Chapter VIII: Part 8

Sir A. asked if we would see Knighton? Lord Rosslyn said it would be very satisfactory. However, no Knighton came, but a message through Sir A. Barnard that Sir Wm. Knighton had gone in to the King and had mentioned we were there, and His Majesty had expressed himself very sensible of our kind attention. This I conclude is Knighton's own message, and that the King will never hear we have been. Sir A. Barnard seemed in excellent spirits about the King. He had a good night, and is certainly much better. He talks of being able to go to Ascot and to stand up in the carriage, though he could not go up into the stand.

We met the Bishop of Chichester going back to town. I suppose he thinks he shall not be wanted.

Rode down to the House. East Retford.

The Duke's private account of the King is excellent.

_May 18._

Committee. Examined Colonel Briggs, who gave very good evidence indeed. Ordered the attendance of six witnesses for Tuesday, whom we shall endeavour to despatch, and that will enable everybody to go to Epsom on Thursday and Friday.

The King much better. All his symptoms alleviated.

To-morrow the Duke will get from him his signature to the message for a _stamper_. There are to be three signatures of Ministers, that is, of Privy Councillors, to authorise the stamper, who is to be nominated by the King to affix the royal stamp to instruments in the King's presence.

By the account from Marseilles, it appears that there are 11 sail of the line and 28 frigates in the French expedition, in all 97 sails--about 350 transports, carrying 75,000 tons. There will be 30,500 infantry, besides a very complete equipment of artillery, &c., 75 battering guns, 4,000 horses. The Luke of Angoulême's (the Dauphin's) visit has delayed the expedition four days. They will probably be on the sea _to-day_.

Rosslyn was talking yesterday of the _danger_ from this expedition, and the annexation of Algiers to France. I do not fear it--we can, if we manage well, make it very costly by bringing forward the people of Tunis and Morocco, not near the coast, but almost from the desert. We must take care to secure Tunis, and then the French will be no gainers by their move.

Lord Londonderry made a very foolish speech about foreign policy in putting off his motion, which stood for the 25th. Aberdeen promised the Greek papers on _Monday next_.

_May 19._

The Duke saw the King to-day and found him looking better than he did at the last Council.

The drain from the legs is now very small. He was annoyed last night by them and sent for Halford, who sent off for Brodie; but there was nothing of importance. They cannot yet say that he will not ultimately die of this complaint. Knighton thinks he will be an invalid all his life. Tierney says they cannot tell for a week whether there is any mischief remaining about the chest. The Duke wished to speak to him about the stamp; but he made an excuse about his legs requiring some dressing, and the Duke, seeing he did not choose to talk about business, went away.

It seems clear that Leopold means to abdicate.

The Attorney-General has made his libel preventive measure a poor weak inoperative thing, ridiculous, and unconciliating.

The French Chambers are dissolved as a _coup de théâtre_ on the sailing of the expedition, and they are to meet on August 3, by which time they expect to hear of its success.

A union of parties is expected on the Greek affair. I am not sorry for it. The Huskissonians and Whigs are drawing nearer together. The Tories, on the other hand, are rather approximating to us--so that by the beginning of next Session men will be at last in their right places.

_May 21._

The King had a bad night. The private letter gave a bad account. He has been _drinking again_, very irritable, _intolerably_ so. Halford says, would neither sit in a chair nor lie in a bed, &c. Halford at last held strong language, and I believe told him his life depended on his obeying his physician.

I am very much disappointed indeed at this. I hoped he was really getting better and would live.

Aberdeen is to allow the instalments of the loan guaranteed to Leopold to be paid in four instead of eight years if he can keep him to his principality by doing so.

The French were off on the 18th. There is a partial change in their Ministry.

_May 23._

Rode to the Cabinet at three from Roehampton. The bulletin is that the King had had embarrassments in his breathing.

The Duke waited two and a half hours before he saw him yesterday. The King signed the two messages, and then said 'the Duke has just caught me in time!' and in an instant there was a gurgling in his throat. He seized Knighton's arm. The Duke ran for Halford, went out into the gallery where he did not find him, then into another room where he was. Halford immediately took a bottle from the table and gave the King something which seemed to relieve him.

The Duke thinks the King was in pain three or four seconds; but it was a minute and a half before he was relieved. He then did not speak; but made a motion with his hand for the Duke to go.

He had just before been talking of going to Ascot and then to Aix-la- Chapelle.

The King was perfectly satisfied with the proposed arrangement for the stamp.

He asked the news, was told Leopold was behaving very ill, and agreed.

As to Algiers he was told the note of the French Minister was unsatisfactory, and that it was under consideration whether a note should not be presented. He thought it right.

The Duke's opinion is that if the King should be seized with one of those attacks when no one was with him, he would die.

The opinion of Halford and the others is that the disorder is mortal; but he may live six weeks or two months.

The punctures are healed. They are afraid of opening them again for fear of mortification, and can only proceed by medicines.

The King's state seems distressing. He can neither remain quiet in his chair or in his bed. He is in a state of constant restlessness.

The Duke of Cumberland was there to-day, but the King had desired he might not see him.

Leopold has declined. He sent a note to that effect on Friday night at twelve o'clock--very well written, not by himself. Aberdeen thinks Palmerston wrote it. He takes popular ground, and cannot impose himself upon _a reluctant people_. The fact is Friday's bulletin wrote his letter.

The Duke thinks he will be shown up. The papers presented to-morrow will be no more than it was before intended to present; but Aberdeen will announce the _evasion_ of the sovereign, and say that that circumstance will render necessary the production of other papers which will be presented as soon as they can be printed. The whole discussion will turn upon Leopold's conduct.

Aberdeen will be in the position of the manager of a country theatre who, just as the curtain is about to be drawn up, is obliged to come forward and announce that the amateur gentleman who had solicited the part of Macbeth, who had attended all the rehearsals, and whose only difficulty, which was about money, seemed to be in a fair way of adjustment, had unexpectedly intimated his intention to withdraw in a printed address to the galleries.

Forsooth there should have been an appeal to the people of Greece on the subject of their Government! An appeal to the people of Newgate on the subject of the new police! [Footnote: This sentiment, however severe, represents the feeling about the Greeks of many Englishmen at that time, and especially of those who, as in the case of naval officers employed in Greek waters, had seen much of them during the war. Their struggle for independence was undoubtedly disgraced, not only by cruelty, but by a treachery and disregard of faith which, though perhaps attributable to past subjection and oppression, was peculiarly odious to English observers. Lord Ellenborough adopted this view.]

By a letter of C. Capo d'Istria's, dated 25 M., April 6, written immediately after his receipt of one from Leopold (after his acceptance), it appears that Leopold had intimated his intention to change his religion. He must have had about forty-eight hours to consider the point.

Lord Melville had heard that Leopold had consulted Lord Grey and Lord Lansdowne without acquainting one that he had seen the other.

_May 24._

Rode to the office at four to receive the manufacturers. Mr. Crawford was there, Finlay being ill. I told them of my plans as to the Indus. I directed their attention to the point of bringing out in evidence the effect the stoppage in China had upon the general trade of the East. I again desired them to show, if they could, why British manufactures did not go to China by the country trade.

Met Aberdeen. Told him I thought, on consideration, that a reply to Leopold would lead to an answer from him, to which the Plenipotentiaries could not reply without entering into an undignified discussion with Palmerston, who would be the real controversialist.

There should be an answer, but it should be addressed to the Residents, and what could not be addressed to them might be stated in Parliament, that is, all relating to letters, conversations, &c.

I dare say Leopold will publish to-morrow. It is unlucky the French have troops in the Morea. If they had not, I should be disposed to leave the Greeks to settle their affairs as they pleased, giving them no money. They would soon become reasonable.

The bulletin had 'The King had a sleepless night.'

House at five. The message and address. The Opposition made no objection to the address, which was carried _nemine dissentiente_. Lord Grey seems to expect a delegation of the royal authority. I told Lord Holland I thought he would be satisfied.

Then Aberdeen presented the Greek papers, and, having explained their contents, stated the change of circumstances since Friday night. He represented Leopold as having made preliminary objections on other points, but none on any but money since February 20, when he accepted. Within these few days other grounds have been taken, and the abdication is on these other grounds.

There was much movement amongst the Opposition. Aberdeen was accused of unfairness. Lord Durham opened the fire, and I prevented Aberdeen from answering him. The others--Darnley, Lord Londonderry, and Lord Winchelsea, all for Leopold. In short there is a general union of all those who prefer the rising to the setting sun. We shall have a personal debate.

We went into E. Retford. I sat by the Chancellor, and worked the Bill for the King's relief.

In the House of Commons little was said upon these points. Aberdeen did well. He can make a biting speech as well as any one, and in a quiet way.

_May 25._

The King passed yesterday uncomfortably. He was a little relieved by medicines during the night. Water is forming again.

House. The Chancellor explained very well the objects and details of the King's Relief [Footnote: Relieving him from the necessity of constant signatures.] Bill. The only objections made were to reading it to-morrow, and it was conceded that it should be read on Thursday--to its duration, and it was conceded that should last a month. Lord Grey, I hear, says it is too complicated, that it would have been better to appoint a Custos Regni. I hope he will say that on Thursday.

There is but little hope of the King's living till the Bill is passed.

_May 26._

Hardinge, whom I met in the Park, told me Sir J. Graham informed him there was to be an opposition _à l'outrance_. That Lord Anglesey was to be Minister Lord Grey would serve with him. Palmerston was to be made a great man of. Huskisson to have nothing but revenge. The Duke of Richmond was to be had at all events. All this is childish.

House. I expected nothing but the Chancellor's Bill, and went at half-past five, expecting to find Eldon in the midst of his speech; but I found Lord Durham talking about Greece, and soon engaged in the talk myself. Lord Grey was decidedly in opposition. I called the attention of the House to this, that our conduct was to be judged of by the papers on the table--the resignation of Leopold was not alleged to have taken place in consequence of any act of the Government. If noble Lords chose to put on one side the conduct of the Government, and to make this a mere personal question as to the conduct of Leopold we were prepared to enter into the discussion. In speaking of Leopold I said he 'was connected with this country by some of its dearest recollections.'

Cabinet dinner. The King's digestion is affected now; but otherwise he is well. He has had many attacks of embarrassed breathing; but none serious. The Duke of Clarence was in the room with him (the Duke of W. being present) for a quarter of an hour today. The King talked of his own danger. He said, 'God's will be done. I have injured no man.' This he often repeated. He said, speaking of his own danger to the Duke of Clarence, 'it will all rest on you then.' He was in very good humour, very angry, however, with Leopold--his anger brought on a slight spasm.

He afterwards talked of going to Ascot, and told the Duke to manage that he might be able to go to Aix-la-Chapelle.

He is much pleased with the conduct of both Houses about his Signature Bill. After dinner Aberdeen read His proposed answer to Leopold to be addressed to the Residents with a copy of Leopold's letter. It was full of admissions, many of which Peel noticed. Aberdeen was going to meet Laval about it. I objected to sending a copy of the letter to Leopold, as that would as much lead to a reply as if they answered him directly. This the Cabinet seemed to feel; and if there is a letter to the Residents it will be printed with the other papers only, and not communicated.

_May 27._

Privy Council at one. The Archbishop of Canterbury ordered to frame a prayer for the King's recovery.

Cabinet. King's Signature Bill amended. Then Aberdeen read a letter from the Residents in Greece giving an account of all that took place from the notification of the protocol to the Senate to their adhesion. Unfortunately this letter was not sent to Leopold as it ought to have been, when he on the 15th sent Capo d'Istria's letter to Aberdeen, and it is thought we cannot publish it. It shows that the adhesion was entire.

No answer to his letter is to be published. We are to wait till we can have a protocol. Laval would not sign any joint letter to the Residents. Being so near he prefers waiting for the orders of his Court.

House. King's Signature Bill passed, with some amendments. It is to last till the end of the Session.

The King's command is to be signified by _word of mouth_, a very inconvenient mode to a sick man.

East Retford for a House.

All Columbia is at war again. The Mexicans are urging the Haytians to land 5,000 men in Cuba. Peel fears war will begin there by the Americans taking Texas.

Fitzgerald writes from Paris that he thinks the French will not retain Algiers. That an energetic demand on our part would have drawn from Polignac a distinct disavowal of the intention. That he does not think the channel (Lord Stuart) a good one.

I think Fitzgerald would not at all dislike being made Ambassador at Paris.

It seems there is a very sore feeling indeed excited by de Peyronnet's appointment. He thinks the only safety of the Government is in throwing themselves upon the ultra-Royalists.

The King is a little better. His stomach begins to bear a little light food again.

_May 28._ The account of the King not good.

Cabinet. Found them talking about Scotch boroughs. Aberdeen presented the papers relative to Leopold in the House. Some conversation as to the correctness in point of form of presenting them printed. The rule is to present papers written by the King's command, and to have them printed for the immediate use of the House.

The Commons passed the King's Signature Bill without a word.

I thought it necessary to determine at once who should be the new judge at Bombay, and upon full consideration thought Awdry the best man. The Chancellor had no objection, and I immediately wrote to Awdry to tell him I should advise the King to appoint him.

_May 29._

Before the Cabinet met Hardinge and walked some time up and down Downing Street with him. He told me the Duke had proposed an exchange between him and Lord F. Leveson. Hardinge declined; however, he was at last induced to acquiesce. There cannot be a better thing for him, for the Government, and for Ireland, than his going there. I have always told him so. We may now be satisfied things will go on well there. Lord F. Leveson is a mere boy, and quite unequal to the situation. Hardinge will do admirably and be very popular. So will she. They will like an Irishwoman.

_June 1._

The King had a quiet night. In other respects he is much the same.

_June 2._

Employed all the morning on the Greek papers. Cabinet dinner at Peel's. The King rather better. They have opened punctures above the knees. 400 papers were stamped. Lord Farnborough was the stamper. The King was perfectly alive to all that was going on.

A steamboat has made the passage from Bombay to Suez in a month and two days, leaving Bombay on March 20 and reaching Suez on April 22. The letters arrived here on May 31. The steamboat was detained ten days for coals. There was no steam conveyance from Alexandria to Malta, so we may reckon upon gaining fourteen days at least upon this passage. Besides, the steam vessel was probably a bad one.

_June 3._

House. Aberdeen, in reply to a question of Lord Londonderry's, promised all the protocols of Paris! A most voluminous mass of dull twaddle. The House postponed Miss Hickson's divorce case to Lord Salisbury and East Retford. We had only 18 to 69! The Duke seemed very angry, and I heard him speaking to Lord Bathurst of some peer who went out without voting, whose conduct seemed to make him very indignant.

_June 4._

House. All seems quiet again. Nothing more said about Leopold. There was to be a meeting to-day at Lord Lansdowne's which the Duke of Newcastle was expected to attend. Palmerston was at the last. [Footnote: The conjunction of these names indicated an alliance of Whigs, Canningites, and Tories irritated by the Roman Catholic Bill.] Rosslyn does not know whether Lord Grey was.

The King not going on well by the bulletin; worse by the private account, which, however, I did not see. He has lost his appetite and grows weaker.

The Duke has not yet read my Nagpore letter; but he will to-morrow. He seems to agree with me in general views upon the subject of our policy towards the native States.

_June 5._

Chairs at 11. They are dissatisfied with Malcolm for sending a steam vessel into the Red Sea, because he had no important intelligence to communicate! I shall never make these people feel they are at the head of a _State!_

The bulletin to-day is very alarming. The Duke had not returned at half- past 4; but soon after he was seen coming into town looking very melancholy. The Duchess of Gloucester arrived an hour later. I thought the Duke had stayed to be there at the King's death. Knighton sent up to Goulburn to desire a warrant might be sent down to be stamped conveying the King's fines, &c., belonging to the Privy Purse.

Goulburn very properly refused to send the warrant till he had seen the Duke. This looks as if they did not expect 24 hours.

He was as ill as possible when Aberdeen saw him yesterday for a few minutes.

A Cabinet is summoned for half-past 3 to-morrow.

All is still again in the House of Commons, as well as with us. They have found the Leopold line will not do.

_June 6._

Cabinet at half-past 3. They all say Scarlett did ill. He did not fight gallantly, and he fought without judgment.

The Duke said he thought the King was _really_ suffering yesterday; but from several circumstances he thought he would live three or four weeks. The physicians said eight days. He was better than when Aberdeen saw him on Friday. No stamping was done. Peel went down to-day. It was hoped some papers would be stamped. Peel had not returned when the Cabinet separated at 5.

Aberdeen brought forward the question of a Bill it is thought necessary to introduce in consequence of slave-dealing by Brazilian subjects having now become piracy.

Goulburn seems to be unable to fix any time for the conclusion of the Session in the event of a demise. I fear it will be necessary to sit a long time to get the necessary votes. There are no less than fifty subjects unvoted.

_June 7._

House. In going down met Goulburn, who said the account of the King was very bad. Halford had suggested it would be better for the Duke to go down; which he did. Peel thought the King very much changed indeed in the week which had elapsed since he last saw him.

_June 8._

Cabinet at 3. The diplomatic expenses were carried only by 18, and the abolition of the punishment of death for forgery was carried by 13. This is a very serious state of things; with such a Parliament there is no depending upon the carrying of any measure, and Peel is quite disgusted. As to the Forgery Bill it will be difficult to find juries to convict when a majority has decided against the punishment of death. I am satisfied that the property of many will be exposed to much danger by the abolition of the punishment of death.

One Ashe who has libelled the Duke of Cumberland, or written a threatening letter, will be prosecuted as if he had done the same thing against any private individual.

The Fee Bill will be altered in the Committee (which out of delicacy is indefinitely postponed) and the commissioners continued by endorsement. This is a very ingenious device, saving all the difficulty of dealing with patent offices and of sharing the present fees.

Lord Combermere has written a letter to the Duke explaining and defending his conduct. This is a trouble brought upon us by Astell. He has written rather an impertinent answer to my letter respecting the 600£ for the Russian papers, or rather some one has written it for him and he has only signed it.

I find Mr. Archibald Campbell, who applied yesterday to me for an assistant-surgeoncy, is Campbell of Blytheswood, a good voter and a great friend of Lord Melville's, and others. I have given him the surgeoncy. I told Planta, who is much pleased.

The Duke was sent for because the physicians intended to acquaint the King with his danger.

He was restless yesterday. The bulletin says he passed a very distressing day. He walked across the room, however, and will probably last some days.

In the House, East Retford till 8, when I came away.

_June 9._

A better bulletin. Office before 12. Settled with Wortley the 'reasons' for abolishing the College. [Footnote: Haileybury.]

At 3 Sir P. Freeling came. Went with him and Wortley to Lord Melville's. There will be no difficulty in getting the steam vessel to Alexandria.

Read Colonel Macdonald's Journal for January, February, and to March 10. It is not so interesting as the last portion, or rather not so entertaining. These make no doubt from the account of Khosroo Murza and of the others who went to Petersburg, that the conquest of India by the route of Khiva and Bokhara is the favourite object of the Russians, and the whole people seem animated by hatred of England.

Cabinet dinner _chez moi_. The Duke did not see the King to-day; the Dukes of Clarence and Cumberland being there, whom he did not wish to see. The King is better. There is coagulated lymph in his legs, one thigh, Tierney thinks, is a little swelled. He has had no embarrassment of breathing for thirty-six hours, and slept yesterday as soundly as a child.

The man who was with the Queen and the Duke of York when they died is with the King now. When the King was sleeping yesterday Knighton said to him, 'This is not the sleep of death!' The other answered, 'Lord, sir! he will not die!' They think the King has never thought himself in danger, not even when they told him he was. He seemed flurried, however, or they thought so, for a moment, and then they endeavoured to unsay; but the King, who was quite firm, said, 'No, no! I understand what you think. Call in the Bishop and let him read prayers.'

Last night he was talking a great deal to Knighton, and was as amusing as ever. In constitution and in mind he is certainly a wonderful man. I have no doubt that the feeling that he is always in representation makes him behave in the face of death as a man would on the field of battle.

_June 10._

The King passed a restless night. He is weaker than he has been yet.

East Retford. Salisbury concluded his case.

_June 11._

House. I expected to get away immediately; but Lord Londonderry made a motion for papers, which led to a discussion of an hour and a half. He was put down entirely by Aberdeen, who really, with a bad manner, said very good things. At last Lord Londonderry chose to say the Contents had it and did not divide, so that the motion was negatived _nemine contradicente_. Most scandalously many went out, not voting against the motion after Aberdeen had declared it would be injurious to the public service to give the Papers.

The King rather better, but weaker.

_June 12._

Chairs. They did not come till half-past 11. I began to think they had taken huff and did not mean to come at all, as I had taken no notice of Astell's letter. However, they came. They do not much like my Nagpore letter, which it seems is contrary to the line of policy laid down by the Court and approved of by Wynne. I told them I took the responsibility upon myself. They were ministerial only. My opinion was confirmed by that of Jenkins and of the Duke.

Met at dinner, at Hardinge's, Arbuthnot, with whom I had some conversation about the Report he is writing on the China Evidence. He is to show it to me. The Duke saw the King, who is much better. The King said he would defer taking the sacrament till he was well; but he takes it to-morrow as a _convalescent_.

_June 13._

Cabinet at half-past 3. First considered the line to be adopted on the Forgery Bill, which seems to be to allow it to pass unaltered, throwing the whole responsibility on the House of Commons; but Peel is to see the bankers and merchants that he may ascertain what their opinions are now the Bill has passed the Commons abolishing the punishment of death for forgery. Peel's idea is that no conviction would be obtained.

I believe the French and the Russians are so alarmed by the effect produced in France by the continued exhibition of democratic violence in Greece and successful rebellion, that they would be disposed to enter into our views with respect to the nomination of a prince rather than leave the question open; but that they will procrastinate if they find we will unite with them in giving money which may keep Greece in a state of tranquillity. As to Capo d'Istria, he first wished to prevent the nomination of any prince and to keep the government to himself. When he found that would not do, he endeavoured to frighten Leopold into subserviency; but if he finds he can get money without having a prince, he will frighten other princes and remain there himself.

It is like paying money in consequence of a threatening letter. If it is done once there is no stopping.

I said I believed the dissolution of the Acarnanian army, happen as it might, would be better than its maintenance, and that the state of anarchy into which it was pretended Greece would fall if it had not money, would be a better foundation of improvement than the state of military thraldom in which it is now held.

Peel proposed that Dawkins should be instructed under circumstances of imminent danger to advance money not exceeding 20,000£, and this would be the best way of doing it. The Duke has great repugnance to giving anything, and objects to doing what might be considered an unconstitutional act. He hopes Aberdeen will be able to persuade the other Powers to give 30,000£ each, leaving us out of the subscription.

The thing was left undetermined. I suggested that it was by no means impossible a question might be asked by some 'friend of Greece' whether we intended to give or had given money in consequence of Capo d'Istria's representations, and then what we had done would come out. In fact if the King was well the matter would be brought before Parliament.

His illness creates great embarrassment. It is doubtful whether the Government can command majorities on questions on which a defeat under ordinary circumstances would lead them to resign; but it is known that now they cannot resign and cannot dissolve, and the Opposition has no other effect than that of interfering with the conduct of public business.

A powerful man would place this strongly before the country and bring the House to a sense of its duty.

The Duke showed me the letter he had written to Lord Combermere in reply to his, upon my Memorandum. It is _excellent_.

There is to be a great fight upon sugar. Charles Grant makes a proposition, and Goulburn proposes to modify his original proposition by suggesting the addition of 6_d_. a gallon to Scotch and Irish spirits and to rum, thus leaving the proportional burthen nearly the same. In addition to this he proposes lowering the duty on the inferior kinds of sugar.

The French Expedition was in Palma Bay on May 31, awaiting the arrival of the last division, which was expected the next day.

_June 15._

The King much better. He has been in good spirits about himself, and has expectorated, which is thought a good sign.

In the House of Commons Goulburn's altered plans seem to have succeeded with all parties as far as first impression goes.

_June 16._

At the Cabinet dinner spoke to Lord Melville and Goulburn about the embarrassments of the civil servants. Both are very much indisposed to grant the papers asked for by Hume on the subject. I shall write to Arbuthnot to do what he can to prevent their being given.

The Duke got a number of papers stamped--indeed all the arrears, about 400. The King paid more attention to them than he ever did while he was well. He recollected everything.

The Duke did not think him so well as when he last saw him. The physicians do not like this catarrh. The Duke thought his hand was hotter than usual, that he was larger, and that altogether he was not so well. His judgment has hitherto been so correct that I attach much importance to it.

Peel spoke after dinner with much _ennui_ of his position in the House of Commons. He complained that it really was not worth a man's while to be there for so many hours every night. The sacrifice was too great. He said the Radicals had brought the House into such a state that no man could do business but themselves. He seemed not well, and thoroughly out of humour.

We had some discussion about the Forgery Bill. We are to see the Governor and deputy-governor of the Bank, &c. The Duke is much indisposed to acquiesce in the Commons' amendment.

Peel thinks that after the vote of the House of Commons no verdicts will be obtained; but may not a contrary vote of the House of Lords turn public opinion into its former course? I think it may.

_June 17._

In French newspaper a bad report of the French fleet, which is very much dispersed. One division was in sight of the shore on May 30 when it came on to blow, and they ran to Majorca. The other divisions will have gone to the rendezvous on the African shore, where they will have met no men-of-war and much bad weather. The star of Napoleon is set.

Lord Combermere has written another letter to the Duke, in which he acknowledges his error as to the compact in 1796 and 1801, and says he was led into it by Col. Fagan. He restates all he before said on the other points, and still wishes his letter to go to the King.

The King seems to have had a good night. I did not hear the private account.

_June 18._

Received last night from Astell a letter in which he speaks of an intended address of his respecting the Nagpore letter. I have told him he has already privately told me his opinion--that the Act of Parliament has made no provision for a representation on the part of the Secret Committee if they disagree with the Board, and I cannot receive any such representation officially. I have further told him that I think any more delay will be injurious to the public service.

Wrote a letter to Runjeet Singh to go with the horses. Showed it to Lord Amherst, Clare, and Auckland. Lord Amherst and Clare were delighted with it. Showed it to the Duke, who approved. Saw the Duke.

The King alarmed the princesses yesterday, but the Duke of Clarence did not think him so ill. I saw the Duke of Clarence's letter to the Duke of W. Halford thinks the expectoration is an additional evil.

_June 19._

At 11 Privy Council to hear the appeal of Elphinstone (that is, East India Company) against Ameerchund Bidruchund, a case of booty. Remained till half-past two, when I was obliged to come away, having a dinner at Roehampton. Indeed I do not think that upon a point affecting the revenues of India I ought to vote as a judge.

Brougham ridiculed the Directors who sat there in a mass, nine of them. Fergusson spoke of "the Court." Brougham said he was not surprised he should make that mistake seeing such an array of directors. Brougham put it _ad verecundiam_ to the directors whether they would vote upon a question in which they were directly interested, and in which they had already appeared by Counsel.

They were and will be very sulky. They will stay away and decline supporting Government.

The bulletin is bad.

Two most impertinent letters from Lord Arbuthnot and Mr. Arbuthnot asking for, or rather _demanding_, cadetships. They will find I am not to be bullied.

_June 21._

The King expectorated blood yesterday. He is failing in strength, and now certainly dying.

Read a memorandum of Wilson's on a proposed remodelling of the army. It is founded on my idea of bringing it into the form it formerly had, with fewer European officers and more native officers, in higher ranks. He proposes having two more European Non-Commissioned officers, a Subadar Major, and another Subadar, and several minor things.

_June 22._

Cabinet. The Duke thought the character of the Government would be affected if we gave up the Forgery Bill in the Lords, not in consequence of any change of opinion, but of a majority of 13 in the House of Commons. I am satisfied the law, as it is, ought to be maintained. In the House Lord Lansdowne made a speech on moving the second reading, and Lord Winchelsea and the Duke of Richmond said they should vote for the Bill as it was-- none, however, taking religious objections, Lord Lansdowne throwing out that he would consent to make the bill temporary. The Chancellor made a very good speech, expressing his general objections to the Bill as it stands, and reserving his reasons for the Committee.

The King is rather worse and weaker.

In the House of Commons last night a mine was sprung and all parties, Whigs and Tories, East and West Indians, united by a trick on the sugar duties. However, we had a majority.

_June 23._

It seems Peel and Herries and even Goulburn himself rather doubts whether the sugar arrangement will work, and Peel has some doubt as to his majority. Altogether he is very much out of humour, or rather _ennuyé_, and a very little would induce him to give up.

Cabinet dinner. The Duke saw the King and some stamping took place. The King was much worse than on Saturday. The expectoration is matter from the lungs. Knighton says that if they can keep the bowels right he may live a month. Halford says if he was an ordinary man he should think he would not live three days. Tierney says his pulse almost failed while he was asleep this morning, and he thought he would have died. The Duke says he thinks more with Knighton than the others.

The King was perfectly alive to all the business done. He talks of going to the Cottage still.

Much talk at the Cabinet dinner as to what should be done as to dissolution; but all depends on the time of the King's death, and the state of public business then.

Peel, Herries, and all seem to think the Low Party gains, and will gain strength. Hume, on Whitbread's retirement, is to come in for Middlesex.

_June 24._

House. Galway Franchise Bill read second time Counsel were to have been heard; but the petitioners declined having them. I fear we shall have a sharp debate about it to-morrow, and Lord Grey be directly opposed to the Duke, and the worst of it is I do not believe our case is very good.

Hardinge and Wortley both say we are in a great scrape with these sugar duties, and Ireland, which was all with us, is hostile again on account of the spirit and stamp duties.

Walked as far as Mrs. Arbuthnot's with the Duke. He told me his view of the Galway Franchise Bill, and is very certain of his case. He feels Goulburn has satisfied no one with his sugar duties.

The King seems much worse by the bulletin; but the private account was not much so. He was said to be worse when Lord Hill left Windsor. I really believe that we are so bothered with sugar duties and other things that an immediate demise and immediate dissolution would be best for us, and for the country.

_June 25._

Went to the Duke about the Galway Bill before the House met. The Duke spoke very well and made a very good case. Lord Grey well, but the Chancellor demolished his speech, and placed the question on such good grounds that it was useless to speak afterwards; nor was there much subsequent debate. The Duke of Buckingham made a speech against us, in which he mistook every point, and gave me a great disposition to follow him; but I knew if I did I should have a whole hornet's nest upon me, and I wished to keep Durham and Radnor in check, or answer them. Had I spoken the debate would have lasted three hours more. As it was we got away by nine. On the division we had 62 to 47. Not brilliant. Our case was excellent. I had feared it would be indifferent. The Chancellor had got it up admirably. Lord Londonderry, the Dukes of Newcastle and Richmond, Calthorpe, all the Canningites, of course voted against us. Dudley was in the House at one time, but he did not vote against us, nor has he once since he went out.

The King much weaker.

_June 26._

At half-past eight this morning I received a Cabinet box containing the bulletin signed by Halford and Tierney of the King's death, and Halford's private letter to the Duke of Wellington. The letter stated that the King had slept for about two hours and woke a little before three. Soon afterwards, Sir W. Waller only being in the room, he suddenly put his hand to his breast, and said, 'Good God, what is the matter? This is death?' He then sent for Halford. He and the others came, and so soon afterwards as I have said, he expired without the least struggle or pain.

Peel summoned a Cabinet at half-past ten. We met and talked of very little but in what dress we should go to the Council, which was to be at twelve. It was agreed we should go in black, shoes and stockings, but not full dress. However, after I left the room the Duke arrived, and said the King [Footnote: The Duke of Clarence now became William IV] intended to appear in uniform, so the Duke, Lord Bathurst, Rosslyn, and Sir J. Murray, who were there, put on their uniforms. The group at the Council was most motley. Lords Grey, Lansdowne, Spencer, Tankerville, Sir J. Warrender, and some others being in black full dress. Lord Camden and some more in uniform, which several sent for after they arrived, as Salisbury and Hardinge. The mass, however, in plain black, some in colours. The Royal Dukes came in full dress.

We waited a long time before the Council, almost two hours, a time occupied in audiences.

The Duke of Cumberland got the King to send for Lord Eldon, who went in for a minute only. The Duke of Cumberland received his gold stick, and seemed very active. The Duke of Wellington, Lord Bathurst, Rosslyn, the Chancellor, and Sir R. Peel went in together, and personally acquainted the King with the late King's death. The King said he might not have an opportunity of seeing that day the rest of his late Majesty's confidential servants; but he told those present that all had his confidence, and that they would receive his _entire, cordial, and determined support_. He told the Chancellor in a private audience not only the same thing, but that if at any time he should hear reports of his ceasing to place confidence in his Government, they were not to be believed. If he had any fault to find he would at once tell them.

When the Duke and the others came out from the King we all went to the ball-room, where we began to sign the proclamation, and a few, the Royal Dukes and others, had signed, when we were called to the Privy Council Room, where the King soon arrived, attended by the household of the late King. He took his seat, and read his declaration. He read it with much feeling, and it was well imagined, and will have a good effect. The Lord President entreated it might be printed.

I should have mentioned that before the King came in the Council made the usual orders, with the addition of an order for defacing the late King's stamps, which was accordingly done by the clerk of the Council.

When the declaration had been read the King took the Scotch oath in the usual form, the Lord-President reading it to him, and the King holding up his right hand.

He then said it was a satisfaction to him to find such a Privy Council, and requested them all to take the oath.

This the Royal Dukes did first, then the Speaker, that he might go to the House of Commons. Then the Archbishop and the Chancellor together, then the Dukes, with the Lord President and Privy Seal, then the Marquises, then others according to their rank. When all had taken the Privy Councillor's oath the Lord Chancellor took his, and the Clerk of the Council was sworn by the Lord President. The King then retired, and the Council ordered as usual respecting the disposal of the late King's body.

After the swearing in we signed the Proclamation. Some remained to alter the Liturgy. Queen Adelaide is to be prayed for, and the rest of the Royal family.

The Duke of Norfolk was there as Earl Marshal. He observed he was the only person there who was not a Privy Councillor, and expressed a wish to be one. The Duke mentioned it to the King, who readily assented. He observed there had been no Duke of Norfolk a member of the Privy Council since the time of James II., and that that Duke of Norfolk was a Protestant. The Duke of Norfolk, however, will consider the oath before he takes it. He would have taken the Earl Marshal's oath to-day, but it was not there.

We met in Cabinet at 4.

The only innovations I yet hear of are in the dress of regiments. The King intends, as he told Lord Farnborough, to live at Windsor. He intends to have a battalion of the Guards at Edinburgh, and a regiment of the Line at Windsor.

I went in, by some misdirection, the wrong way, and found Wood and Sir Ch. Pole waiting for the King. Wood, whom I met near the Horse Guards, as I was riding down to the Cabinet, told me the King had rehearsed his declaration to him, Sir Ch. Pole, and Lord Errol, before he went into the Privy Council.

There was no grief in the room in which we waited. It was like an ordinary _levée_.

The Chancellor went down to the House between the Cabinet and the Council, and took the oaths.

The Lord Steward was sent for by Peel, and only arrived a quarter before four at the House of Commons.

Lord Holland, Grey, and others seemed to think the Proclamation ought to have been made to-day, and I think it might have been just as well.

The Duke of Wellington was much cheered by the people. The Duke was called out of the Cabinet to see Halford, but we had a long conversation as to the course to be pursued with respect to the Parliament, and especially with respect to the Regency question.

The House must sit next week, as the sugar duties expire on Saturday next, and Goulburn seems disposed to propose a Bill for the continuance of the present duties for a time; to take money on account for miscellaneous services; to throw over the judicial Bills and end the session at once.

The stumbling block is the Regency question--whether it should be brought forward now, and if brought forward, who shall be Regent.

Peel seems to think we can hardly avoid bringing it on; as the session would have lasted two months in the event of the late King's living, why should it not now, when the reason for Parliament sitting is so much greater? And what would be the situation of the country if the King should die, leaving a minor Queen?

Peel suggested appointing the Queen Regent for a year. I said, depend upon it, when the King once has her as Regent he will never consent to change her, and if you appoint her for a year you appoint her for the whole time.

He afterwards suggested her appointment for a year after the King's death on account of the probability of her pregnancy. To this I objected, the state of distraction in which the country would be placed during that year. It is impossible consistently with the constitution to have an Executive, of which the existence shall be dependent on the good pleasure of Parliament.

Peel then suggested the giving to the King the power of naming either the Queen, the Duchess of Kent, or any member of the Royal family. The objection to this is that he ought to name one of the two first--that we got no security against a bad nomination, which we ought to do.

The views we ought to have are these: to give all possible strength to the monarchy. This we do not, if we permit a frequent change of the Executive; if we diminish the power of the Crown while in the hands of a Regency. We want to give stability to the Government, and this can only be given by making the Queen Regent. If we do that we provide, as far as human wisdom can, for a stable Government of seven years.

We can in no case _name_ any other person than the Queen, because she may become pregnant, and in that event it would be monstrous to make the Duchess of Kent Regent. All we can do, then, is to give the King the option of choosing the Queen or the Duchess of Kent. He will name the Queen, and she will be the best.

It has been observed that all Kings of England die either on Saturdays or Sundays.

_June 27._

Came up to a Cabinet at half-past three. We had a great deal of conversation as to the course to be pursued. The Chancellor said that in the event of a minor succeeding to the throne, all the minor's acts would be valid, and under the responsibility of ministers the Great Seal might be put in the minor's name by the minor's sign manual to an Act creating a Regency.

It was determined to take the opinion of the Attorney- and Solicitor- General upon this point.

On the supposition that the law is as the Chancellor states, we considered what should be done. All turns upon our being able to get a temporary Act for the sugar duties, and if we cannot get that we are _really_ no longer a Government. It was determined to carry through the Beer Bill and Beer Duty Bill, to throw over Stamps in Ireland, and carry Spirits. To take a sum of 800,000£ on account of miscellaneous estimates, and 250,000£ on account of the civil list.

These last points were decided at a Cabinet at Sir R. Peel's, which assembled at eleven, and sat till near one; at which the Attorney- and Solicitor-General delivered their opinion, in conformity with that of the Chancellor as to the legal competency of a minor sovereign.

The Attorney-General reminded us that if the King died before the new Parliament assembled, the old Parliament would revive.

Peel talked a good deal of the Regency. He is much in favour of making the Queen Regent for a year after the King's death, to provide for the possible pregnancy. It seems the principle of all Regencies has been to make the guardian of the person Regent. It is curious that the case should never have been provided for of a Queen being left pregnant of an heir apparent, and that it should never have occurred. The difficulty would be infinite.

I consider the death of the King to have been one of the fortunate events which have often saved the Duke of Wellington. I really do not know how we could have gone on, had he lived two months.

The King wishes to make Lord Combermere a Privy Councillor, thinking all gold sticks have been so. We find he is misinformed, and the Duke means to show him the list of gold-sticks not Privy Councillors, and at the same time to tell him how Lord Combermere stands, having within these few months been censured by the Government. The Duke will show the King the correspondence which passed lately, and leave it to him to decide. There would be no objection to making him a Privy Councillor some months or a year hence.

Brougham made a violent speech against Lord Conyngham for not being in readiness to swear in the House of Commons.

_June 28._

Went to St. James's at eleven. The Household, the Royal family, and the Ministers only were there. The King was dressed in plain black. He went to a large window looking into the courtyard, and stood forward. There were but few people there at first, the Horse Guards and the Heralds. The King's band played God Save the King, and those who were there cheered, upon which numbers of people came round from before the Palace and filled the courtyard. They then cheered well.