Chapter XII: Part 12

It was decided against guaranteeing the sum of 500,000£ the Dutch wish to raise here. There would be no end to such loans if we once began to assist the credit of foreign States. Parliament would not approve of the measure. To the Dutch Government it is important that this Administration should remain, and likewise that their own credit should not be injured in all Europe by the confession of weakness which their recourse to us implies.

To guarantee a loan is to give money, and to do that is to assist one of the parties to lose the mediatory character, and, in fact, put ourselves out of the Congress.

Hardinge can reduce 57,000£ a year in net and on the Civil List, 30,000£ on the Pension List, and 27,000£ on officers of State.

We had some talk about details, but Goulburn does not reduce as much as Hardinge.

Had some talk with the Duke and Peel respecting the fires in Kent, and the breaking of frames. Five are in prison. The Duke thinks smugglers are at the bottom of it.

There has been alarm at Carlisle. The officers in command of the castle apprehended an attempt to surprise it and seize the arms. Men had been seen measuring the wall. Sir J. Graham was alarmed about it. Orders will be given to provision for thirty days all the places where arms are kept, the town included, where there are 600,000 stand of arms. In the meantime all classes are more comfortable in this country than they ever were, and this alone keeps down insurrection. There are leaders but no troops.

Hardinge reports that the spirit in Ireland is _disimproved_ since the events in Belgium.

There is to be an Anti-Union Society, which, as soon as it meets, will be put down under the Act.

_October 12._

At nine went to Apsley House. Met the Chairs. We went in to the Duke. Our conversation lasted two hours. As they are to send in a _procès verbal_, it is unnecessary for me to state it. The substance was that, supposing the monopoly to be taken away, they would administer the Government of India as heretofore on one of two conditions; either closing their account with the public and receiving payment in full, or an equivalent annuity for all their property in India, in which case they would require no guarantee of the present dividend; or making over all their property, and taking a perpetual guarantee of the dividend.

The public to make good in either case all deficiency of Indian revenue, and in either case the Company to be the agents for the territory, providing all necessary sums here and receiving repayment at a rate of exchange to be paid from time to time fairly.

The Chairs were given to understand that the public being liable to the making good of Indian deficiency, we should require a strict control over the whole expenditure _here_, as well as in India.

They show, especially Campbell, a disposition to leave off trading and become gentlemen. They were told by the Duke that if they did so we must be at liberty to revise our arrangement with them. We might as well go to the Bank as to them, if we were to treat with a body not commercial.

The Duke seems much pleased with his foreign prospects.

M. de Choiseul was waiting to see him. I suppose on the affair of Holyrood House.

It seems probable that the French will abolish the punishment of death, and so save Polignac.

_October 14._

Found at the office several papers giving accounts of Radical meetings in Lancashire. All the old Radicals are reappearing on the scene. They do not as yet seem to be attended by any numerous assemblies, never above 200 or 300.

A letter from a clergyman at Wrotham speaks of burnings near that place, and of the bad conduct of the people who interfere with the working of the engines, and seem to rejoice in the destruction.

Read all the papers relating to the education of the Princess Victoria, who seems to have been admirably brought up.

At the Cabinet room read a long and excellent letter of Hardinge's respecting the state of Ireland.

The 87th Regiment at Newry, when paraded for church, refused to march without music, to which it had been accustomed in the south. It had been discontinued in the north to avoid displeasing the Orangemen.

The captain sent for the Lieutenant-Colonel Blair, who was at first disobeyed, but he placed a drum to have a drum-head court martial, and then they marched. The Duke says it is, and always has been, the worst regiment in the service. It ran away at Salamanca and exposed him to being taken prisoner. It has always been unmilitary, and from the same cause, a disposition to seek popularity on the part of its officers. Hardinge proposes embarking it at once for the West Indies. The Duke prefers bringing it to Dublin, where there are other regiments to keep it in order, and soon sending it to England, and by detachments at no distant period to Botany Bay. They do not expect there will be any further exhibition of mutinous spirit. The only mischief of this is the effect at this time.

There have been apprehensions of an attempt to scale the Pigeon House, and a full garrison has been ordered into it, with directions to add to its defences on the seaside so as to protect it from escalade.

Hardinge can bring twenty guns together in a very short time, at any point in Dublin. He talks of arming the students in Trinity College in the event of an explosion.

They rather expect an explosion about the 18th or 19th, when probably there will be the first meeting of the new Association.

This it will be the first object to put down by the Act of 1829. The meeting to petition for the repeal of the Union will be permitted.

Hardinge is quite himself on horseback. The only fear is that he should be too lively. Peel seems to think he is; but it is a great comfort to have him there instead of Lord Francis Leveson, who was always wrong.

The King of the Netherlands has called his States at the Hague, the Constitution requiring them to meet this year in Belgium. He takes advantage of the provision in the Constitution which permits him to call the States in Holland in case of war. They fear the loss of Antwerp. The Prince of Orange thinks things look better.

The Netherland Ambassador is much annoyed at the refusal of pecuniary assistance; but, as was expected, the Dutch have got their money, only paying a little more for it.

Our depots are only 160 strong. We have hardly a battalion. One or two at least of those which were going abroad will be retained for a time.

The Duke of Brunswick does not much like abdicating. The Duke of Wellington thought he had brought him to make his brother Governor-General for his life, retaining the succession for his children. However, Aberdeen seems to have blundered him back again. He is to go to see the King on Saturday. The King desired he might come early, that he might not be obliged to have him to dinner, and he desired Aberdeen would remain in the room.

Pozzo thinks the French Government is gaining strength; but they are very inefficient in preventing armed men from assembling on the frontiers of Spain.

The French have exercised such coldness towards the Belgians that they are become unpopular. De Potter was French while he had hopes of becoming so. Now he is a Republican.

The Austrians will send troops into the Sardinian dominions if there is any insurrection. [Footnote: They had similarly interfered to put down the Constitutional movement in Piedmont which followed on the Neapolitan revolution of 1821.] This by invitation.

The Queen of Spain has, it is said, a son. [Footnote: It was a daughter, afterwards Queen Isabella II., born October 10, 1830. The alteration of the succession in favour of the female line led to a civil war on Ferdinand VII.'s death. A son might have secured peace, but probably without a Constitution.] This event would, it is thought, secure Spain against any revolutionary movement.

_October 15._

Called on the Duke. Settled with him the alterations necessary in the Chairs' memorandum of the conversation on the 12th. He thought we had gone too far in leading them to expect they should be repaid the money they had sunk in the territory while they held the Government.

Received from him the opium letter. He thinks the principle good, but considers it is not fair to make the Scindians prevent the transit of opium. We cannot prevent them, for they are independent; but unless we endeavour to persuade them, and succeed in doing so, we shall lose our opium revenue.

_October 16._

Chairs at 11. Head over with them my alterations of their protocol. Astell did not seem to see the greatness of the variations. Campbell did, and particularly observed upon the words, 'value of the fixed property in India which might be adjudged to appertain to the Company in their commercial capacity.' He wanted an admission of the justice of the claims, leaving nothing for adjustment but their amount. I said we could not admit claims without examination, the nature of which we did not yet know. All we could admit was that the claims were such as should be submitted to examination, and their validity decided upon just principles.

Astell wished to go back again and recommence the discussion. I said he knew I could decide nothing without the Cabinet, and he nothing without the Court; all he had to do now was to bring the subject before them.

He asked whether they were distinctly to understand that the Cabinet had decided upon the termination of the monopoly? I said that the question not having yet been before the Cabinet I could not give an answer officially; but when the First Lord of the Treasury and the President of the Board of Control desired to know what the course of the Court would be in the event of its being proposed that the Court should administer the Government without monopoly, I thought it was not difficult to draw an inference.

_October 19._

Sent to the Duke a memorandum on his letter. Read at the Cabinet room. The King of the Netherlands is much annoyed at the desertion, as he thinks it, of his allies. He now proposes a Congress of the Four Powers and _France_ at Breda or Cleves. He admits France very unwillingly, and by no means acquiesces in the reasoning in favour of the advance we made.

Sir Ch. Bagot seems to think the Prince of Orange will be losing the affection of the Dutch without gaining the Belgians.

The German Confederation is arming in the neighbourhood of Hanau for the preservation of the peace. They have put 6,000 or 7,000 men in motion, and have a reserve of 15,000 or 18,000.

The excitement against Polignac and Peyronnet increases, and the Ministers run the hazard of their places by attempting to save them. I fear that is hopeless. The Spanish Radicals seem to find it would be dangerous to pass the frontier.

_October 20._

Office. Cabinet room. The Prince of Orange has written a most offensive letter to the King of the French, almost insinuating that the troubles in Belgium are fomented by France, and saying that by a declaration against the Belgians France would show her good faith, and secure the recognition of Russia. The French Cabinet is much offended at the silence of the King of the Netherlands, and Count Molé is going to write to the Dutch Minister upon the subject.

Nesselrode seems to see great difficulties in the intervention of France in the settlement of Belgium--the union of Belgium and Holland having been made _against_ France. The Russian Minister at the Hague has general directions to follow the course of England upon all points not provided for by his instructions.

There is a great fall in the Funds to-day; partly, it is said, in consequence of those who desired to keep up the Funds being no longer able to do so; partly from the general aspect of affairs. My surprise is that the Funds have not fallen before, and much more.

Cabinet dinner at the Duke's. Showed the protocol of our Conference with the Chairs. The heads of the speech were read. Aberdeen's will not do at all. To my surprise he intended to announce the recognition of Miguel, he having engaged to do a great act of justice; that is, to publish the amnesty. He will not do it till a British Minister arrives at Lisbon; that is, he makes us, whom he has once deceived, dependent upon his word. This would be a very incautious step on our part. We meet on Friday to consider the speech in detail.

We had a good deal of conversation about the Duchess of Kent's allowance, which is to be much increased. It is proposed to give her 20,000£ a year. She has now 12,000£ for herself and the Princess, out of which she pays interest and insurance upon 12,000£ she borrowed on the Duke of Kent's death for her outfit.

The King has about thirty people at dinner every day, belonging to the Household. His expense must be enormous in living.

_October 21._

Read in the newspaper the King of the Netherlands' speech. It is querulous and angry. I really thought the Proclamation _extraordinary_ of the Prince of Orange a forgery; but it is genuine, and he throws off all connection with Holland, declaring the independence of Belgium, and placing himself practically at the head of the Rebellion!

On Monday night at a dance at the Lodge, Hardinge saw accidentally in an evening newspaper, shown to him for another purpose, the advertisement of the Anti-Union Association, and by seven o'clock the next morning the Lord Lieutenant's Proclamation prohibiting it was placarded in the streets. This is decision. There was no riot. Persons in general were satisfied the act was right. O'Connell is alarmed. The Duke of Leinster is ready to sign a declaration in favour of the Union. All is safe in Ireland with Hardinge's promptitude. I wish he could remain and not come over to Parliament.

_October 22._

Saw Campbell, who was very nervous and anxious, and I at night wrote a letter to Lord Hill in favour of his son--more, I admit, from a father's feelings than from a conviction of being right.

It seems the Lord Lieutenant not having been near Dublin when the Proclamation was issued by Hardinge, he must have had a blank Proclamation in his pocket, and have issued it without the opinion of the law officers. He has good debatable Parliamentary grounds of defence; but he has trodden upon the margin of the law. Not the worse for that in these times, when it is most important that every one should see the Government are vigilant and determined.

Valdez, who entered Spain with a few hundred men, has been smashed at once.

At the Cabinet we had a long discussion respecting the Regency question. Aberdeen started the objection that the proposed measure was destructive of the principle that the King could not die. On the other hand it was contended that we maintained that principle. We made a Regent for _a King_. We acknowledged _a King_; but we deferred taking the oath of allegiance till we knew who he was. The difficulties attending the _unkinging_ of a Sovereign on the birth of a Prince nearer to the present King seem greater than any attending the measure proposed. It was ultimately determined that the Chancellor should consult the judges and the law officers.

_October 23._

Cabinet. Twenty-six magistrates at Canterbury sentenced to three days' imprisonment threshing machine breakers, who pleaded guilty! Such has been the terror struck into them! Sir E. Knatchbull was in the chair.

We went through the speech--not deciding absolutely upon the words; but generally upon the substance.

Then arose a conversation as to the Regency which, in this last hour, is thought a point of importance. The Chancellor seems alarmed and unwilling to move the suspension of the rights of the presumptive heir until the non- existence of an heir apparent be ascertained, without the opinion of the judges. It is admitted there is no written opinion to guide us. The analogy of property is in favour of the heir presumptive; that of peerage in favour of the heir apparent _in utero_.

_October 24._

Cabinet at 4. Read two letters from Hardinge. By his account all the men of property will support the Government and the Union.

The press is coming round--_bought_. A Mr. Conway, an able writer, is furious against O'Connell, and, upon the whole, the Press is on our side. Hardinge dilates with delight upon his military preparations and plans of defence, and seemingly will be disappointed if he cannot put them into execution.

The Belgian Ministers resigned after the Prince of Orange's Proclamation. He is left without advisers. He has endeavoured to get Sir Charles Bagot to join him, and Grasioff. He sends for Cartwright. He seems much embarrassed. In fact he is in heart a Belgian, and would sacrifice everything to be King of Belgium. He never knew the Dutch, and not unnaturally likes the Belgians better. They are indignant at his conduct in Holland, and with reason. He seems to intend to rule the Dutch by means of the Belgians. This he cannot do.

The Duke of Wellington always thought him a silly fellow.

The Provisional Government is going to send some mission here.

We had a long talk about the Regency. Really it does us little credit to begin now, within ten days of the meeting of Parliament, to consider that question seriously.

The Chief Justices will be asked whether, supposing the Queen to be pregnant at the death of the King, the next living heir would succeed? How in the event of the birth of a child the _de facto_ Sovereign is to be put aside? And what should be done if the Queen only may be with child? The difficulty consists in the oath of allegiance, which must be altered and made conditional. But what a curious position the Queen Victoria would be placed in, if a baby were to oust her after eight months of reign!

I think the course adopted will be this--to make an oath of allegiance conditional, saving the rights of a child to be born; to appoint the Regent who would be named for the Princess Victoria, with the provision that on the birth of a child the child's mother shall be Regent.

_October 25._

Cabinet at 4. Peel read letters he had received from Mr. Foster, the magistrate of Manchester, Mr. Hulton, of Hulton, and a manufacturer whose name I forget. They all give an alarming account of the state of Manchester. The colliers have turned out in some districts, and where they have turned out the mills are necessarily stopped. This has thrown numbers out of employment. These colliers can earn 10_s_. a day; that is, as much as many clergymen. The spinners can earn 5_s_. a day. Yet they turn out.

This seems to be a manoeuvre like that of Lafitte when he refused to discount bills. To stop the supply of coal is to throw all mills out of work, and every one out of employment. The question is, Shall the masters resist? If they do, there will be an early collision. If they do not, they may defer it, but not long. Concession was counselled six weeks ago, on the ground that, after the events in Belgium and in France, collision was dangerous; and this even by bold men. It seems there are 3,000 infantry, 3 guns, and about 600 or 800 cavalry near Manchester. Perhaps some howitzers may be sent, but more force there is not. Peel at the Cabinet wrote a letter to Mr. Taylor, saying that under ordinary circumstances he should have counselled resistance or rather non-concession; but now it was a doubtful question whether a collision at Manchester would not lead to collision in many other places, and was our force sufficient? He was desired to see Mr. Hulton, Sir E. Bouverie, and others, and to consider what could be done, particularly whether Volunteer Corps could be formed. The delegates who went to Mr. Chappell seem to be amenable to the law and get-at-able. This will be done.

The law officers came in and were asked as to the power of the Crown to permit the formation of Volunteer Corps. They were desired to consider the point. By the Act of 1794 there seems to be no doubt about it.

Hardinge is arrived. He has been calling out O'Connell. I am sorry for it, for O'Connell had declared he would not fight. O'Connell had called him the Duke's aide-de-camp. So far it does good, that it lowers O'Connell still more, and destroys the value of anything he might say against Hardinge.

_October 26._

Called on Hardinge. He says the accounts from Manchester to-day are worse. In the House Lord Hill showed me a letter (from Sir E. Bouverie, I think), giving a very alarming account--30,000 out of work, and apprehension of early collision.

Parliament opened. Took the oaths. Office. Lord Dalhousie was so ill on June 4 that I have no idea of his being now Commander-in-Chief in India.

Received a summons to a Cabinet at four _precisely_, and went to the Foreign Office; but nobody came. I think it must have been summoned to meet at Peel's house. The times are so critical that I should be sorry to lose a Cabinet. I could not find out that any summonses had been sent from the Foreign Office. There was a crowd of people in Downing Street, who had, I dare say, followed the Duke from the House of Lords. There were a good many about the House. All quite quiet.

_October 27._

_Levée_ at two. Addresses from the Church of Scotland, and the Lord Mayor and Corporation of Dublin. Dr. Chalmers was with the Church of Scotland. The Recorder of Dublin, Mr. Shaw, who is member for Dublin, made a speech before he read the address--a thing quite unprecedented, and which might be very inconvenient. The speech itself was innocent. The _levée_ by no means full.

Peel had an audience of the King, and in half an hour the King slept twenty minutes. He says he never knew any man so much altered in three months. His somnolency increases. He slept during an interview with Aberdeen yesterday. When the Duke saw him he was alive enough.

Cabinet. Prince at the Chancellor's. Some conversation respecting the burnings in Kent. Peel thinks they were effected by a chemical process, by some substance deposited hours before, and igniting when the perpetrators are far off. The persons who met Lord Winchilsea expressed detestation of the burnings, and went away to break threshing machines, but a man who committed persons for breaking threshing machines had his ricks burnt; another suffered the same thing who defended his threshing machines. I believe the two offences to be committed by the same persons. The magistrates are supine and terror-struck; but they have no police, no military. Sir E. Knatchbull doubts whether they would arm as yeomen. Peel does not seem to me to view with sufficient alarm the effect these burnings will produce upon men's minds, and the example of impunity. Nothing was said about Manchester. All seemed to think less seriously of our dangers than they did some days back.

The law officers mean to give in their report on the case put to them to- morrow. They will say it is not provided for. The Chancellor has the judges at dinner on Friday, and he will then obtain theirs.

_October 28._

Captain Harvey of the 4th Dragoons called by the King's desire to say the King of Persia told him when he was at Teheran that he was hurt at not receiving a letter from the King. I told Captain Harvey the King had announced his accession to the Shah of Persia as he had to other sovereigns. Captain Harvey was interpreter to his regiment. It seemed to me that he rather wished to command the Persian troops. He is brother to the tutor to Prince George of Cambridge. He is a very gentlemanlike man.

The French insist on having the conferences respecting the settlement of Belgium at Paris, if there are to be any regular conferences. They cannot permit Talleyrand to act for them. The French would be jealous of him, &c. We had wished to have the conferences here for the very reason that we thought Talleyrand would do his utmost to have the credit of preserving peace. I see there will be no Congress. The French think that, if they stand still, the fruit will fall into their mouths. The folly of the Prince of Orange will ruin his party in Belgium. The ambition of the Belgians will induce them to attempt to form a separate State, which after much disorder will be found impracticable; and as they will not become Dutch, they _will_ become French. Then we shall have a war, and present forbearance only postpones it. All the Volunteers who are acting in Belgium are French. All the forces in the field are commanded by Frenchmen. French money is employed. The French are really now carrying on the war covertly.

Russia is paralysed by the devastating progress of the cholera morbus which has reached Moscow. The Emperor is gone to Moscow to establish order and obedience, for the civil and military authorities are quarrelling, and the troops are unwilling to form the cordon. All cordons I believe to be fruitless. It would be as wise to form a cordon against the wind. The disease advances, however, along the high roads and navigable rivers. It is the most extraordinary plague we have had.

Prussia cannot act for fear of disorders at home, and Austria is literally the only power to which war is possible. The French dare not go to war for fear of a Republic.

It seems the French Ministry will be partially changed, the Due de Broglie and Guizot going out. The Due de Broglie seems to be a pedantic coxcomb.

I pity the King of the Netherlands, who is a good man. To be hated by two- thirds of his subjects, betrayed by his foolish son, and abandoned as he thinks by his allies, must be great trials to him; while, although the Dutch adore him and really love him, they will not give him money, and I have a little doubt whether they will fight much. Probably, however, the fear of pillage will make them do that for themselves.

Read a very well-written pamphlet in reply to Brougham's two. I suspect the writer is Philpotts. It is too powerful for an ordinary man, and far beyond Croker. Neither is it in his style. Brougham has made Ridgway put forth a letter stating that he never communicated upon the subject of the pamphlet with Brougham--which is no denial that it is Brougham's.

It is a good and useful pamphlet, and will teach the Whigs good manners by showing them they cannot commit aggression with impunity. There is no part much better done than that in which the falsehood and absurdity are shown of what was said in the Brougham pamphlets respecting me. To be sure my champion had a good case. What was said about me rather leads me to think Lord Durham or T. Moore had a hand in it.

_October 29._

The letters from Manchester recommend resistance on the part of the masters--that is, non-concession. This will put the colliers to the necessity of adopting _force_, and in the defence of property we should commence the contest, which can only be deferred, with great advantage. Mr. Foster thinks the views of the Union have been shaken by the increase of force near Manchester; and that, although there might be much disturbance, the event would not be doubtful. One committee of the Union has proposed acquiescence in the masters' terms.

The accounts from Kent are bad. Peel has offered to send down a magistrate and police officers, and to go to any expense.

He was to receive Mr. Hammond, Plumptree, Lord Camden, and others to-day. Poor Lord Camden, in the meantime, has the lumbago.

_October 30._

Cabinet. A very bad account of Manchester. No means of raising Volunteer corps. Little hope of uniting the masters. The operatives triumphant. No disposition, however, on their part to come to blows, and a confidence on the part of the magistrates that a fight would be in their favour; but then they must have _troops_, keep all they have, and get more if possible.

Mr. Taylor recommends that constables should have the power of arresting _picketers_ without warrant.

Went through the speech. It will do very well now.

Spoke to the Duke about Indian finance, and told him the result. He wished to see all the papers, which were not yet quite ready. In the meantime nothing is to be done, and we are to appoint the Committee.

The Attorney and Solicitor-General deprecate the prosecution of a libel transmitted for their opinion, and say they think it unadvisable to prosecute without the sanction of Parliament! What this means I do not know, unless it means that they are cowed.

There is an infamous article in the _Times_ to-day, against the conduct of the farmers and country gentlemen, and there are worse in the _Morning Chronicle_.

Had some conversation after dinner at St. James's with Frankland Lewis. He longs for the Grants. I told him it would not do, and what sort of a man Charles Grant was. Frankland Lewis does not seem to like his office, but he says he shall bring it into order if he remains there, and make it a Privy Councillor's office without drudgery. He and, indeed, all seem to wish they were better and more boldly led in the House of Commons. All we want is that.

_October 31._

Cabinet. On Monday the 25th the Prince of Orange left Antwerp. He embarked, and intended to go to see his father, and then to come to England! On the 26th General Mellinot marched in and went on to Breda, with 5,000 men. On the 27th (there having been a parley on the 26th), the populace attempted to seize the arsenal. The citadel fired. The, town was on fire when Mr. Cartwright came away, and is nearly destroyed.

At Maidstone two or three ringleaders were seized very gallantly by the magistrates, and carried off to the gaol by the cavalry at a canter. However, there are but thirty-four troopers there. So four troops have been sent from Windsor, a depot from some other place, and two guns from Woolwich. All this was rendered necessary by an intended meeting on Penenden Heath to-morrow. March, the Solicitor of the Treasury, is gone down.

There was much conversation about the state of the Press, and a resolution taken to prosecute, notwithstanding the unwillingness of the law officers. Scarlet appears to be quite cowed by opposition and the Press.

This Press may be bought, but we have no money. Five-sixths of the Foreign Secret Service money are preoccupied by permanent old charges--the Secret Service money of the Treasury is preoccupied in the same way.

There is a small sum of droits which may be turned over to the Privy Purse, and then by the King to the Government, but it is not more than 3,000£. It is thought that perhaps some of the pensions on the Secret Service money of the Treasury may be turned over to the Foreign Office. The Treasury money is the only money applicable to the purchase of newspapers.

We twaddled a great deal over the speech. It was proposed by Peel to insert a paragraph referring to the disturbed state of the country. He will write it, and we shall consider it in a Cabinet at St. James's to-morrow at one, before the Council.

Lord Bathurst is more alarmed than any one; but Peel is a good deal alarmed too.

There is _danger_, for there are many to attack and few ready to risk anything in defence. It was otherwise in 1793.

The Duke thinks that with every disposition to do mischief there is no conspiracy, or we should have heard of it.

_November 1._

Cabinet at St. James's at one. The Lord-Lieutenant has prohibited, by Proclamation, the meeting of the Volunteer Society. Very properly and consistently. It was a much more dangerous society than the other. He is a firm man, not to be turned from the course he thinks right.

O'Connell has not been spoken to in the clubs he has entered. At Brookes's they turned their backs upon him.

There was no meeting at Maidstone. Probably they had intimation of the movements of troops. Lord Beresford told me there were 3,000 artillerymen at Woolwich, enough to serve guns for an army.

Went through the speech again. Aberdeen is the most obstinate man I ever saw, about the mere _words_ of his part of the speech. We lost half an hour at least in talking about words to-day. Peel read his concluding sentence, which is very good. He laments the outrages, and the attempt to disturb the concord between portions of the empire whose union is essential to their mutual strength and happiness, declares the King's determination to exert the powers confided to him by the Law and the Constitution for the punishment of sedition, and ends by expressing a firm reliance on the loyalty of the great body of the people.

As far as I could judge by the King's countenance when the speech was read, he acquiesced, and thought it right, but was pained at being obliged to hold such language.

I had prepared a paragraph to be used in case it had been thought right to say anything about India. For my own part I thought it better not. We could not produce a measure this year, and it would hardly be fair by the Court to declare to Parliament that we thought the monopoly must be put an end to without having previously acquainted them with our determination. The Duke said he had seen nothing yet to satisfy him that the revenues of India could meet the expenditure without the China trade. I think his reluctance increases to put an end to the present system. My disposition to terminate the existence of the Company increases the more I see of them.

_November 2_

House at five. Lord Bute made a very long, heavy speech. Lord Monson a very little one, not bad. The stuff would do; but he has neither stature nor voice.

We then had Lord Winchilsea, Lord Camden, Duke of Leinster, and Lord Farnham. Lord Winchilsea right in tone, but desiring inquiry into agricultural distress. This, too, was the burden of a mouthy speech made by the Duke of Richmond, whom I had nearly forgotten. Lord Farnham spoke, as he always does, well. He deprecated the dissolution of the Union, but desired relief for Ireland. This, too, was desired by the Duke of Leinster, who spoke very firmly, as all did, against agitators.

Lord Grey said it was a moment of great _danger_ and _importance_. Fortitude, caution, and wisdom were required. He spoke strongly against the dissolution of the Union, and against the disturbers of the public peace everywhere. He used the words of the speech, _grief_ and _indignation_. He joined in the determination to put down sedition by law. Rejoiced no new laws were asked for. Approved of the prompt recognition of King Louis Philippe; lamented the _necessity_ of the French Revolution. Said 'all Revolutions were in themselves evils,' although they might produce eventual good. Expressed his hope, for the honour of France and for the interests of Liberty, that they would not sully a Revolution hitherto unstained by a single act of vengeance. This part of his speech was very well worded and spoken. He objected to the terms in which the passage respecting the Netherlands was worded, as seeming to cast all the blame upon the Belgians, and so to make our mediation less effectual. He likewise objected to the making the Portuguese Amnesty a seeming condition of the recognition of Miguel. Of the recognition itself he did not complain, as he had so long been King _de facto_. These objections were fair.

Lord Farnham having suggested the necessity of preparing for war, Lord Grey said the preparation should be by gaining the hearts of our own people--and he advocated, but very temperately, Reform. He did not, however, allow that there was any abstract right to a particular mode of constituting a Legislature. The right of the people was to a _good Government_, and to whatever form of Legislative Assembly might seem best to secure that Government.

His speech was good, and temperate, as well as firm. The Duke of Wellington followed him. He declared his intention to oppose Reform. He said we were not bound to interfere for the maintenance of the Amnesty further than by advice and remonstrance, not by war.

I should mention that Lord Grey seemed pleased by the abandonment of the droits. He was not very well, and at times was almost unable to proceed.

Upon the whole the tone of the debate was very good, and will do good.

_November 3._

Office at eleven to see Col. Houston.

Upon the whole the debate in the Commons was satisfactory. Peel was very much cheered. O'Connell spoke well, and was heard in perfect silence. Brougham made an ordinary speech; theme a bad one, violent.

There was much row in the streets yesterday; but all occasioned by attacks upon the police, and attempts to rescue pickpockets. The Guards were called out rather hastily. Colonel Rowan who commands the police has begged they may be left to themselves. They are quite strong enough.

Cabinet dinner at Lord Rosslyn's. No House of Commons people there. The Prince of Orange is come. He has written to the King, and is to see him to- morrow. It seems there are 7,500 men in the citadel of Antwerp, which can only hold 2,000, and has provisions only for two months. The forts of Lillo and Liefkenshoek are ill-garrisoned; so is Breda, and so is Bergen-op-zoom. The Dutch have not 4,000 men in the field near Breda. The question is, whether the evacuation of the citadel of Antwerp would not be advisable for the purpose of getting out the 7,500 men. It seems that if Flushing be held, the Scheld is of no use. The Conference respecting Belgian affairs meets to-morrow, Talleyrand being sole representative of France. The first object will be to establish an armistice.

After dinner we had some conversation respecting the debate in the Commons of last night. Peel is disgusted at not being supported by the three Cabinet Ministers present, who knew the whole subject which had been so often discussed in Cabinet--yet not one of them rose to answer Brougham. The Duke is very angry with them, and says he shall take an opportunity of advising Peel in their presence never to rise till Brougham has spoken, let others be abused as they may. If the three mutes will not speak, it is clear they will not remain in very long.

I consider a debate to be a battle, in which the chief should be able to put every man into the fight, as he would every battalion, with a view to the ultimate object; he himself being the reserve.

_November 4._

It seems Sir G. Murray did speak last night, but he went further than he intended on Reform, and so rather damaged our position as a Government.

Office. Saw Mr. Sullivan. He seems a sensible, liberal man. His evidence would be a death-blow to the government of the Company. He says the cotton of Coimbatore is carried to Tinnevelly and thence to Madras by country boats, where it is taken up by the China ships. It might be sent directly to the sea on the Malabar coast, the distance being 300 miles. There is no obstruction to the cultivation. The country is under a Ryotwar settlement. The unequal demand of the Company is very injurious. Their great demand at some periods encourages cultivation and raises prices exorbitantly--the next year there is no demand at all. They now purchase by contract. The contracts are too large for the native merchants, and fall, as jobs, into the hands of Europeans. Sufficient notice is not given of the contract. The native merchants have from one lac to one and a half.

Great injury is sustained by the tobacco monopoly. The Company's officers sell it as retailers. The Government is, as I always thought, practically in the hands of the natives. They require European co-operation, but if they combine against their European superior he can do nothing. House at five. Lord Winchilsea made a violent tirade against the Administration, without any motion before the House. The Duke made a few observations on the point of order very quietly, and we rose.

_November 5._

St. James's at half-past one. The clergy of the Province of Canterbury were there, with their address on the accession. They were not expected, and there were no gentlemen pensioners. However, they delivered their address to the King on the throne, and a very good address it was. Peel had to write the answer in a hurry.

Recorder's report. One man left for execution for a street robbery accompanied with violence.

The Recorder gave but a bad account of the disposition of the City. The Chancellor seems a good deal alarmed, and so does Peel. Every precaution is taken, but I cannot help fearing there is a conspiracy of which we know nothing. Aberdeen suspects connection with France.

We are to inquire into the circumstances of the fires in Normandy, which seem very much to resemble ours. We have had one near Godstone, and another at Fair-lawn, in Kent; the sufferers unoffending persons. The object seems to be to spread general terror. It is clear that they are effected by the discharge of some chemical preparation, which ignites after a time. No watching has any effect. Fires take place where no one has approached.

Goulburn told me he thought Sir G. Murray had said much more than he intended, purely from want of habit of speaking; still he had done much injury.

The new French Ministry is formed, and Lafitte is at its head. He pretends to have the same views as the late Ministry; but it is impossible to suppose the French can resist the offer of Belgium. We shall have no war if we can preserve internal peace and the integrity of the Constitution.

_November 6._

A letter from Hardinge, who seems to think we stand ill, not for want of numbers, but of speakers. Astell told me the Duke's declaration against Reform had injured him in the City.

Saw Wortley, and had a long conversation with him respecting the state of the Government. He thinks we cannot go on. The Duke's declaration against Reform has made it impossible for any to join him, and upon the question of Reform it is doubtful if we should have numbers enough.

We talked over possible Governments on the supposition that Lord Grey was at the head, and that Peel remained in. In walking away I was overtaken in Downing Street by Lord Graham, who had been waiting to speak to me on the same subject. He seems to think our fall not so immediately necessary as Wortley does. I then called on Hardinge, who had been with the Duke this morning. Hardinge had candidly told the Duke that if he had a minority on Reform, or a small majority, he would advise him to resign; and previously to tell the King in what a situation he stood. If he had a good majority he might perhaps get some to join; but if not, the position of the Government would be as bad in February, or worse, than it was now. The Duke said he thought things might do still. He had a number of young men who depended upon him. He would take care to give the King timely notice. The King had behaved very well to him. Indeed I know the Duke feels very strongly how admirably and how kindly the King has behaved.

Lord Maryborough had been to Hardinge to express his fears for the Duke's life, and the Duke has received many letters informing him there is a conspiracy to assassinate him on Tuesday, as he goes to Guildhall.

Hardinge said every precaution should be taken, but he begged Lord Maryborough not to tell the Duke his apprehensions. Hardinge, however, has the same; and fears there may be an attempt that day to make London a scene of barricades like Paris and Brussels. Troops will be disposed at intervals in bodies of half battalions, with provisions, and there will be 1,000 cavalry. Two guns will be ready with the marines at the obelisk, and two in the park. Hardinge observed to the Duke that he knew he had bolts inside to the doors of the carnage, and added, 'I shall take pocket pistols!' The Duke said, 'Oh! I shall have pistols in the carriage.' Hardinge asked the Duke to take him, which he does. Arbuthnot goes with the Duke, too. I wish I could manage to follow him in my carriage. I shall buy a brace of double- barrelled pocket pistols on Monday. Hardinge showed me his.

The Duke has made himself very obnoxious by declaring his resolution to oppose Reform, which in fact, however, he did not do in such terms as has been said.

Hardinge told me there was a proposal to Palmerston and others in the summer, and they at once started the difficulty of Reform, which put an end to the negotiation. If I thought Reform would tranquillise the country I should be quite satisfied with a change of Ministers which would produce internal contentment, but that I do not expect.

I shall take care to have records in the office to show the line I was prepared to take on the East Indian Monopoly, and the steps already taken. I shall likewise leave a memorandum upon the alterations I propose in the army.

_November 7, Sunday._

All the morning occupied with a letter on the Salt question. At half-past two rode to the Cabinet robin. The Cabinet was to meet at three. We did not, however, all assemble till four, the Duke having been with Peel at the Home Office.

Before the Duke came we had all been talking of the Lord Mayor's Day, and the manner in which we should go into the City and return, and the precautions taken against riot.

The Duke and Peel came together, and it was evident from the first words the Duke spoke that he and Peel had made up their minds to put off the King's visit to the City. The Chancellor seemed almost to take fire at the idea of this, but the Duke very quietly begged him to hear the letters before he decided. The Duke then read various letters he had received, all warning him against going, as there was a plot to assassinate him, and raise a tumult. One of them was from Pearson, a Radical attorney. There was one from a coachmaker, saying he was satisfied, from what his men told him, there was such a design, and offering to come with eighteen of his people and guard the Duke. There was another offer, in a letter not read, to the same effect. There was an examination of a man who serves a Radical printer, and who formerly lived with Cobbett, which showed the intention to exist of attacking the Duke. The impression seemed to be general that the attempt would be made. There was a letter from the Lord Mayor elect (Alderman Key) to the Duke, telling him there was an intention amongst disaffected persons to excite tumult and confusion, and to attack him; that he could not be in safety without a guard, and a strong one; and that if an attack was made _in one quarter_ the civil force would not be sufficient.

The Duke said he would not go. Peel, who had received many letters informing him of the intention to assassinate him, said if he went he would go privately, and come away privately. He observed that if our force, the disposition of which was mentioned, and was admirable, succeeded in putting down a riot along the line of the procession, he could not answer for the security of life or property in other parts of the town. We had information that the Duke's house would be attacked while he was in the City, and it was to be feared that fires might take place to exercise terror and create a diversion.

The feeling in the Duke's mind was that we should not be justified in giving an occasion for the shedding of blood, by means of a crowd of our own making. The consequences of the collision would be incalculable, and might affect all parts of England.

The consequences of putting off the King's visit were not lost sight of; the effect it would produce on the Funds, and on public confidence--all that would be said against the Government as weighing down the King by its unpopularity.

The letter it was proposed to send was written, and the Duke and Peel went with it to the King at a little before seven.

While they were gone the feeling of the Cabinet underwent a change. Lord Bathurst first observed that it would put an end to the Government, and carry Reform. The Chancellor was most unwilling to postpone the King's visit. It would be said we did it for our sakes only, and sacrificed him. Lord Bathurst thought the King would take the advice, but be very angry, and get rid of us.

There would be a violent storm in Parliament, and the mobs would come to our houses. All these feelings rested upon the supposition that the procession could return without a tumult, but the letter had been written on the supposition _that it could not_; which was the correct one. The Duke and Peel came back and told us the King had thought the advice quite right, and had behaved as well as possible. The tears were in his eyes while the Lord Mayor's letter was read. He said he had already determined in his own mind to bring the Duke and Peel back in his own carriage. The Duke thought the King had rather expected the advice, and that his mind was relieved by it.

We knew the Queen was much alarmed; but it had been said that the King would not hear of there being any danger.

The account of the King's manner of receiving the advice seemed to tranquillise those who had before been dissatisfied with the resolution which had been come to. We then went to the Home Office, where we found Alderman Thompson, Mr. Oldham (the Chairman of the Entertainment Committee), Lord Hill, Lord F. Somerset, Sir W. Gordon, General Macdonald, and Mr. Phillips. There were two City men I did not know.

The Duke told them the course we had determined to adopt. Alderman Thompson said he anticipated the decision--that it could not be announced in more proper terms. There would be disappointment undoubtedly, but he thought people in general would be satisfied with the reasons. He was almost in tears, and indeed all were much affected--the _cause_ of the measure being the apprehended danger to the Duke.

Just as the letter was going off Alderman Thompson observed that although he had no doubt the letter from the Lord Mayor elect was written by his authority, as it was in a handwriting in which a letter had been received from him by the Entertainment Committee, yet it was not in the Lord Mayor elect's handwriting, nor was it dated or signed by him as the other letter was. It was immediately determined that it must be ascertained whether the Lord Mayor elect had authorised the sending of the letter before Peel's letter to the Lord Mayor was delivered.

Many began to think there was a hoax, and certainly the forgery of one letter would have thrown suspicion upon all the rest.

We were to meet at half-past ten. In going down at half-past ten I called upon Hardinge, who was in his dressing-gown. His servant gone to bed. He did not seem at all surprised.

Went on to the Cabinet room. Found every word of the letter was in the Lord Mayor elect's own handwriting.

Mr. Phillips, Sir R. Binnie, and Col. Rowan came in, and Lord F. Somerset, and Sir W. Gordon. The artillerymen and marines, of whom there were to have been 500, with two guns, at the Obelisk, are not to be moved up. All the other troops are to remain, and every precaution to be taken, as an attempt to create disturbance may be expected on Tuesday.