

[Greek: Euthus hot' ek peraton gaies Phaethon anorouson, kl.]

Phaethon was the same as Phanes: and there is something very mysterious in his character. He is represented as the first born of heaven: [Greek: Protogonos Phaethon perimekeos Eeros huios]--Hunc ait (Orpheus) esse omnium Deorum parentem; quorum causa coelum condiderit, liberisque prospexerit, ut haberent habitaculum, sedemque communem: [Greek: Ektisen Athanatois domon aphthiton.] Lactantus de falsa religione. l. 1. c. 5. p. 15. His history will be explained hereafter.

[153] Phoenices post multos deinde annos, a Rege Ascaloniorum expugnati, navibus appulsi, Tyron urbem ante annum Trojanae cladis condiderunt. Justin. l. 18. c. 3. See Isaiah. c. 23. v. 11. They enlarged Tyre: but it was a city before: for it is mentioned Joshua. c. 19. v. 29. as the strong city Tyre.

[154] Porphyry de Abstinentia. l. 2. p. 158.

[155] Apuleius de genio Socratis.

[156] Argonautica. v. 32. See Clementis Cohortatio. p. 12.

[157] Nonni Dionysiaca. l. 19. p. 520.

[158] Joseph. Antiq. l. 11. c. 5. p. 563.

[159] Nehemiah. c. 8. v. 9.

[160] 1 Esdras. c. 9. v. 52, 53.

[161] Nehemiah. c. 8. v. 11.

[162] Sanchoniathon alludes to the songs of Canaan, and their great sweetness, when he is in an allegorical manner speaking of Sidon; whom he makes a person, and the inventress of harmony. [Greek: Apo de Pontou ginetai Sidon, he kath' huperbolen euphonias prote humnon oides heuren.] Apud Euseb. P. E. lib. 1. c. 10. p. 38.

[163] Stephanus Byzant.

[164] Sanchoniathon apud Euseb. l. 1. c. 10. p. 39.

[165] [Greek: Uk kath' hieran glossai basilea semainei]. Josephus contra Ap. l. 1. c. 13. p. 445.

[166] Osiris, [Greek: Usiris], according to Hellanicus. Plutarch de Iside et Osiride.

[167] Verse 129.

[168] Homer's Hymn to Apollo. v. 92.

[169] Ichnaia was a city in Sicily, and elsewhere.

[Greek: Achnai polis Thessalias--esti kai polis Boiotias]. Steph. Byzant.

[Greek: Arachnaion oros Argous]. Ibid. Ar-Achnaion is the hill of Canaan, or the Canaanitish mount.

[170] See Radicals. p. 106.

[171] Pliny. l. 3. p. 173.

[172] Milton. Paradise Lost. l. 1. v. 416. See also Ezekiel. c. 8. v. 14.

[173] Hyginus. Fab. 154. p. 266. not. 7. [Greek: Heteroi de phasi, dikaiotaton auton einai Neilon.] Eratosthenes. Catasterism. 37.

[174] [Greek: Kaleitai de hupo ton enchorion Buchernos. Aiguptioi de phasi Neilon einai ton katesterismenon.] Scholia in Aratum. p. 48.

[175] Plutarch de Fluminibus. vol. 2. p. 1154.

[176] Eustathius in Dionysium. v. 239. See Steph. Byzant. [Greek: Aiguptos.]

[177] Plutarch [Greek: peri ton ekleloipoton chresterion.] vol. 1. p. 409.

[178] Strabo. l. 16. p. 1101. There was supposed to have been a person in Thessaly named Cycnus, the son of Apollo. He lived upon a lake Uria; which was so called from his mother.

Inde lacus Hyries videt, et Cycneia Tempe,
Quae subitus celebravit olor. Ovid. Metam. l. 7. v. 371.

Uria was also a river in Boeotia: and here was a Cycnus, said to have been the son of Poseidon. Pausan. l. 10. p. 831.

[179] [Greek: Erasthenta de Pasiphaes Dia genesthai men Tauron; nun de aeton kai kuknon.] Porphyry de Abstin. l. 3. p. 285.

[Greek: Pou nun ekeinos ho aetos? pou dai ho kuknos? pou dai autos ho Zeus.] Clemens. Alex. Cohort. p. 31.

[180] Nonni Dionysiaca. l. 24. p. 626.

[181]

[Greek: Pros Gorgoneia pedia Kisthenes, hina]
[Greek: Hai phorkides naiousi, denaioi korai,]
[Greek: Treis kuknomorphoi, koinon omm' ektemenai.] AEschyli Prometheus.
p. 48.

[Greek: Hai men phorkides treis--eichon eidos Kuknon]. Scholia ibidem.

[Greek: Phorkun en aner Kurenaios; hoide Kurenaioi kata genos men eisin Aithiopes.] Palaephatus. Edit. Elz. p. 76.

[182] [Greek: Tate ota, kai tous ophthalmous hoi demiourgountes ex hules timias kathierousi, tois Theois anatithentes eis tous neos; touto depou ainissomenoi, hos panta theos horai, kai akouei.] Clemens Alexand. l. 5. p. 671.

See Diodorus. l. 3. p. 145. This may have been one reason, among others, why the Cyclopians and Arimaspians are represented with one eye: [Greek: ton mounopa straton Arimaspon]. AEschylus Prometh. p. 49. The Arimaspian history was written by Aristeus Proconnesius, and styled [Greek: Arimaspeia epe.]

[183] Plutarch. [Greek: Ei.] vol. 2. p. 387.

[184] Porph. de Abst. l. 3. p. 286.

[185] Aristophanes. Aves. [Greek: Kuknoi Puthioi kai Delioi.] v. 870.

[186] Plato de Republica. l. 10. p. 620. vol.2.

[187] Porph. de Abstin. l. 4. p. 364.

[188] Lycophron. v. 426. Scholia Ibidem.

[189] Callimachus. Hymn to Delos. v. 249.

[190] Fragmenta Lini. Ex Aristobulo. See Poesis Philosoph. H. Steph. p. 112.

[191] Ovid. Metamorph. l. 14. v. 509.

[192] Plato in Phaedone. vol. 1. p. 84. Plutarch. in [Greek: Ei.] v. 2. p. 387.

Cicero Tusc. Quaest. l. 1. Pliny. l. x. c. 23.

AElian de Animal. l. 2. c. 32. l. x. c. 36.

Philostratus. Vita Apollon. l. 3. c. 23.

[193] De Animalibus. l. 9. [Greek: Kai tines ede pleontes para ten Libuen perietuchon en tei thalattei pollois adousi phonei goodei; kai touton heoron apothneskontas enious.] vol. 2. p. 423.

[194] See Brown's Vulgar Errors. l. 3. c. 27.

[195] [Greek: Ho de Mundios phesin Alexandros pollois teleutosi parakolouthesas ouk akousai adonton.] Athenaeus. l. 9. c. 11.

[196] Epigram. in Erinnam. l. 3. p. 280. H. Steph.

[197] Lucretius. l. 4. v. 182.

[198] See Vossius de Idol. vol. 2. l. 3. c. 88. p. 1212. and Pierius de Cygnis. p. 254.

[199] Herod. l. 2. c. 109.

[Greek: Geometrias te au heuretai gegonasin (hoi Aiguptioi.)] Clemens. Strom. l. 1. p. 361.

[200] L. 4. v. 279.

[201] Apollonius Rhodius. l. 4. v. 279.

[202] Dionys. [Greek: Periegesis]. v. 688.

[203] Clem. Alexand. speaks [Greek: Peri te tes Kosmographias kai Geographias ktl.--Chorographias te tes Aiguptou, kai tes tou Neilou diagraphes.] Strom. 6. p. 757.

[204] [Greek: Sesostris de, phasin, ho Aiguptios, pollen perieleluthos gen pinaxi te dedoke ten periodon, kai tes ton pinakon anagraphas ouk Aiguptiois monon, alla kai Skuthais eis thauma metadounai exiosen.] Eustath. Praef. Epist. to Dionys. p. 12.

[205] AEgyptios primos omnium tam coelum quam terram esse dimensos: ejusque rei scientiam columnis incisam ad posteros propagasse. Petavii Uranalogia. p. 121. taken from Achilles Tatius.

[206] Homer. Odyss. l. [alpha]. v. 52.

[207] The Atlantians were styled [Greek Ouraniones], or sons of heaven. The head of the family was supposed to be the brother of Saturn. Diodorus. l. 3. p. 193.

[208] Euseb. [Greek: Historion sunagoge]. p. 374. c. 2.

[209] L. 3. 194.

[210] Strabo. l. 1. p. 13.

[211] Diog. Laert. Anaximander.

[212] Laertius. l. 1. p. 74.

[213] In Pherecyde.

[214] Josephus cont. Apion. l. 1. c. 2.

[215] Clemens. Strom. l. 6. p. 741.

[216] Diodorus Sic. l. 1. p. 12.

[217] Ibid. l. 1. p. 17.

[218] P. 30.

[219] Chron. Paschale. p. 34. Zonaras. p. 16.

See Salmasius upon Solinus. c. 35. concerning Ogen. Also, Windelini Admiranda Nili. p. 12. and 16.

[220] Metamorph. l. 2. v. 9.

[221] V. 119.

[222] Iliad. l. 18. v. 483. and v. 606.

[223] Nonni Dionus. l. 40. p. 1040.

[224] Catull. Epithalamium of Peleus and Thetis. v. 47.

[225] Plutarch. Life of Theseus.

[226] Add to this, what I have before taken notice of, the great absurdity of making the Grecian Argo the first ship which sailed upon the seas: Illa rudem cursu prima imbuit Amphitriten: when the poet, at the same instant, is describing Theseus, previous to the Argo, _in a ship_, and attended with _fleet of ships_.

Namque fluentisono prospectans littore Diae
Thesea _cedentem celeri cum classe_ tuetur,
Indomitos in corde gerens Ariadna furores.

Catulli. Epithal. Pel. et Thet. v. 52. See Famiani Stradae Prolus. l. 3. p. 285.

[227] Nonni Dionysiaca. l. 41. p. 1070.

[228] Orphica ex Macrobio Saturn. l. 1. c. 18. p. 202.

[229] Maps, and books too, when writing was introduced, were made of skins, called [Greek: diphtherai]. [Greek: Tas biblous diphtheras kaleousi apo tou palaiou hoi Iones.] Herodot. l. 5. c. 58.

A Zone, of curious imagery, is given by Homer to Hercules. Odyss. l. [Lambda]. v. 609.

[Greek: Chruseos en telamon, hina theskela erga tetukto.]

A remarkable passage, from Isidorus Basilidis, quoted by Clemens Alexandrin. [Greek: Kai gar moi dokei tous prospoioumenous philosophein, hina mathosi, ti estin he hupopteros drus, kai to ep' autei pepoikilmenon PHAROS. Panta hosa Pherekudes allegoresas etheologesen, labon apo tes tou Cham propheteias.] Strom. l. 6. p. 767.

In the former verses from Nonnus we may see the method of deviation. Pharos, a tower, is taken for Pharos a garment; and this altered to [Greek: Chiton]: and, after all, the genuine history is discernible, notwithstanding the veil which is spread over it. The author says, that, at the bottom, [Greek: eueklostoio Chitonos], of the well-woven garment, flowed the Ocean, which surrounded the world. This is certainly a misinterpretation of the term [Greek: pharos]: and, in the original writings, whence these verses were copied, the history related to a tower: and it was at the foot [Greek: PHAROU EUKLUSTOIO] that the ocean beat, by which the earth was encircled.

[230] Bochart Geog. Sacra. l. 1. c. 228. p. 524. of [Hebrew: TWR].

[231] Strabo. l. 16. p. 1110.

[232] Diodorus Siculus. l. 4. p. 231.

[233] Strabo. l. 11. p. 762.

[234] [Greek: Tundarioi skopeloi]. Ptolemaeus. p. 122. See Strabo. l. 17. p. 1150.

[235] Dionysius. v. 688. Pliny styles them oppida.

Oppida--in ripa celeberrima, Tyndarida, Circaeum, &c. l. 6. c. 4.

[236] The Minotaur was an emblematical representation of Menes, the same as Osiris; who was also called Dionusus, the chief Deity of Egypt. He was also the same as Atis of Lydia, whose rites were celebrated in conjunction with those of Rhea, and Cybele, the mother of the Gods. Gruter has an inscription, M. D. M. IDAE, et ATTIDI MINOTAURO. He also mentions an altar of Attis Minoturannus. vol. 1. p. xxviii. n. 6.

[237] Diodor. Sicul. l. 16. p. 411.

[238] Meen was the moon: and Meno-Taurus signified Taurus Lunaris. It was a sacred emblem, of which a great deal will be said hereafter.

[239] See Paruta's Sicilia nummata.

[240] [Greek: Turis, ho peribolos tou teichous]. Hesych. From whence we may infer, that any place surrounded with a wall or fortification might be termed a Tor or Turris.

[Greek: Tarchonion polis Turrhenias.] Stephan. Byzant.

[241] Scholia upon Lycophron. v. 717.

[242] Scholia upon Lycophron. v. 1242.

The Poet says of AEneas, [Greek: Palin planeten dexetai Tursenia.] v. 1239.

[243] Lycophron. v. 1248.

[244] [Greek: Tarkunia polis Turrhenidos apo Tarchonos; to ethnikon Tarkunios.] Steph. Byzant.

[245] Strabo. l. 5. p. 336. [Greek: Tarkona, aph' hou Tarkunia he polis.]

[246] Lycophron. v. 116.

[Greek: He Torone, gune Proteos.] Scholia ibidem.

[247] [Greek: Turrhenoi salpinga]. Tatianus Assyrius. p. 243.

[248] L. 17. p. 468.

[249] Scholia upon Lycophron. v. 754.

[250] Pausanias. l. 9. p. 749.

[251] Pausanias. l. 7. p. 524.

[Greek: Deime de toi mala kalon Anaktoron.] Callimachus. Hymn to Apollo. v. 77.

[252] Homer. Odyss. [lambda]. v. 105. Strabo supposes Trinakis to have been the modern name of the island; forgetting that it was prior to the time of Homer. l. 6. p. 407: he also thinks that it was called Trinacria from its figure: which is a mistake.

[253] Hymn to Diana. v. 56. I make no doubt but Callimachus wrote [Greek: Trinakia].

[254] Pliny. l. 5. c. 31.

[255] Etymolog. Magn.

[256] Stephanas Byzant.

[257] [Greek: Trachin, he nun Herakleia kaloumene.] Hesych. or, as Athenaeus represents it, more truly, [Greek: Herakleian, ten Trachinian kaleomenen.] l. 11. p. 462.

[258] [Greek: Triaina topos Argous; entha ten triainan orthen estesen ho Poseidon, sunginomenos te Amumone, kai euthus kat' ekeino hudor aneblusen, ho kai ten epiklesin eschen ex Amumones.] Scholia in Euripidis Phoeniss. v. 195.

[259] Eusebius. Praep. Evan. l. 3. c. 11. p. 113.

[260] Palaephatus. p. 56.

[261] Ibid. p. 96.

[262] Palaephatus. p. 20.

[263] Iliad. [Sigma]. v. 486.

[264] Diodorus Siculus. l. 3. p. 324.

[265] Pindar. Pyth. Ode 4. p. 243.

[266] Homer. Odyss. [Lambda]. v. 306.

[267] Chron. Paschale. p. 36.

[Greek: Nebrod----kalousin Oriona]. Cedrenus. p. 14.

[268] Homer. Odyss. [Lambda]. v. 571.

[269] Strabo. l. 3. p. 259.

[270] Alorus was the first king of Babylon; and the same person as Orion, and Nimrod. See Radicals. p. 10. notes.

[271] [Greek: Heloros, entha psuchron ekballei poton.] Lycophron. v. 1033.

[Greek: Rheithron Helorou prosthen.] Idem. v. 1184. [Greek: Ho potamos ho Heloros esche to onoma apo tinos basileos Helorou.] Schol. ibid. There were in Sicily many places of this name; [Greek: Pedion Helorion]. Diodorus. l. 13. p. 148. Elorus Castellum. Fazellus. Dec. 1. l. 4. c. 2.

Via Helorina. [Greek: Heloros polis.] Cluver. Sicilia Antiqua. l. 1. c. 13. p. 186.

[272] Diodorus Siculus. l. 4. p. 284.

[273] Nonni Dionysiaca. l. 13. p. 356.

[274] [Greek: Kata mesen de ten polin he akropolis, hen ekaloun bursan, ophrus hikanos orthia.] Strabo. l. 17. p. 1189.

See also Justin. l. 18. c. 5. and Livy. l. 34. c. 62.

[275] [Greek: Zankle polis Sikelias--apo Zanklou tou gegenous.] Stephanus Byzant.

[276] Scholia in Lycophron. v. 328.

[Greek: Orion--kata tropen tou ou eis o apo tou ourion estin apo historias tou ouresai tous theous en tei bursei, kai genesthai auton.] Etymolog. Mag. [Greek: Orion.]

[277] [Greek: Titthe, titthos, titthion, mastos.] Hesychius.

[278] Pausanias. l. 10. p. 878.

[279] [Greek: Oros--ho de Tittheion onomazousin eph' hemon, tenikauta de ekaleito Murtion.] Pausan. l. 2. p. 170.

[280] Callimach. Hymn in Delon. v. 48. [Greek: Mastoi], often taken notice of by Xenophon. [Greek: Anabas]. l. 4. p. 320. A hill at Lesbos. [Greek: En Lesboi kleines Eresou perikumoni MASTO.] Athenaeus. l. 3. p. 111. [Greek: Echei d' en autoi kai maston.] Polyb. l. 1. p. 57.

[281] Strabo mentions in Cyprus, [Greek: Amathous polis--kai oros mastoeides Olumpos]. l. 14. p. 1001.

[282] The Circean promontory in Italy seems to have been named Tit-On; for, the bay below is by Lycophron styled Titonian. [Greek: Titonion te cheuma]. v. 1275. Rivers and seas were often denominated from places near which they flowed.

[283] Of the Cyclopes I shall hereafter treat at large.

[284] Strabo. l. 16. p. 1080. Azara signified a treasure.

[285] Strabo. l. 16. p. 1106.

[286] Bell. Jud. l. 7. p. 417.

[287] Canticles. c. 8. v. 10.

[288] Jeremiah. c. 49. v. 27.

[289] Amos. c. 1. v. 7.

[290] Ibid. c. 1. v. 10.

[291] Ibid. c. 1. v. 14.

[292] It is remarkable, that in many of the very antient temples there was a tradition of their having suffered by lightning.

[293] Canticles. c. 8. v. 8.

[294] 2 Chron. c. 27. v. 3.

[295] Strabo. l. 16. p. 1096.

[296] Canticles. c. 7. v. 4.

[297]

Pervenit ad Draconis speluncam ultimam,
Custodiebat qui thesauros abditos. Phaedrus. l. 4. Fab. 18.

See Macrobius. Saturn. l. 1. c. 20. of dragons guarding treasures.

[298] Apollonius Rhodius. l. 2. v. 405.

[299] Nonni Dionysiaca. l. 14. p. 408.

[300] Nonni Dionys. l. 33. p. 840.

[301] Ibid. l. 35. p. 876.

[302] Ibid. l. 6. p. 186.

[303] Strabo. l. 17. p. 1183.

[304] [Greek: En de tois edeixe kai zoon huperphues, Dionusou agalma, hoi Indoi ethuon. Drakon en, mekos pentaplethron; etrepheto de en chorioi koiloi, en kremnoi bathei, teichei hupseloi huper ton akron peribeblemenos; kai aneliske tas Indon agelas. ktl.] Maximus Tyr. Dissert. 8. c. 6. p. 85.

[305] Strabo. l. 15. p. 1022.

[306] [Greek: Makra pedion. En toutoi de Poseidonios historei ton Drakonta peptokota horathenai nekron, mekos schedon ti kai plethriaion, pachos de, hosth' hippeas hekaterothen parastantas allelous me kathorain; chasma de, host' ephippon dexasthai, tes de pholidos lepida hekasten huperairousan thureou.] Strabo. l. 16. p. 1095. The epithet [Greek: peptokos] could not properly be given to a serpent: but to a building decayed, and in ruins nothing is more applicable. A serpent creeps upon its belly, and is even with the ground, which he goes over, and cannot fall lower. The moderns indeed delineate dragons with legs: but I do not know that this was customary among the antients.

[307] Virgil. AEneis. l. 6. v. 595.

[308] Homer. Odyss. l. [Lambda]. v. 575.

Quintus Calaber styles him [Greek: poulupelethros].

[Greek: Poulupelethros ekeito kata chthonos eurupedoio.] l. 3. v. 395.

[Greek: Tituon megan, hon rh' eteken ge]
[Greek: Di' Helare, threpsen de kai aps elocheusato Gaia.]
Apollon. Rhodius. l. 1. v. 761.

[309] [Greek: Aiguptos--eklethe Musara--kai Aeria, kai Potamitis, kai AETIA, apo tinos Indou Aetou.] Stephanus Byzant.

Eustathius mentions, [Greek: Kai Aetia, apo tinos Indou Aetou. ktl.] In Dionysium. v. 239. p. 42.

[310] Orus Apollo styles it in the Ionian manner [Greek: Eth]. l. 1. c. 7. p. 10. [Greek: Tode Eth kardia].

[311] [Greek: Aigupton de graphontes, thumiaterion kaiomenon zographousi, kai epano kardian.] l. 1. c. 22. p. 38. It also signified an eagle.

[312] See the whole in Nonnus. l. 5. p. 148. It seems to have been a winged machine, which is called [Greek: Kemos], from Cham the Sun. Hence the notion of the chariot of the Sun, and horses of the same.

[313] [Greek: Kaukasou en knemoisi, Tuphaonie hote petre.] Apollonius Rhodius. l. 2. v. 1214.

[314] Typhon was a high place; but represented as a Giant, and supposed to be thunderstruck here, near the city Antioch. Strabo. l. 16. p. 1090. Here was [Greek: Numphaion, spelaion ti hieron.] p. 1091.

[315] Strabo. l. 16. p. 1089. He mentions a place near the fountains of the river Orontes called Paradisos: [Greek: Mechri kai ton tou Orontou pegon, hai plesion tou te Libanou kai tou Paradeisou.] Strabo. l. 16. p. 1096.

[316] Diodorus Siculus. l. 4. p. 283.

[317] Servii Comment. in Virgil. AEneid. l. 2. v. 204.

[318] Nonni Dionys. l. 25. p. 668.