Chapter XI: Act VII: Be it enacted by this present Grand Assembly ... That the (3)

Of the 110 members of the Company in England, only about one
fourth ever came to America. Cradock himself never came,--though
he had lands and servants here. Most of the members, who stayed
in England, lost all their investment eventually. Indeed, in the
summer of 1629, the Company was already in serious financial
straits. A special inventory, in the fall, rated the stock at only
one third the face value. This condition may have inclined some
stockholders to favor Cradock's proposition in July. The funds paid
in for stock by Winthrop and other new members made it possible for
old members to draw out (on this reduced scale). In this sense, the
new members "bought" out some of the old ones.

4.--_No place of meeting_ is suggested in the charter. This
probably resulted from the fact that the Company was made up
partly of Londoners, partly of Dorchester men (from the West of
England; cf. _American History and Government_, # 57). All such
previous colonizing corporations for America had been designated
geographically (probably for convenient descriptions, rather than
for limitation). But the "Council of Plymouth in the County of
Devon" had never held a meeting at Plymouth: its records show that
all its meetings were held at London. This fact may have helped
to make the even more composite Massachusetts Company wary about
having a place of meeting mentioned in their fundamental law. If
John Winthrop is right in his statement of fifteen years later
(above) that such a limitation was at first put into this document
and that "with much difficulty we got it abscinded," then we may be
sure that the Company desired that elision, not in order that they
might hold meetings in America (as Winthrop afterward assumed),
but to prevent their being hampered in England. This view is made
practically certain when we observe the clause regarding place of
meeting in the charter of the Providence Isle Company (below).
That company certainly never expected to hold its meetings out of
England, but it guards against being hampered, not by mere silence,
but by express provision that it may meet where it likes.]

54. Docket of the Massachusetts Charter, 1629

When the king granted a charter, an exact copy, known as "the
King's Bill," was presented to him, with a _docket_, or abstract,
approved by his Attorney-General. This docket was what the king, or
his council, read.

The following docket, now attached to the King's Bill of
this charter in the London Record Office, is printed in the
_Massachusetts Historical Society Proceedings_ for 1869-1870,
pages 172-173. The italics are used in this reproduction to call
attention to important matters.

May it please your most Excellent Majestie.

Whereas your Majesties most deare and royall father did, by his letteres Patents in the 18th yeare of his raigne, incorporate divers noblemen and others by the name of the Councell for the planting of New England in America and did thereby grant unto them all that part of America which lyeth betweene 40 degrees of Northerly latitude and 48 inclusive,--with divers priviledges and immunities. ... Which said Councell have sithence by theire Charter in March last [1628] granted a part of that Continent to Sir Henrie Rosewell and others, their heires and associates, for ever, with all jurisdiccions, rightes, priviledges, and commodities of the same.

_This Bill_ conteineth your Majesties confirmacion and Grant to the said Sir Henry Rosewell and his partners and their Associates and to their heires and assignes for ever of the said part of New England in America, with the like tenure in socage and reservacion of the fifth part of gould and silver oare,--Incorporating them also by the name of the Governor and Company of the Mattachusetts Bay in New England in America,--with such clauses for the electing of Governors and Officers _here_ in England for the said Company, and powers to make lawes and Ordinances for setling the Governement and Magistracie of the plantacion _there_, and with such exempcions from Customes and Imposicions and some [such?] other privilledges as were originallie granted to the Councell aforesaid and are _usuallie allowed to Corporacions in England_.

And is done by direccion from the Lord Keeper upon your Majesties pleasure therein signified to his Lordship by Sir Ralph Freeman.

(Signed) Ri. Shilton.

55. Excursus: For a Comparative Study of Charters

_Notes upon the Charter for the Company of Westminster for the
Plantation of the Island of Providence_

_December 4/14, 1630_

This very important charter has never been printed. An abstract in
the _Colonial State Papers_ seemed so significant that the editor
of this volume secured a complete transcript of the charter from
the manuscript in the British Record Office. On that transcript,
the notes below are based.

* * * * *

The colony of Providence Isle was of little weight, and the charter
of the proprietary Company, accordingly, has received scant
attention. That document, however, issued twenty-one months later
than that of the Massachusetts Bay Company, is in many ways the
culmination of the series of grants to English corporations for
colonizing purposes. All the powers granted to proprietaries in
earlier charters, including those which were dropped out in the
Massachusetts charter, reappear here; and in some important matters
there is much new detail. A study of this document removes the last
possible basis for the claims of the older New England historians
that the Massachusetts charter was in any peculiar way adapted to
the purpose of a transfer to America.

1. _Puritan membership._--The incorporators comprise the Earl of
Warwick, Lord Say and Sele, Sir Nathaniel Rich, Oliver St. Johns,
and John Pym,--all prominent leaders of the Puritan party, more
prominent than any Puritans in the Massachusetts Company.

2. _Sectarianism._--The Company is given the "Patronages and
Advowsons" of "all" churches and chapells,--without even a
restriction as to the customs of the Church of England (such as
is found in the Baltimore charter). If this provision had been in
the Massachusetts charter, Puritan historians would have found it
certain proof of an intention to build a non-conformist state.
The passage conferring authority to impose the oath of supremacy
is copied from the charters of 1612 and 1629. No other sectarian
restriction occurs.

3. _Place of meeting._--The Company are to govern themselves
and their settlement (as the Virginia Company of 1612 and the
Massachusetts Bay Company) in four "General Courts" each year; but
these courts are to be held "_in any place or places by themselves
to be appointed_." (And, again, the Company is authorized to hold
its courts "_in any place or places convenient_"). Surely, this
disposes of the ancient argument that the omission of a specific
place of meeting in the Massachusetts charter suggests an intention
to establish some place out of England.

The facts as to a specific meeting place for a colonizing
corporation in England seem to be as follows:

_a._ The charter of 1606 establishes two sub-companies, which
necessarily are designated geographically to distinguish one
from the other; and the charters of 1609, 1612, and 1620 use
geographical designations, necessarily, to show to which one of
those sub-companies they respectively apply.

_b._ But the "Plymouth Council" (charter of 1620) did not regard
its geographical designation as fixing its place of meeting, or
else it found it necessary to ignore the restriction. All its
meetings were held, not at Plymouth, but in London.

_c._ The Massachusetts Bay Company was made up of two bodies of
men, one from the east, one from the west of England. This fact,
together with the experience of the Plymouth Council, probably made
them unwilling to have a place of meeting fixed in their charter.

_d._ The Providence Isle charter carries this development, as
suggested above, to its logical conclusion, permitting the Company
itself to fix the places for its meetings. But this last Company
certainly never expected to leave England. So the old argument
from the omission of a specific place in the charter of the
Massachusetts Company falls to the ground.

4. _Law making._--In the General Courts the Company is empowered
"to ordaine frames of Government, _with all things thereto
incident_; and to make reasonable lawes ... not being contrarie
to the Lawes of this our Realme of England ... for the Government
of the Company ... and of all Collonyes which shall be planted
... in the said Islands ... and to appoint, by such title as they
... shall thinke good, such ... offices and officers ... for such
Times and with such powers, as they shall thinke good, both for the
Company here within our Realme of England and for the Collonies in
the said Islands ... and the said Offices and Officers ... to alter
... and displace, and in their places, to appoint others ... and
the said Lawes ... to put into execution."...

5. Admiralty jurisdiction conferred.

6. Local Government. Power to divide the territory into "Provinces,
Counties ... Hundreds, Mannors," or other units, and to erect and
fortify villages, etc., and _to grant letters of incorporation_
to towns and burroughs, "with all Liberties and things unto
Corporations requisite and usual within this our Realme of
England"; and to set up markets; and to constitute and appoint
magistrates and all manner of officers for all local units, with
fit legislation for them.

7. Power of punishment to extend to "life and members," with
authority to exercise martial law.

8. Right to settle restricted to those having a license from the
Company.

9. Rights of Englishmen guaranteed to settlers and their posterity.

10. Company to coin money (not gold or silver).

11. Repetition of the usual privileges granted in earlier
charters, and a "blanket clause" promising the Company "all such
Prerogatives," etc., as have ever been granted to any colonizing
Company in England.

56. The Massachusetts Company's Agreement with Mr. Higginson

Alexander Young's _Chronicles of Massachusetts_ (1846), 209 ff.
Young modernized the spelling. On March 19, at a meeting of the
Company, it had been decided to try to secure Higginson for the
coming voyage.

_A true note of the allowance that the New-England_ [_Massachusetts Bay_] _Company have, by common consent and order of their Court and Council, granted unto Mr. Francis Higginson, Minister, for his maintenance in New-England, April 8, 1629._

1.--Imprimis, that 30 pounds in money shall be forthwith paid him by the Company's treasurer towards the charges of fitting himself with apparel and other necessaries for his voyage.

2.--Item, that 10 pounds more shall be paid over by the said treasurer towards the providing of books for present use.

3.--Item, that he shall have 30 pounds yearly paid him for three years, to begin from the time of his first arrival in New-England, and so to be accounted and paid him at the end of every year.

4.--Item, that during the said time, the Company shall provide for him and his family necessaries of diet, housing and firewood, and shall be at charges of transporting him into New-England; and at the end of the said three years, if he shall not like to continue there any longer, to be at the charge of transporting him back for England.

5.--Item, that in convenient time a house shall be built, and certain lands allotted thereunto; which, during his stay in the country, and continuance in the ministry, shall be for his use; and after his death or removal, the same to be for succeeding ministers.

6.--Item, at the expiration of the said three years, a hundred acres of land shall be assigned to him and his heirs forever.

7.--Item, that in case he shall depart this life in that country, the said Company shall take care for his widow during her widowhood and abode in that country and Plantation; and the like for his children whilst they remain upon the said Plantation.

8.--Item, that the milk of two kine shall be appointed towards the charges of diet for him and his family as aforesaid, and half the increase of calves during the said three years; but the said two kine, and the other half of the increase, to return to the Company at the end of the said three years.

9.--Item, that he shall have liberty of carrying over bedding, linen, brass, iron, pewter, of his own, for his necessary use during the said time.

10.--Item, that if he continue seven years upon the said Plantation, that then a hundred acres of land more shall be allotted him for him and his forever....

Further,[36] though it was not mentioned in the Agreement, but forgotten, Mr. Higginson was promised a man-servant, to take care and look to his things, and to catch him fish and fowl, and provide other things needful, and also two maid-servants, to look to his family.

57. First Government in Massachusetts Bay under the Company in England; April, 1629

_Records of the Governor and Company of Massachusetts Bay_ (1853;
edited by Nathaniel Shurtleff), I, 361 ff.

The early records were kept very informally,--more so than would
pass with a high school debating society today. This particular
entry is placed by the editor far out of its chronological order,
preserved as it was on a loose sheet of manuscript. Previous to the
transfer of the Company to America, the records as printed would
fill about one hundred pages of this volume.

_A generall Court, holden at London, the 30th Day of Aprill, 1629, by the Governor and Company of the Mattachusetts Bay in New England._

Whereas the Kings most excellent Majesty hath bin gratiously pleased to erect and establish us, by his lettres pattents, under the great seale of England, to bee a body corporate, entytuled the Governor and Company of the Mattachusetts Bay in New England, and therby hath endowed us with many large and ample priviledges and immunities, with power to make good and wholsome lawes, and ordinances for the better maintenance and support of the said priviledges and for the better and more orderly and regular government, to bee observed in the prosecucion and propagacion of our intended voyages and the plantacion there, authorising us to nominate and appoint and select fitt persons amoungst ourselves for the managing, ordering, and governing of our affaires, both in England and in the places speyed and graunted unto us by vertue of his majestys said charter, wee have, in the prosecucion of the said power and authoritie given us ... thought fitt to settle and establish an absolute government at our plantacion in the said Mattachusetts Bay in New England, which, by the vote and consent of a full and ample Court now assembled, is ... ordered as followeth, viz.:--

That thirteene of such as shalbe reputed the most wyse, honest, expert, and discreete persons resident upon the said plantacion, shall from tyme to tyme, and at all tyme hereafter, have the sole managing and ordering of the government and our affaires there, who, to the best of their judgments, are to endeavor soe to settle the same as may make most to the glory of God, the furtherance and advancement of this hopeful plantacion, the comfort, encouragement, and future benefitt of us and others, the beginners and prosecutors of this soe laudable a worke. The said 13 persons soe appointed to bee entytled by the name of the Governor and Councell of =_Londons Plantacion in the Mattachusetts Bay in New England_=.

And having taken into due consideracion the meritt, worth, and good desert of Captain John Endecott, and others lately gone over from hence with purpose to resyde and continue there, wee have, with full consent and authoritie of this Court, and by ereccion of hands, chosen and elected the said Captain John Endecott to the place of present Governor in our said plantacion.

Also, by the same power, and with the like full and free consent, wee have chosen and elected Mr. Francis Higgeson, Mr. Samuel Skelton, Mr. Francis Bright, Mr. John Browne, Mr. Samuel Browne, Mr. Thomas Graves, and Mr. Samuell Sharpe, these seaven, to bee of the said councell, and doe hereby give power and authoritie to the said Governor and those seaven to make choice of 3 others, such as they, or the greater nomber of them, in their discrecions, shall esteeme and conceive most fitt thereunto, to bee also of the said councell.

And to the end that the former planters there may have noe just occasion of excepcion, as being excluded out of the priviledges of the Company, this Court are content, and doe order, by ereccion of hands, that such of the said former planters as are willing to live within the lymitts of our plantacion shalbe enabled, and are hereby authorized, to make choice of 2 such as they shall thinke fitt, to supply and make upp the nomber of 12 of the said councell, one of which 12 is, by the Governor and councell, or the major part of them, to bee chosen Deputie to the Governor for the tyme being....

It is further concluded on and ordered by this Court, that the said Governor, Deputie, and councell, before named, soe chosen and established in their severall places, shall continue and bee confirmed therin for the space of one whole yeare from and after the taking the oath, or untill such time as this Court shall thinke fitt to make choice of any others to succeed in the place or places of them or any of them....

And it is further agreed on and ordered, that the Governor for the tyme beeing shall have power, and is heereby authorized, to call courts and meetings in places and at tymes convenyent, as to his discrecion shall seeme meete, which power is also conferred upon the Deputie in the absence of the said Governor; and the said Governor or Deputie, togeather with the said councell, being chosen and assembled as aforesaid, and having taken their oaths respectively to their severall places, they, or the greater nomber of them, whereof the Governor or Deputie to bee always one, are authorized by this act, grounded on the power derived from his majestys charter, to make, ordaine, and establish all manner of wholsome and reasonable lawes, orders, ordinances and constitucions, (soe as the same bee noe way repugnant or contrary to the lawes of the realme of England) for the administring of justice upon malefactors, and inflicting condigne punishment upon all other offendors, and for the furtherance and propagating of the said plantacion, and the more decent and orderly government of the inhabitants resydent there.

[This establishment of a subordinate government in Massachusetts
corresponds to the government in Virginia in 1614, perhaps,--before
the Virginia Company granted self-government to the settlement.
There is no hint, here, be it noted, that this arrangement was soon
to be superseded by the transfer of the English Company itself
to America. Ten meetings are recorded between the one when these
orders were taken and the one (next given here) in which that
suggestion first appears.]

FOOTNOTES:

[32] White gets the order of events wrong here. Endicott came before the charter was secured.

[33] This grant included the territory granted by the New England Council to Gorges in 1623. This was due, no doubt, to geographical ignorance. Ferdinando Gorges ("Briefe Narration," in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, Third Series, V, 80), after explaining how the new Company came to ask for a grant from the New England Council, adds: "to which it pleased the thrice honored Lord of Warwick to write to me [from London], then at Plymouth, to condescend that a Patent might be granted. ... Whereupon I gave my approbation _so far forth as it might not be prejudicial to my son Robert Gorges' interests, whereof he had a patent_." Gorges always felt that the grant to the Massachusetts Bay Company had worked a great injustice to his family. Cf. _American History and Government_, ## 57, note, 61.

[34] The very obscure sentence of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, written even later than Winthrop's one sentence, carries a like implication; but it contains such gross errors of chronology about external events that it can carry no weight at all as to motives of his adversaries (Mass. Hist. Society Collections, Third Series, VI, 80).

[35] Curiously, even Osgood, almost infallible in colonial history, refers only to Winthrop's sentence (with justifiable caution, to be sure), without any reference to the contrary evidence in the _Records_.

[36] This item is added by Higginson in his written acceptance of the above terms.

XII. THE COLONY BECOMES A PURITAN ENTERPRISE

58. Decision to Transfer the Charter to the Colony

_a. First Official Proposition to Transfer the Charter to America_

_Records of the Governor and Company of Massachusetts Bay_, I,
47-51.

_A Generall Court, holden for the Company of the Mattachusetts Bay,
in New England, at Mr. Deputies House, on Tewsday, the 28 of
July, 1629._

_Present_,
Mr. MATTHEW CRADOCK, _Governor_,
Mr. THOMAS GOFF, _Deputie_,
Mr. GEORGE HARWOOD, _Treasurer_,
Mr. THOMAS ADAMS,
Mr. NATHANIELL WRIGHT,
Mr. THEOPHILUS EATON,
Mr. RICHARD PERRY,
Mr. JOSEPH BRADSHAWE,
Mr. BURNELL,
Mr. RIVET,
Mr. DANIEL BALLARD,
Mr. SPURSTOWE,
Mr. INCREASE NOELL,
Mr. SYMON WHETCOMBE,
Mr. JOHN POCOCKE,
Mr. COLSON,
Mr. HUTCHINS,
Mr. WILLIAM PINCHON,
Mr. SAMUEL VASSAIL, _Assistants_,
Mr. THOMAS HEWSON,
Mr. WOODGATE,
Mr. WEB,
Mr. CRANE, _Generalitie_.

... [A long meeting with much business]

And lastly, Mr. Governor read certaine proposicions _conceived by himselfe_, viz, that for the advancement of the plantacion, _the inducing and encouraging persons of worth and qualitie to transplant themselves and famylyes thether_,[37] and for other weighty reasons therein contained, to transferr the government of the plantacion to those that shall inhabite there, and not to continue the same in subordinacion to the Company heer, as it now is. This business occasioned some debate; but by reason of the many great and considerable consequences therupon depending, it was not now resolved upon; but those present are desired privately and seriously to consider hereof, and to sett down their particular reasons in wryting, pro and contra, and to produce the same at the next Generall Court, where, they being reduced to heads and maturely considered of, the Company may then proceede to a fynall resolucion there [on]; and in the meane tyme _they are desired to carry this businesse secretly, that the same bee not divulged_.

_b. The Cambridge Agreement_

Hutchinson's _Collection of Original Papers_ (1769), 25, 26. Cf.
_American History and Government_, ## 58, 59.

_The True Copy of the Agreement at Cambridge, August 26, 1629._

Upon due consideration of the state of the Plantation now in hand for New-England, wherein wee whose names are hereunto subscribed, have engaged ourselves, and have weighed the greatnes of the worke in regard of the consequence, God's glory, and the Churches good; as also in regard of the difficultys and discouragements which in all probabilityes must be forecast upon the execution of this businesse; Considering withall that this whole adventure grows upon the joynt confidence we have in each other's fidelity and resolution herein, so as no man of us would have adventured it without assurance of the rest: Now, for the better encouragement of ourselves and others that shall joyne with us in this action, and to the end that every man may without scruple dispose of his estate and affayres as may best fit his preparation for this voyage; it is fully and faithfully agreed amongst us, and every of us doth hereby freely and sincerely promise and bind himselfe in the word of a christian and in the presence of God, who is the searcher of all hearts, that we will so really endeavour the prosecution of this worke, as by God's assistance, we will be ready in our persons, and with such of our several familyes as are to go with us, and such provision as we are able conveniently to furnish ourselves withall, to embarke for the said Plantation by the first of March next, at such port or ports of this land as shall be agreed upon by the Companie, to the end to passe the seas, (under God's protection,) to inhabite and continue in New-England: _Provided always, that, before the last of September next, the whole government, together with the patent for the said Plantation, be first, by an order of Court, legally transferred and established to remain with us and others which shall inhabit upon the said Plantation_: and provided also, that if any shall be hindered by such just and inevitable lett or other cause, to be allowed by 3 parts of four of these whose names are hereunto subscribed, then such persons, for such tymes and during such letts, to be discharged of this bond. And we do further promise, every one for himselfe, that shall fayle to be ready through his own default by the day appointed, to pay for every day's default the sum of £3, to the use of the rest of the Companie who shall be ready by the same day and time.

Richard Saltonstall,
Thomas Dudley,
William Vassall,
Nicholas West,
Isaac Johnson,
John Humfrey,
Thomas Sharpe,
Increase Nowell,
John Winthrop,
William Pinchon,
Kellam Broune,
William Colburn.

[Several of these signers did not come to America.]

_c. Decision by the Company_

_Records of the Governor and Company of Massachusetts Bay_, I, 49
ff.

(1) _A Generall Court, holden at Mr. Deputyes House, the 28
of August, 1629._

[Present: 25 Names given.]

Mr. Deputie acquainted this Court, that the espetiall cause of their meeting was to give answere to divers gentlemen,[38] intending to goe into New England, whether or noe the chiefe government of the plantacion, togeather with the pattent, should bee settled in New England, or heere.

Wherupon it was ordered, that this afternoone Mr. Wright, Mr. Eaton, Mr. Adams, Mr. Spurstowe, and such others as they should thinke fitt to call unto them, whether they were of the Company or not, to consider of arguments against the setling of the chiefe government in New England.

And, on the other syde, Sir Richard Saltonstall, Mr. Johnson, Captain Venn, and such others as they should call unto them, to prepare arguments for the setling of the said government in New England; and that tomorrow morning, being the 29th of August, at 7 of the clock, both sydes should meete and conferr and weigh each others arguments, and afterwards, at 9 of the clock, (which is the tyme appointed of meeting for a General Court,) to make report therof to the whole Company, who then will determine this business.

(2) _A General Court, at Mr. Deputyes House, the 29th of August, 1629._

This day the committees which were appointed to meete yesterday in the afternoone to consider of arguments pro and contra touching the setling of the government of the Companyes plantacion in New England, being according to the order of the last Court mett togeather, debated their arguments and reasons on both sydes; where were present many of the Assistants and generalitie; and after a long debate, Mr. Deputie put it to the question, as followeth:

As many of yow as desire to have the pattent and the government of the plantacion to bee transferred to New England, _soe as it may bee done legally_, hold up your hands: Soe many as will not, hold upp your hands.

Where, by ereccion of hands, it appeared by the generall consent of the Company, that the government and pattent should bee setled in New England, and accordingly an order to bee drawne upp.

[This by no means settled the matter. The question arose as to
how to protect the property rights of those stockholders who
were to remain in England, and several meetings were devoted to
consideration of various plans proposed.]

59. Decision of Puritan Gentlemen to Settle in the Colony[39]

_a. Winthrop's Argument for a Puritan Colony_

Robert Winthrop's _Life and Letters of John Winthrop_, I, 309 ff.

This argument is generally ascribed to John Winthrop, and one
manuscript of it at least is said to be in his handwriting. The
first printed copy was made by Hutchinson in his _Collections_, but
from a different manuscript.

_=Reasons= to be considered for justifieinge the undertakeres of the intended Plantation in New England, and for incouraginge such whose hartes God shall move to joyne with them in it._

1.--It will be a service to the Church of great consequence to carry the Gospell into those parts of the world, to helpe on the comminge of the fullnesse of the Gentiles, and to raise a Bulworke against the Kingdome of Ante Christ which the Jesuites labour to reare up in those parts.

2.--All other churches of Europe are brought to desolation, and our sinnes, for which the Lord beginnes allreaddy to frowne upon us and to cutte us short, doe threatne evill times to be comminge upon us, and whoe knowes but that God hath provided this place to be a refuge for many whome he meanes to save out of the generall callamity; and seeinge the Church hath noe place lefte to flie into but the wildernesse, what better worke can there be, then to goe and provide tabernacles and foode for her against she comes thither:

3.--_This Land growes weary of her Inhabitants, soe as man, whoe is the most pretious of all creatures, is here more vile and base then the earth we treade upon, and of less prise among us then an horse or a sheepe:_ masters are forced by authority to entertaine servants, parents to mainetaine there oune children, all tounes complaine of the burthen of theire poore, though we have taken up many unnessisarie yea unlawfull trades to mainetaine them, and we use the authoritie of the Law to hinder the increase of our people, as by urginge the Statute against Cottages, and inmates; and thus it is come to passe, that children, servants, and neighboures, especially if they be poore, are compted the greatest burthens, which if thinges weare right would be the cheifest earthly blessinges.

4.--The whole earth is the Lords garden and he hath given it to the Sonnes of men with a general Commission: Gen:1:28: "Increace and multiplie, and replenish the earth and subdue it," which was againe renewed to Noah: the end is double and naturall, that man might enjoy the fruits of the earth, and God might have his due glory from the creature: why then should we stand striving here for places of habitation, etc. (many men spending as much labour and coste to recover or keepe sometimes an acre or tuoe of Land, as would procure them many and as good or better in another Countrie) and in the meane time suffer a whole Continent as fruitfull and convenient for the use of man to lie waste without any improvement?

5.--We are groune to that height of Intemperance in all excesse of Riott, as noe mans estate allmost will suffice to keepe saile with his aequalls: and he whoe failes herein, must live in scorne and contempt. Hence it comes that all artes and Trades are carried in that deceiptfull and unrighteous course as it is allmost impossible for a good and upright man to mainetayne his charge and live comfortablie in any of them.

6.--The ffountaines of Learning and Religion are soe corrupted as (besides the unsupportable charge of there education) most children (even the best witts and of fairest hopes) are perverted, corrupted, and utterlie overthroune by the multitude of evill examples and the licentious government of those seminaries, where men straine at knatts and swallowe camells, use all severity for mainetaynance of cappes and other accomplyments, but suffer all ruffianlike fashions and disorder in manners [morals] to passe uncontrolled.

_b. Winthrop's Argument for Coming Himself to America_

John Winthrop sent the following "Considerations" relating to
himself to various friends for their advice. _Life and Letters_, I,
327.

Particular Considerations in the case of J: W:

1: It is come to that issue as (in all probabilitye) the wellfare of the Plantation dependes upon his goeinge, for divers of the Chiefe Undertakers (upon whom the reste depende) will not goe without him.

2: He acknowledges a satisfactorye callinge, outwarde from those of the Plantation, inwardly by the inclination of his oun hearte to the worke, and bothe approved by godly and juditious Devines (whereof some have the first interest in him), and there is in this the like mediate call from the Kinge, which was to his former imployment.

3: Though his means be sufficient for a comfortable subsistence in a private condition heere, yet the one halfe of them being disposed to his 3: elder sonnes, who are now of age, he cannot live in the same place and callinge with that which remains; his charge being still as great as before, when his means were double: and so if he should refuse this opportunitye, that talent which God hath bestowed upon him for publike service, were like to be buried.

4: His wife and suche of his children, as are come to years of discreation, are voluntarylye disposed to the same Course.

5: Most of his friends (upon the former considerations) doe consent to his change.

_c. Decision of John Winthrop, Jr._

JOHN WINTHROP, JR., TO HIS FATHER

Winthrop's _Life and Letters of John Winthrop_, I, 306-307.

Sir,--My humble duty remembered to you and my mother....

For the business of New England, I can say no other thing but that I believe confidently, that the whole disposition thereof is of the Lord, who disposeth all alterations, by his blessed will, to his own glory and the good of his; and, therefore, do assure myself, that all things shall work together for the best therein. And for myself, I have seen so much of the vanity of the world, that I esteem no more of the diversities of countries, than as so many inns, whereof the traveller that hath lodged in the best, or in the worst, findeth no difference, when he cometh to his journey's end; and I shall call that my country, where I may most glorify God, and enjoy the presence of my dearest friends. Therefore herein I submit myself to God's will and yours, and, with your leave, do dedicate myself (laying by all desire of other employments whatsoever) to the service of God and the Company herein, with the whole endeavors, both of body and mind.

The CONCLUSIONS, which you sent down, I showed to my uncle and aunt, who liked them well. I think they are unanswerable; and it cannot but be a prosperous action, which is so well allowed by the judgments of God's prophets, undertaken by so religious and wise worthies of Israel, and indented to God's glory in so special a service.

... So, desiring your prayers and blessing, I commend you to the Almighty's protection, and rest

Your obedient son,
JOHN WINTHROP.

LONDON, August 21, 1629.

_d. News from New England, 1629_

Higginson's _Relation_ is the name under which his _New-England's
Plantation_ is commonly quoted. Apparently he sent back the
manuscript in the early fall (September, presumably) of 1629,
some four months after his arrival. The little book was printed
in London in 1630, but before that time it (together with earlier
letters) had had much influence in leading to the main Puritan
migration. The selections below are taken from Young's _Chronicles
of Massachusetts_, where the spelling is modernized.

* * * * *

The fertility of the soil is to be admired at, as appeareth in the abundance of grass that groweth everywhere, both very thick, very long, and very high in divers places. But it groweth very wildly, with a great stalk, and a broad and ranker blade, because it hath never been eaten with cattle, nor mowed with a scythe, and seldom trampled on by foot. It is scarce to be believed how our kine and goats, horses and hogs do thrive and prosper here, and like well of this country.

In our Plantation we have already a quart of milk for a penny. But the abundant increase of corn proves this country to be a wonderment. Thirty, forty, fifty, sixty, are ordinary here. Yea, Joseph's increase in Egypt is outstripped here with us. Our planters hope to have more than a hundredfold this year. And all this while I am within compass; what will you say of two hundred fold, and upwards? It is almost incredible what great gain some of our English planters have had by our Indian corn. Credible persons have assured me, and the party himself avouched the truth of it to me, that of the setting of thirteen gallons of corn he hath had increase of it fifty-two hogsheads, every hogshead holding seven bushels of London measure, and every bushel was by him sold and trusted to the Indians for so much beaver as was worth eighteen shillings; and so of this thirteen gallons of corn, which was worth six shillings eight pence, he made about 327 pounds of it the year following, as by reckoning will appear; where you may see how God blesseth husbandry in this land. There is not such great and plentiful ears of corn I suppose any where else to be found but in this country, being also of variety of colors, as red, blue, and yellow, etc.; and of one corn there springeth four or five hundred. I have sent you many ears of divers colors, that you might see the truth of it.

Little children here, by setting of corn, may earn much more than their own maintenance.

The temper of the air of New-England is one special thing that commends this place. Experience doth manifest that there is hardly a more healthful place to be found in the world that agreeth better with our English bodies. Many that have been weak and sickly in Old England, by coming hither have been thoroughly healed, and grown healthful and strong. For here is an extraordinary clear and dry air; that is of a most healing nature to all such as are of cold, melancholy, phlegmatic, rheumatic temper of body ... and therefore I think it is wise course for all cold complexions to come to take physic in New-England; for a sup of New-England's air is better than a whole draught of Old England's ale.

60. Early Attitude of the Puritan Colony to the Church of England

It is certain that the Puritans did not expect, at first, to
separate so far and so definitely from the Church of England as
they very soon did separate. On this, cf. _American History and
Government_, # 82, and observe also, besides _a_ and _b_ below,
passages in No. 52, close, and No. 62 _c_, close.

_a. Winthrop's Farewell Letter to the Church of England_

April 7/17, 1630

Hutchinson's _Massachusetts Bay_, Appendix I (1769). About two
thirds the letter is here reproduced. Winthrop is supposed to be
the author.

_THE HUMBLE REQUEST of his Majesties Loyall Subjects, the Governour and the Company late gone for New England; for the obtaining of their Prayers, and the Removall of Suspicions and Misconstructions of their Intentions._

... And howsoever your Charitie may have met with some Occasion of Discouragement through the Misreport of our Intentions, or through the Disaffection or Indiscretion of some of us, or rather amongst us: for we are not of those who dreame of Perfection in this World; yet wee desire you would be pleased to take Notice of the Principals and Body of our Company, as those who esteeme it our honour to call the _Church of England_, from whence wee rise, our deare Mother; and cannot part from our native Countrie, where she specially resideth, without much Sadness of Heart, and many Tears in our Eyes, ever acknowledging that such Hope and Part as we have obtained in the common Salvation, we have received in her Bosome, and suckt it from her Breasts: wee leave it not therefore as loathing that milk wherewith we were nourished there, but blessing God for the Parentage and Education, [and] as Members of the same Body, [we] shall alwaies rejoice in her Good, and unfeignedly grieve for any Sorrow shall ever betide her, and while we have Breath, sincerely desire and indeavour the Continuance and Abundance of her Welfare, with the Inlargement of her Bounds in the Kingdome of CHRIST JESUS.

Be pleased therefore, _Reverend_ FATHERS _and_ BRETHREN, to helpe forward the Worke now in Hand; which if it prosper, you shall be the more glorious. [A fervent request for prayers.]...

What Goodness you shall extend to us in this or any other Christian Kindnesse, wee, _your Brethren in Christ Jesus_, shall labor to repay ... promising, so farre as God shall enable us, to give him no Rest on your Behalfes, wishing our Heads and Hearts may be Fountains of Tears for your everlasting Welfare, when we shall bee in our poor Cottages in the Wildernesse ... And so commending you to the Grace of GOD _in_ CHRIST, wee shall ever rest,

Your assured Friends and Brethren,
From Yarmouth, aboard
the Arabella, April 7, 1630.

_John Winthrop_, Gov. [and six other signatures].

_b. Opinion of Captain John Smith, 1630_

Smith's _Works_ (Birmingham edition), 926, 958.

The following passages come from the introduction to Smith's
"Pathway to the Inexperienced," his last pamphlet, written in 1631,
to support the Massachusetts Bay Colony. Smith wrote at the home
of a brother of John Winthrop's first wife, and seems to have been
well acquainted with the Puritan leaders.

Pardon me if I offend in loving that [which] I have cherished truly, by the losse of my prime fortunes, meanes, and youth. If it over-glad me to see Industry her selfe adventure now to make use of my aged ende[a]vours, _not by such (I hope) as rumour doth report, a many of discontented Brounists, Anabaptists, Papists, Puritans, Separatists, and such factious Humorists: for no such they will suffer among them, if knowne, as many of the chiefe of then (John Winthrop etc.) have assured mee; and the much conferences I have had with many of them, doth confidently perswade me to write thus much in their behalfe. ..._

They have ... God's true Religion (they say) taught amongst themselves, the Sabbath day observed, the common Prayer (as I understand) and Sermons performed, and diligent catechising ... and commendable good orders to bring those people [natives] with whom they have to deale ... into a Christian conversation ... which done, in time, ... may grow =_a good addition to the Church of England_=.

[Smith evidently had some doubts on the matter, as his
parenthetical expressions show. But he had confidence enough to
_dedicate this booklet to the two Archbishops of Canterbury and
York_.]

61. Political Principles of the Puritans

From John Calvin's _Institutes_ (1559; translation of 1813, III,
517-551).

_a. [Attempt to justify a union of church and state]_

III.--Nor let anyone think it strange that I refer to human polity the due maintenance of religion ... I do not allow men to make laws respecting religion and the worship of God ... though I approve of civil government which provides that the true religion, ... contained in the law of God, be not violated and poluted.

_b. [Of the parts of government and the supremacy of magistrates]_

These are three. The Magistrate, who is the guardian and
conservator of the laws: The Laws, according to which he
governs: The People, who are governed by the laws, and obey the
magistrate....

IV.--The Lord hath not only testified that the function of magistrates has his approbation and acceptance, but hath eminently commended it to us, by dignifying it with the most honourable titles. ... This is just as if it had been affirmed, that the authority possessed by kings and other governors over all things upon earth is not a consequence of the perverseness of men, but of the providence and holy ordinance of God....

VII.--Those who are not restrained by so many testimonies of Scripture, but still dare to stigmatize this sacred ministry [magistrates] as a thing incompatible with religion and Christian piety, do they not offer an insult to God himself, who cannot but be involved in the reproach cast upon his ministry? And in fact they do not reject magistrates, but they reject God, "that he should not reign over them."...

VIII.--AND for private men, who have no authority to deliberate on the regulation of any public affairs, it would surely be a vain occupation to dispute which would be the best form of government in the place where they live. ... Indeed if these three forms of government, which are stated by philosophers [Monarchy, Aristocracy, and Democracy], be considered in themselves, I shall by no means deny, that either aristocracy or a mixture of aristocracy and democracy far excell all others; and that indeed not of itself, but because it very rarely happens that kings regulate themselves so that their will is never at variance with justice and rectitude; or in the next place, that they are indued with such penetration and prudence, as in all cases to discover what is best. The vice or imperfection of men therefore renders it safer and more tolerable for the government to be in the hands of many, that they may afford each other mutual assistance and admonition, and that if any one arrogate to himself more than is right, the many may act as censors and masters to restrain his ambition.... But if those, to whom the will of God has assigned another form of government, transfer this to themselves so as to be tempted to desire a revolution, the very thought will be not only foolish and useless, but altogether criminal....

XIV.--From the magistracy we next proceed to the laws, which are the strong nerves of civil polity, or, according to an appellation which Cicero has borrowed from Plato, the souls of states, without which magistracy cannot subsist.

* * * * *

XXII.--The first duty of subjects towards their magistrates is to entertain the most honourable sentiments of their function, which they know to be a jurisdiction delegated to them from God, and on that account to esteem and reverence them as _God's ministers and vicegerents_. For there are some persons to be found, who shew themselves very obedient to their magistrates, and have not the least wish that there were no magistrates for them to obey, because they know them to be so necessary to the public good; but who, nevertheless, consider the magistrates themselves as no other than necessary evils. But something more than this is required of us by Peter, when he commands us to "honour the king;" and by Solomon when he says, "Fear thou the Lord and the King:" for Peter, under the term honour, comprehends a sincere and candid esteem; and Solomon, by connecting the king with the Lord, attributes to him a kind of sacred veneration and dignity. ... The obedience which is rendered to princes and magistrates is rendered to God, from whom they have received their authority.

XXIII.--Hence follows another duty: that, with minds disposed to honour and reverence magistrates, subjects approve their obedience to them, in submitting to their edicts, in paying taxes, in discharging public duties and bearing burdens which relate to the common defence, and in fulfilling all their other commands. ... For, as it is impossible to resist the magistrate without, at the same time, resisting God himself, though an unarmed magistrate may seem to be despised with impunity, yet God is armed to inflict exemplary vengeance on the contempt offered to himself. Under this obedience I also include the moderation which private persons ought to prescribe to themselves in relation to public affairs, that they do not, without being called upon, intermeddle with affairs of state, or rashly intrude themselves into the office of magistrates, or undertake any thing of a public nature. If there be anything in the public administration which requires to be corrected, let them not raise any tumults, or take the business into their own hands, which ought to be all bound in this respect, but let them refer it to the cognizance of the magistrate, who is alone authorized to regulate the concerns of the public.

XXV.--But, if we direct our attention to the word of God, it will carry us much further; even to submit to the government, not only of those princes who discharge their duty to us with becoming integrity and fidelity, but of all who possess the sovereignty, even though they perform none of the duties of their function. For though the Lord testifies that the magistrate is an eminent gift of his liberality to preserve the safety of men, and prescribes to magistrates themselves the extent of their duty; yet he, at the same time, declares, that whatever be their characters, they have their government only from him; that those who govern for the public good are true specimens and mirrors of his beneficence; and that those who rule in an unjust and tyrannical manner are raised up by him to punish the iniquity of the people; that all equally possess that sacred majesty which he hath invested with legitimate authority....

XXIX.--But it will be said, that rulers owe mutual duties to their subjects. That I have already confessed. But he who infers from this that obedience ought to be rendered to none but just rulers, is a very bad reasoner. For husbands owe mutual duties to their wives, and parents to their children. Now, if husbands and parents violate their obligations, if parents conduct themselves with discouraging severity and fastidious moroseness towards their children, whom they are forbidden to provoke to wrath: if husbands despise and vex their wives, whom they are commanded to love and to spare as the weaker vessels; does it follow that children should be less obedient to their parents; or wives to their husbands? They are still subject, even to those who are wicked and unkind....

XXXII.--But in the obedience which we have shewn to be due to the authority of governors, it is always necessary to make one exception, and that is entitled to our first attention, that it do not seduce us from obedience to him, to whose will the desires of all kings ought to be subject, to whose decrees all their commands ought to yield, to whose majesty all their scepters ought to submit....

62. Early Hardships and Religious Matters, 1630-1631

_a. Extracts from Winthrop's "History of New England"_

John Winthrop, leader of the great Puritan migration of 1630, while
on board ship, began a "Journal," which gradually merged into a
great contemporary "History." The work was printed first in 1790. A
better edition appeared in 1853; and, that edition having long been
"out of print," the work was reëdited by Dr. James K. Hosmer in
1907 ("Original Narratives" Series). The spelling and punctuation
have been modernized in all these editions.

(1) [_The Voyage._]

April 6, 1630. [Eight days on board; but still delayed at Yarmouth in the English Channel]....

Our captain called over our landmen, and tried them at their muskets, and such as were good shot among them were enrolled to serve in the ship, if occasion should be.

The lady Arbella[40] and the gentlewomen, and Mr. Johnson and some others went on shore to refresh themselves....

Thursday, 8. ... The wind continued N. [blank] with fair weather, and after noon it calmed, and we still saw those eight ships to stand towards us; having more wind than we, they came up apace, so as our captain and the masters of our consorts were more occasioned to think they might be Dunkirkers,[41] (for we were told at Yarmouth, that there were ten sail of them waiting for us;) whereupon we all prepared to fight with them, and took down some cabins which were in the way of our ordnance, and out of every ship were thrown such bed matters as were subject to take fire, and we heaved out our long boats, and put up our waste cloths, and drew forth our men, and armed them with muskets and other weapons, and instruments for fireworks; and for an experiment our captain shot a ball of wild-fire fastened to an arrow out of a cross-bow, which burnt in the water a good time. The lady Arbella and the other women and children were removed into the lower deck, that they might be out of danger. All things being thus fitted, we went to prayer upon the upper deck. It was much to see how cheerful and comfortable all the company appeared; not a woman or child that showed fear, though all did apprehend the danger to have been great, if things had proved as might well be expected, for there had been eight against four, and the least of the enemy's ships were reported to carry thirty brass pieces; but our trust was in the Lord of Hosts; and the courage of our captain, and his care and diligence, did much encourage us. [The fleet prove to be friends.]

Saturday, 10. ... This day two young men, falling at odds and fighting, contrary to the orders which we[42] had published and set up in the ship, were adjudged to walk upon the deck till night with their hands bound behind them, which accordingly was executed; and another man, for using contemptuous speeches in our[42] presence, was laid in bolts till he submitted himself, and promised open confession of his offence.

Lord's day, [May] 2. The tempest continued all the day, with the wind W. and by N., and the sea raged and tossed us exceedingly; yet, through God's mercy, we were very comfortable, and few or none sick, but had opportunity to keep the Sabbath, and Mr. Phillips preached twice that day....