Chapter XII: Introduction (2)

One man, Sikapiki by name, stated that the squared and carved beams were brought from the San Francisco Mountains, more than a hundred miles away, under the direction of the priests, and that they were carved and finished prior to transportation. They were intended for the chapel and cloister, but the latter building was never finished. The roof timbers were finally distributed among the people of Shumopavi and Shupaulovi. At Shumopavi one of the kivas, known, as the Nuvwatikyuobi (The-high-place-of-snow--San Francisco Mountains) kiva, was built only 8 years ago. The main roof timbers are seven in number. Four of them are hewn with flat sides, 8 by 12 inches to 9 by 13 inches; the other three are round, the under sides slightly hewn, and they are 12 inches in diameter. These timbers were brought from the San Francisco Mountains while the Spaniards were here. The Shumopavi account states that the people were compelled to drag most of the timbers with ropes, although oxen were also used in some cases, and that the Spaniards used them to roof their mission buildings. After the destruction of the mission these timbers were used in the construction of a dwelling house, which, falling into ruin, was abandoned and pulled down. Subsequently they were utilized as described above. In the Teosobi, Jay, the main timbers were taken out of it many years ago and used in another kiva. The timbers now in the roof are quite small and are laid in pairs, but they are old and much decayed. In the Gyarzobi, Paroquet, are six squared timbers from the Spanish mission buildings, measuring 9 by 13 inches, 8 by 12 inches, etc. These have the same curious grooved and dotted ornamentation that occurs on the square beam of Shupaulovi, above described. At the other end of the kiva are also two unusually perfect round timbers that may have come from the mission ruin. All of these show marks of fire, and are in places deeply charred.

In continuation of the kiva building process, the tops of the walls are brought to an approximate level. The main roof timbers are then laid parallel with the end walls, at irregular distances, but less than 3 feet apart, except near the middle, where a space of about 7 feet is left between two beams, as there the hatchway is to be built. The ends of the timbers rest upon the side walls, and as they are placed in position a small feather, to which a bit of cotton string is tied (nakwakwoci) is also placed under each. Stout poles, from which the bark has been stripped, are laid at right angles upon the timbers, with slight spaces between them. Near the center of the kiva two short timbers are laid across the two main beams about 5 feet apart; this is done to preserve a space of 5 by 7 feet for the hatchway, which is made with walls of stone laid in mud plaster, resting upon the two central beams and upon the two side pieces. This wall or combing is carried up so as to be at least 18 inches above the level of the finished roof. Across the poles, covering the rest of the roof, willows and straight twigs of any kind are laid close together, and over these is placed a layer of dry grass arranged in regular rows. Mud is then carefully spread over the grass to a depth of about 3 inches, and after it has nearly dried it is again gone over so as to fill up all the cracks. A layer of dry earth is then spread over all and firmly trodden down, to render the roof water-tight and bring its surface level with the surrounding ground, following the same method and order of construction that prevails in dwelling-house buildings.

Short timbers are placed across the top of the hatchway wall, one end of which is raised higher than the other, so as to form a slope, and upon these timbers stone slabs are closely laid for a cover. (See Pl. LXXXVII.) An open space, usually about 2 by 4½ feet, is preserved, and this is the only outlet in the structure, serving at once as doorway, window, and chimney.

The roof being finished, a floor of stone flags is laid; but this is never in a continuous level, for at one end it is raised as a platform some 10 or 12 inches high, extending for about a third of the length of the kiva and terminating in an abrupt step just before coming under the hatchway, as illustrated in the ground plan of the mungkiva of Shupaulovi (Fig. 22, and also in Figs. 25 and 27). On the edge of the platform rests the foot of a long ladder, which leans against the higher side of the hatchway, and its tapering ends project 10 or 12 feet in the air. Upon this platform the women and other visitors sit when admitted to witness any of the ceremonies observed in the kiva. The main floor in a few of the kivas is composed of roughly hewn planks, but this is a comparatively recent innovation, and is not generally deemed desirable, as the movement of the dancers on the wooden floor shakes the fetiches out of position.

On the lower or main floor a shallow pit of varying dimensions, but usually about a foot square, is made for a fireplace, and is located immediately under the opening in the hatchway. The intention in raising the hatchway above the level of the roof and in elevating the ceiling in the middle is to prevent the fire from igniting them. The ordinary fuel used in the kiva is greasewood, and there are always several bundles of the shrub in its green state suspended on pegs driven in the wall of the hatchway directly over the fire. This shrub, when green, smolders and emits a dense, pungent smoke, but when perfectly dry, burns with a bright, sparkling flame.

Across the end of the kiva on the main floor a ledge of masonry is built, usually about 2 feet high and 1 foot wide, which serves as a shelf for the display of fetiches and other paraphernalia during stated observances (see Fig. 22). A small, niche-like aperture is made in the middle of this ledge, and is called the katchin kihu (katchina house). During a festival certain masks are placed in it when not in use by the dancers. Some of the kivas have low ledges built along one or both sides for use as seats, and some have none, but all except two or three have the ledge at the end containing the katchina house.

In the main floor of the kiva there is a cavity about a foot deep and 8 or 10 inches across, which is usually covered with a short, thick slab of cottonwood, whose upper surface is level with the floor. Through the middle of this short plank and immediately over the cavity a hole of 2 or 2½ inches in diameter is bored. This hole is tapered, and is accurately fitted with a movable wooden plug, the top of which is flush with the surface of the plank. The plank and cavity usually occupy a position in the main floor near the end of the kiva. This feature is the sipapuh, the place of the gods, and the most sacred portion of the ceremonial chamber. Around this spot the fetiches are set during a festival; it typifies also the first world of the Tusayan genesis and the opening through which the people first emerged. It is frequently so spoken of at the present time.

Other little apertures or niches are constructed in the side walls; they usually open over the main floor of the kiva near the edge of the dais that forms the second level, that upon which the foot of the ladder rests. These are now dedicated to any special purpose, but are used as receptacles for small tools and other ordinary articles. In early days, however, these niches were used exclusively as receptacles for the sacred pipes and tobacco and other smaller paraphernalia.

In order to make clearer the relative positions of the various features of kiva construction that have been described several typical examples are here illustrated. The three ground plans given are drawn to scale and represent kivas of average dimensions. Mr. Stephen has made a series of typical kiva measurements, which is appended to this section, and comparison of these with the plans will show the relation of the examples selected to the usual dimensions of these rooms. Fig. 22 is the ground plan of the mungkiva, or chief kiva, of Shupaulovi. It will be observed that the second level of the kiva floor, forming the dais before referred to, is about 15 inches narrower on each side than the main floor. The narrowing of this portion of the kiva floor is not universal and does not seem to be regulated by any rule. Sometimes the narrowing is carried out on one side only, as in the mungkiva of Mashongnavi (Fig. 27), sometimes on both, as in the present example, and in other cases it is absent. In the second kiva of Shupaulovi, illustrated in Fig. 25, there is only one small jog that has been built midway along the wall of the upper level and it bears no relation to the point at which the change of floor level occurs. The ledge, or dais, is free for the use of spectators, the Indians say, just as the women stand on the house terraces to witness a dance, and do not step into the court. The ledge in this case is about a foot above the main floor. Benches of masonry are built along each side, though, as the plan shows, they are not of the same length. The bench on the eastern side is about 4 feet shorter than the other, which is cut off by a continuation of the high bench that contains the katchinkihu beyond the corner of the room. These side benches are for the use of participants in the ceremonies. When young men are initiated into the various societies during the feasts in the fall of the year they occupy the floor of the sacred division of the kiva, while the old members of the order occupy the benches along the wall. The higher bench at the end of the room is used as a shelf for paraphernalia. The hole, or recess, in this bench, whose position is indicated by the dotted lines on the plan, is the sacred orifice from which the katchina is said to come, and is called the katchinkihu. In the floor of the kiva, near the katchinkihu, is the sipapuh, the cottonwood plug set into a cottonwood slab over a cavity in the floor. The plan shows how this plank, about 18 inches wide and 6½ feet long, has been incorporated into the paving of the main floor. The paving is composed of some quite large slabs of sandstone whose irregular edges have been skillfully fitted to form a smooth and well finished pavement. The position of the niches that form pipe receptacles is shown on the plan opposite the fireplace in each side wall. The position of the foot of the ladder is indicated, the side poles resting upon the paved surface of the second level about 15 inches from the edge of the step. Fig. 23 gives a ceiling plan of the same kiva, illustrating the arrangement of such of the roof beams and sticks as are visible from inside. The plan shows the position of the four Spanish beams before referred to, the northernmost being the one that has the line and dot decoration. The next two beams, laid in contact, are also square and of Spanish make. The fourth Spanish beam is on the northern edge of the hatchway dome and supports its wall. The adjoining beam is round and of native workmanship. The position and dimensions of the large hatchway projection are here indicated in plan, but the general appearance of this curious feature of the Tusayan kiva can be better seen from the interior view (Fig. 24). Various uses are attributed to this domelike structure, aside from the explanation that it is built at a greater height in order to lessen the danger of ignition of the roof beams. The old men say that formerly they smoked and preserved meat in it. Others say it was used for drying bundles of wood by suspension over the fire preparatory to use in the fireplace. It is also said to constitute an upper chamber to facilitate the egress of smoke, and doubtless it aids in the performance of this good office.

The mud plaster that has been applied directly to the stone work of the interior of this kiva is very much blackened by smoke. From about half of the wall space the plaster has fallen or scaled off, and the exposed stonework is much blackened as though the kiva had long been used with the wall in this uncovered condition.

The fireplace is simply a shallow pit about 18 inches square that is placed directly under the opening of the combined hatchway and smoke hole. It is usually situated from 2 to 3 feet from the edge of the second level of the kiva floor. The paving stones are usually finished quite neatly and smoothly where their edges enframe the firepit.

Figs. 25 and 26 illustrate the ground and ceiling plans of the second kiva of the same village. In all essential principles of arrangement it is identical with the preceding example, but minor modifications will be noticed in several of the features. The bench at the katchina, or "altar" end of the kiva, has not the height that was seen in the mungkiva, but is on the same level as the benches of the sides. Here the sipapuh is at much greater distance than usual from the katchina recess. It is also quite exceptional in that the plug is let into an orifice in one of the paving stones, as shown on the plan, instead of into a cottonwood plank. Some of the paving stones forming the floor of this kiva are quite regular in shape and of unusual dimensions, one of them being nearly 5 feet long and 2 feet wide. The gray polish of long continued use imparts to these stones an appearance of great hardness. The ceiling plan of this kiva (Fig. 26) shows a single specimen of Spanish beam at the extreme north end of the roof. It also shows a forked "viga" or ceiling beam, which is quite unusual.

This kiva is better plastered than the mungkiva and shows in places evidences of many successive coats. The general rule of applying the interior plastering of the kiva on a base of masonry has been violated in this example. The north end and part of the adjoining sides have been brought to an even face by filling in the inequalities of the excavation with reeds which are applied in a vertical position and are held in place by long, slender, horizontal rods, forming a rude matting or wattling. The rods are fastened to the rocky wall at favorable points by means of small prongs of some hard wood, and the whole of the primitive lathing is then thickly plastered with adobe mud. Mr. Stephen found the Ponobi kiva of Oraibi treated in the same manner. The walls are lined with a reed lathing over which mud is plastered. The reed used is the Bakabi (_Phragmites communis_) whose stalks vary from a quarter of an inch to three-quarters of an inch in diameter. In this instance the reeds are also laid vertically, but they are applied to the ordinary mud-laid kiva wall and not directly to the sides of the natural excavation. The vertical laths are bound in place by horizontal reeds laid upon them 1 or 2 feet apart. The horizontal reeds are held in place by pegs of greasewood driven into the wall at intervals of 1 or 2 feet and are tied to the pegs with split yucca. These specimens are very interesting examples of aboriginal lathing and plastering applied to stone work.

The ground plan of the mungkiva of Mashongnavi is illustrated in Fig. 27. In this example the narrowing of the room at the second level of the floor is on one side. The step by which the upper level is reached from the main floor is 8 inches high at the east end, rising to 10 inches at the west end. The south end of the kiva is provided with a small opening like a loop-hole, furnishing an outlook to the south. The east side of the main portion of the kiva is not provided with the usual bench. The portion of the bench at the katchina end of the kiva is on a level with the west bench and continuous for a couple of feet beyond the northeast corner along the east wall. The small wall niches are on the west side and nearer the north end than usual. The arrangement of the katchinkihu is quite different from that described in the Shupaulovi kivas. The orifice occurs in the north wall at a height of 3½ feet above the floor, and 2 feet 3 inches above the top of the bench that extends across this end of the room. The firepit is somewhat smaller than in the other examples illustrated. Fig. 28 illustrates the appearance of the kiva hatchway from within as seen from the north end of the kiva, but the ladder has been omitted from the drawing to avoid confusion. The ladder rests against the edge of the coping that caps the dwarf wall on the near side of the hatchway, its top leaning toward the spectator. The small smoke-blackened sticks that are used for the suspension of bundles of greasewood and other fuel in the hatchway are clearly shown. At the far end of the trapdoor, on the outside, is indicated the mat of reeds or rushes that is used for closing the openings when necessary. It is here shown rolled up at the foot of the slope of the hatchway top, its customary position when not in use. When this mat is used for closing the kiva opening it is usually held in place by several large stone slabs laid over it. Fig. 29 illustrates a specimen of the Tusayan kiva mat.

The above kiva plans show that each of the illustrated examples is provided with four long narrow planks, set in the kiva floor close to the wall and provided with orifices for the attachment of looms. This feature is a common accompaniment of kiva construction and pertains to the use of the ceremonial room as a workshop by the male blanket weavers of Tusayan. It will be more fully described in the discussion of the various uses of the kiva.

The essential structural features of the kivas above described are remarkably similar, though the illustrations of types have been selected at random. Minor modifications are seen in the positions of many of the features, but a certain general relation between the various constructional requirements of the ceremonial room is found to prevail throughout all the villages.

_Work by women._--After all the above described details have been provided for, following the completion of the roofs and floors, the women belonging to the people who are to occupy the kiva continue the labor of its construction. They go over the interior surface of the walls, breaking off projections and filling up the interstices with small stones, and then they smoothly plaster the walls and the inside of the hatchway with mud, and sometimes whitewash them with a gypsiferous clay found in the neighborhood. Once every year, at the feast of Powuma (the fructifying moon), the women give the kiva this same attention.

_Consecration._--When all the work is finished the kiva chief prepares a baho and "feeds the house," as it is termed; that is, he thrusts a little meal, with piki crumbs, over one of the roof timbers, and in the same place inserts the end of the baho. As he does this he expresses his hope that the roof may never fall and that sickness and other evils may never enter the kiva.

It is difficult to elicit intelligent explanation of the theory of the baho and the prayer ceremonies in either kiva or house construction. The baho is a prayer token; the petitioner is not satisfied by merely speaking or singing his prayer, he must have some tangible thing upon which to transmit it. He regards his prayer as a mysterious, impalpable portion of his own substance, and hence he seeks to embody it in some object, which thus becomes consecrated. The baho, which is inserted in the roof of the kiva, is a piece of willow twig about six inches long, stripped of its bark and painted. From it hang four small feathers suspended by short cotton strings tied at equal distances along the twig. In order to obtain recognition from the powers especially addressed, different colored feathers and distinct methods of attaching them to bits of wood and string are resorted to. In the present case these are addressed to the "chiefs" who control the paths taken by the people after coming up from the interior of the earth. They are thus designated:

To the west: Siky´ak oma´uwu Yellow Cloud.
south: Sa´kwa oma´uwu Blue Cloud.
east: Pal´a oma´uwu Red Cloud.
north: Kwetsh oma´uwu White Cloud.

Two separate feathers are also attached to the roof. These are addressed to the zenith, héyap omáuwu--the invisible space of the above--and to the nadir, Myuingwa--god of the interior of the earth and maker of the germ of life. To the four first mentioned the bahos under the corner stones are also addressed. These feathers are prepared by the kiva chief in another kiva. He smokes devoutly over them, and as he exhales the smoke upon them he formulates the prayers to the chiefs or powers, who not only control the paths or lives of all the people, but also preside over the six regions of space whence come all the necessaries of life. The ancients also occupy his thoughts during these devotions; he desires that all the pleasures they enjoyed while here may come to his people, and he reciprocally wishes the ancients to partake of all the enjoyments of the living.

All the labor and ceremonies being completed the women prepare food for a feast. Friends are invited, and the men dance all night in the kiva to the accompaniment of their own songs and the beating of a primitive drum, rejoicing over their new home. The kiva chief then proclaims the name by which the kiva will be known. This is often merely a term of his choosing, often without reference to its appropriateness.

_Various uses of kivas._--Allusions occur in some of the traditions, suggesting that in earlier times one class of kiva was devoted wholly to the purposes of a ceremonial chamber, and was constantly occupied by a priest. An altar and fetiches were permanently maintained, and appropriate groups of these fetiches were displayed from month to month, as the different priests of the sacred feasts succeeded each other, each new moon bringing its prescribed feast.

Many of the kivas were built by religious societies, which still hold their stated observances in them, and in Oraibi several still bear the names of the societies using them. A society always celebrates in a particular kiva, but none of these kivas are now preserved exclusively for religious purposes; they are all places of social resort for the men, especially during the winter, when they occupy themselves with the arts common among them. The same kiva thus serves as a temple during a sacred feast, at other times as a council house for the discussion of public affairs. It is also used as a workshop by the industrious and as a lounging place by the idle.

There are still traces of two classes of kiva, marked by the distinction that only certain ones contain the sipapuh, and in these the more important ceremonies are held. It is said that no sipapuh has been made recently. The prescribed operation is performed by the chief and the assistant priests or fetich keepers of the society owning the kiva. Some say the mystic lore pertaining to its preparation is lost and none can now be made. It is also said that a stone sipapuh was formerly used instead of the cottonwood plank now commonly seen. The use of stone for this purpose, however, is nearly obsolete, though the second kiva of Shupaulovi, illustrated in plan in Fig. 25, contains an example of this ancient form. In one of the newest kivas of Mashongnavi the plank of the sipapuh is pierced with a square hole, which is cut with a shoulder, the shoulder supporting the plug with which the orifice is closed (see Fig. 30). This is a decided innovation on the traditional form, as the orifice from which the people emerged, which is symbolized in the sipapuh, is described as being of circular form in all the versions of the Tusayan genesis myth. The presence of the sipapuh possibly at one time distinguished such kivas as were considered strictly consecrated to religious observances from those that were of more general use. At Tusayan, at the present time, certain societies do not meet in the ordinary kiva but in an apartment of a dwelling house, each society having its own exclusive place of meeting. The house so used is called the house of the "Sister of the eldest brother," meaning, probably, that she is the descendant of the founder of the society. This woman's house is also called the "house of grandmother," and in it is preserved the tiponi and other fetiches of the society. The tiponi is a ceremonial object about 18 inches long, consisting of feathers set upright around a small disk of silicified wood, which serves as its base when set upon the altar. This fetich is also called iso (grandmother), hence the name given to the house where it is kept. In the house, where the order of warriors (Kuleataka) meets, the eldest son of the woman who owns it is the chief of the order. The apartment in which they meet is a low room on the ground floor, and is entered only by a hatchway and ladder. There is no sipapuh in this chamber, for the warriors appeal directly to Cótukinungwa, the heart of the zenith, the sky god. Large figures of animal fetiches are painted in different colors upon the walls. On the west wall is the Mountain Lion; on the south, the Bear; on the east, the Wild Cat, surmounted with a shield inclosing a star; on the north, the White Wolf; and on the east side of this figure is painted a large disk, representing the sun. The walls of the chambers of the other societies are not decorated permanently. Here is, then, really another class of kiva, although it is not so called by the people on the Walpi mesa. The ordinary term for the ground story rooms is used, "kikoli," the house without any opening in its walls. But on the second mesa, and at Oraibi, although they sometimes use this term kikoli, they commonly apply the term "kiva" to the ground story of the dwelling house used as well as to the underground chambers.

It is probable that a class of kivas, not specially consecrated, has existed from a very early period. The rooms in the dwelling houses have always been small and dark, and in early times without chimneys. Within such cramped limits it was inconvenient for the men to practice any of the arts they knew, especially weaving, which could have been carried on out of doors, as is done still occasionally, but subject to many interruptions. It is possible that a class of kivas was designed for such ordinary purposes, though now one type of room seems to answer all these various uses. In most of the existing kivas there are planks, in which stout loops are secured, fixed in the floor close to the wall, for attaching the lower beam of a primitive vertical loom, and projecting vigas or beams are inserted into the walls at the time of their construction as a provision for the attachment of the upper loom poles. The planks or logs to which is attached the lower part of the loom appear in some cases to be quite carefully worked. They are often partly buried in the ground and under the edges of adjacent paving stones in such a manner as to be held in place very securely against the strain of the tightly stretched warp while the blanket is being made. The holes pierced in the upper surface of these logs are very neatly executed in the manner illustrated in Fig. 31, which shows one of the orifices in section, together with the adjoining paving stones. The outward appearance of the device, as seen at short intervals along the length of the log, is also shown. Strips of buckskin or bits of rope are passed through these U-shaped cavities, and then over the lower pole of the loom at the bottom of the extended series of warp threads. The latter can thus be tightened preparatory to the operation of filling in with the woof. The kiva looms seem to be used mainly for weaving the dark-blue and black blankets of diagonal and diamond pattern, which form a staple article of trade with the Zuni and the Rio Grande Pueblos. As an additional convenience for the practice of weaving, one of the kivas of Mashongnavi is provided with movable seats. These consist simply of single stones of suitable size and form. Usually they are 8 or 10 inches thick, a foot wide, and perhaps 15 or 18 inches long. Besides their use as seats, these stones are used in connection with the edges of the stone slabs that cap the permanent benches of the kiva to support temporarily the upper and lower poles of the blanket loom while the warp is gradually wound around them. The large stones that are incorporated into the side of the benches of some of the Mashongnavi kivas have occasionally round, cup-shaped cavities, of about an inch in diameter, drilled into them. These holes receive one end of a warp stick, the other end, being supported in a corresponding hole of the heavy, movable stone seat. The other warp stick is supported in a similar manner, while the thread is passed around both in a horizontal direction preparatory to placing and stretching it in a vertical position for the final working of the blanket. A number of these cup-shaped pits are formed along the side of the stone bench, to provide for various lengths of warp that may be required. On the opposite side of this same kiva a number of similar holes or depressions are turned into the mud plastering of the wall. All these devices are of common occurrence at other of the Tusayan kivas, and indicate the antiquity of the practice of using the kivas for such industrial purposes. There is a suggestion of similar use of the ancient circular kivas in an example in Canyon de Chelly. At a small cluster of rooms, built partly on a rocky ledge and partly on adjoining loose earth and rocky debris, a land slide had carried away half of a circular kiva, exposing a well-defined section of its floor and the debris within the room. Here the writer found a number of partly finished sandals of yucca fiber, with the long, unwoven fiber carefully wrapped about the finished portion of the work, as though the sandals had been temporarily laid aside until the maker could again work on them. A number of coils of yucca fiber, similar to that used in the sandals, and several balls of brown fiber, formed from the inner bark of the cedar, were found on the floor of the room. The condition of the ruin and the debris that filled the kiva clearly suggested that these specimens were in use just where they were found at the time of the abandonment or destruction of the houses. No traces were seen, however, of any structural devices like those of Tusayan that would serve as aids to the weavers, though the weaving of the particular articles comprised in the collection from this spot would probably not require any cumbrous apparatus.

_Kiva ownership._--The kiva is usually spoken of as being the home of the organization which maintains it. Different kivas are not used in common by all the inhabitants. Every man has a membership in some particular one and he frequents that one only. The same person is often a member of different societies, which takes him to different kivas, but that is only on set occasions. There is also much informal visiting among them, but a man presumes to make a loitering place only of the kiva in which he holds membership.

In each kiva there is a kiva mungwi (kiva chief), and he controls to a great extent all matters pertaining to the kiva and its membership. This office or trust is hereditary and passes from uncle to nephew through the female line--that is, on the death of a kiva chief the eldest son of his eldest sister succeeds him.

A kiva may belong either to a society, a group of gentes, or an individual. If belonging to a society or order, the kiva chief commonly has inherited his office in the manner indicated from the "eldest brother" of the society who assumed its construction. But the kiva chief is not necessarily chief of the society; in fact, usually he is but an ordinary member. A similar custom of inheritance prevails where the kiva belongs to a group of gentes, only in that case the kiva chief is usually chief of the gentile group.

As for those held by individuals, a couple of examples will illustrate the Tusayan practice. In Hano the chief kiva was originally built by a group of "Sun" gentes, but about 45 years ago, during an epidemic of smallpox, all the people who belonged to the kiva died except one man. The room fell into ruin, its roof timbers were carried off, and it became filled up with dust and rubbish. The title to it, however, rested with the old survivor, as all the more direct heirs had died, and he, when about to die, gave the kiva to Kotshve, a "Snake" man from Walpi, who married a Tewa (Hano) woman and still lives in Hano. This man repaired it and renamed it Tokónabi (said to be a Pah-Ute term, meaning black mountain, but it is the only name the Tusayan have for Navajo Mountain) because his people (the "Snake") came from that place. He in turn gave it to his eldest son, who is therefore kiva mungwi, but the son says his successor will be the eldest son of his eldest sister. The membership is composed of men from all the Hano gentes, but not all of any one gens. In fact, it is not now customary for all the members of a gens to be members of the same kiva.

Another somewhat similar instance occurs in Sichumovi. A kiva, abandoned for a long time after the smallpox plague, was taken possession of by an individual, who repaired it and renamed it Kevinyáp tshómo--Oak Mound. He made his friends its members, but he called the kiva his own. He also says that his eldest sister's son will succeed him as chief.

In each village one of the kivas, usually the largest one, is called (aside from its own special name) mungkiva--chief kiva. It is frequented by the kimungwi--house or village chief--and the tshaakmungwi--chief talker, councillor--and in it also the more elaborate ceremonies are observed.

No women frequent any of the kivas; in fact they never enter them except to plaster the walls at customary periods, or during the occasion of certain ceremonies. Yet one at least of the Oraibi kivas was built for the observances of a society of women, the Mamzrántiki. This and another female society--Lalénkobáki--exist in all the other villages, and on the occasion of their festivals the women are given the exclusive use of one of the kivas.

_Motives for building a kiva._--Only two causes are mentioned for building a new kiva. Quarrels giving rise to serious dissensions among the occupants of a kiva are one cause. An instance of this occurred quite recently at Hano. The conduct of the kiva chief gave rise to dissensions, and the members opposed to him prepared to build a separate room of their own. They chose a gap on the side of the mesa cliff, close to Hano, collected stones for the walls, and brought the roof timbers from the distant wooded mesas; but when all was ready to lay the foundation their differences were adjusted and a complete reconciliation was effected.

The other cause assigned is the necessity for additional room when a gens has outgrown its kiva. When a gens has increased in numbers sufficiently to warrant its having a second kiva, the chief of the gentile group, who in this case is also chief of the order, proposes to his kin to build a separate kiva, and that being agreed to, he assumes the direction of the construction and all the dedicatory and other ceremonies connected with the undertaking. An instance of this kind occurred within the last year or two at Oraibi, where the members of the "Katchina" gentes, who are also members of the religious order of Katchina, built a spacious kiva for themselves.

The construction of a new kiva is said to be of rare occurrence. On the other hand, it is common to hear the kiva chief lament the decadence of its membership. In the "Oak Mound" kiva at Sichumovi there are now but four members. The young men have married and moved to their wives' houses in more thriving villages, and the older men have died. The chief in this case also says that some 2 years ago the agent gave him a stove and pipe, which he set up in the room to add to its comfort. He now has grave fears that the stove is an evil innovation, and has exercised a deleterious influence upon the fortune of his kiva and its members; but the stove is still retained.

_Significance of structural plan._--The designation of the curious orifice of the sipapuh as "the place from which the people emerged" in connection with the peculiar arrangement of the kiva interior with its change of floor level, suggested to the author that these features might be regarded as typifying the four worlds of the genesis myth that has exercised such an influence on Tusayan customs; but no clear data on this subject were obtained by the writer, nor has Mr. Stephen, who is specially well equipped for such investigations, discovered that a definite conception exists concerning the significance of the structural plan of the kiva. Still, from many suggestive allusions made by the various kiva chiefs and others, he also has been led to infer that it typifies the four "houses," or stages, described in their creation myths. The sipapuh, with its cavity beneath the floor, is certainly regarded as indicating the place of beginning, the lowest house under the earth, the abode of Myuingwa, the Creator; the main or lower floor represents the second stage; and the elevated section of the floor is made to denote the third stage, where animals were created. Mr. Stephen observed, at the New Year festivals, that animal fetiches were set in groups upon this platform. It is also to be noted that the ladder leading to the surface is invariably made of pine, and always rests upon the platform, never upon the lower floor, and in their traditional genesis it is stated that the people climbed up from the third house (stage) by a ladder of pine, and through such an opening as the kiva hatchway; only most of the stories indicate that the opening was round. The outer air is the fourth world, or that now occupied.

There are occasional references in the Tusayan traditions to circular kivas, but these are so confused with fantastic accounts of early mythic structures that their literal rendition would serve no useful purpose in the present discussion.

_Typical measurements._--The following list is a record of a number of measurements of Tusayan kivas collected by Mr. Stephen. The wide difference between the end measurements of the same kiva are usually due to the interior offsets that have been noticed on the plans, but the differences in the lengths of the sides are due to irregularities of the site. The latter differences are not so marked as the former.

+-----------------+------------------+---------+---------------+
| Width at ends. | Length of sides. |Height at| Height |
| | | center. | at ends. |
+-----------------+------------------+---------+---------------+
| 13 6 -- -- | 24 0 -- -- | 8 6 | -- -- -- -- |
| 12 0 -- -- | 21 9 -- -- | 7 6 | 6 6 -- -- |
| 14 6 14 6 | 24 6 23 3 | 8 0 | 6 6 6 6 |
| 12 2 12 11 | 23 9 23 9 | 7 10 | 6 1 6 0 |
| 12 6 12 6 | 26 0 25 3 | 7 6 | 6 6 6 6 |
| 13 4 12 10 | 26 8 26 7 | 7 10 | 7 0 7 0 |
| 15 0 13 6 | 26 6 24 11 | 7 4 | 6 3 6 2 |
| 12 6 11 5 | 23 7 21 9 | 8 0 | 7 0 7 0 |
| 12 5 13 5 | 22 8 24 1 | 7 3 | 6 1 6 9 |
| 10 6 13 6 | 27 0 27 0 | 8 3 | 6 3 6 2 |
| 13 6 11 6 | 29 9 29 0 | 11 0 | 5 11 -- -- |
| 14 6 -- -- | 28 6 28 6 | 9 8 | 6 0 -- -- |
| 13 2 14 0 | 28 9 29 9 | 8 6 | 7 0 6 4 |
| 15 1 14 0 | 28 6 -- -- | 9 6 | 7 3 6 6 |
| 13 0 12 6 | 28 7 29 6 | -- -- | 7 4 6 3 |
+-----------------+------------------+---------+---------------+

_List of Tusayan kivas._--The following list gives the present names of all the kivas in use at Tusayan. The mungkiva or chief kiva of the village is in each case designated:

HANO.
1. Toko´nabi kiva Navajo Mountain.
2. Hano sinte´ kiva Place of the Hano.
Toko´nabi kiva is the mungkiva.

WALPI.
1. Djiva´to kiva Goat.
2. Al kiva A´la, Horn.
3. Naca´b kiva Na´cabi, half-way or central.
4. Picku´ibi kiva Opening oak bud.[5]
Wikwa´lobi kiva Place of the watchers.
5. Mung kiva Mungwi chief.
No. 5 is the mungkiva.

[Footnote 5: These two names are common to the kiva in which the
Snake order meets and in which the indoor ceremonies pertaining to
the Snake-dance are celebrated.]

SICHUMOVI.
1. Bave´ntcomo Water mound.
2. Kwinzaptcomo Oak mound.
Bave´ntcomo is the mungkiva.

MASHONGNAVI.
1. Tcavwu´na kiva A small coiled-ware jar.
2. Hona´n kiva Honani, Badger, a gens.
3. Gy´arzohi kiva Gy´arzo, Paroquet, a gens.
4. Kotcobi kiva High place.
5. Al kiva A´la, Horn.
Teavwu´na kiva is the mungkiva.

SHUPAULOVI.
1. A´tkabi kiva Place below.
2. Kokyangobi kiva Place of spider.
A´tkabi kiva is the mungkiva.

SHUMOPAVI.
1. Nuvwa´tikyuobi High place of snow, San Francisco
Mountain.
2. Al kiva A´la, Horn.
3. Gy´arzobi Gy´arzo, Paroquet, a gens.
4. Tco´sobi Blue Jay, a gens.
Tco´sobi is the mungkiva.

ORAIBI.
1. Tdau kiva Tda´uollauwuh The singers.
2. Ha´wiobi kiva Ha´wi, stair; High stair place.
obi, high place.
3. Ish kiva Isa´uwuh Coyote, a gens.
4. Kwang kiva Kwa´kwanti Religious order.
5. Ma´zrau kiva Ma´mzrauti Female order.
6. Na´cabi kiva Half way or Central place.
7. Sa´kwalen kiva Sa´kwa le´na Blue Flute, a religious order.
8. Po´ngobi kiva Pongo, a circle An order who decorate
themselves with circular
marks on the body.
9. Hano´ kiva Ha´nomuh A fashion of cutting the hair.
10. Motc kiva Mo´mtci The Warriors, an order.
11. Kwita´koli kiva Kwita, ordure; Ordure heap.
ko´li, a heap.
12. Katcin kiva Katcina A gens.
13. Tcu kiva Tcua, a snake Religions order.
Tdau kiva is the mungkiva.

DETAILS OF TUSAYAN AND CIBOLA CONSTRUCTION.

WALLS.

The complete operation of building a wall has never been observed at Zuñi by the writer, but a close examination of numerous finished and some broken-down walls indicates that the methods of construction adopted are essentially the same as those employed in Tusayan, which, have been repeatedly observed; with the possible difference, however, that in the former adobe mud mortar is more liberally used. A singular feature of pueblo masonry as observed at Tusayan is the very sparing use of mud in the construction of the walls; in fact, in some instances when walls are built during the dry season, the larger stones are laid up in the walls without the use of mud at all, and are allowed to stand in this condition until the rains come; then the mud mortar is mixed, the interstices of the walls filled in with it and with chinking stones, and the inside walls are plastered. But the usual practice is to complete the house at once, finishing it inside and out with the requisite mortar. In some instances the outside walls are coated, completely covering the masonry, but this is not done in many of the houses, as may be seen by reference to the preceding illustrations of the Tusayan villages. At Zuñi, on the other hand, a liberal and frequently renewed coating of mud is applied to the walls. Only one piece of masonry was seen in the entire village that did not have traces of this coating of mud, viz, that portion of the second story wall of house No. 2 described as possibly belonging to the ancient nucleus pueblo of Halona and illustrated in Pl. LVIII. Even the rough masonry of the kivas is partly surfaced with this medium, though many jagged stones are still visible. As a result of this practice it is now in many cases impossible to determine from mere superficial inspection whether the underlying masonry has been constructed of stone or of adobe; a difficulty that may be realized from an examination of the views of Zuñi in Chapter III. Where the fall of water, such as the discharge from a roof-drain, has removed the outer coating of mud that covers stonework and adobe alike, a large proportion of these exposures reveal stone masonry, so that it is clearly apparent that Zuñi is essentially a stone village. The extensive use of sun-dried bricks of adobe has grown up within quite recent times. It is apparent, however, that the Zuñi builders preferred to use stone; and even at the present time they frequently eke out with stonework portions of a house when the supply of adobe has fallen short. An early instance of such supplementary use of stone masonry still survives in the church building, where the old Spanish adobe has been repaired and filled in with the typical tabular aboriginal masonry, consisting of small stones carefully laid, with very little intervening mortar showing on the face. Such reversion to aboriginal methods probably took place on every opportunity, though it is remarkable that the Indians should have been allowed to employ their own methods in this instance. Although this church building has for many generations furnished a conspicuous example of typical adobe construction to the Zuñi, he has never taken the lesson sufficiently to heart to closely imitate the Spanish methods either in the preparation of the material or in the manner of its use. The adobe bricks of the church are of large and uniform size, and the mud from which they were made had a liberal admixture of straw. This binding material does not appear in Zuñi in any other example of adobe that has been examined, nor does it seem to have been utilized in any of the native pueblo work either at this place or at Tusayan. Where molded adobe bricks have been used by the Zuñi in housebuilding they have been made from the raw material just as it was taken from the fields. As a result these bricks have little of the durability of the Spanish work. Pl. XCVI illustrates an adobe wall of Zuñi, part of an unroofed house. The old adobe church at Hawikuh (Pl. XLVIII), abandoned for two centuries, has withstood the wear of time and weather better than any of the stonework of the surrounding houses. On the right-hand side of the street that shows in the foreground of Pl. LXXVIII is an illustration of the construction of a wall with adobe bricks. This example is very recent, as it has not yet been roofed over. The top of the wall, however, is temporarily protected by the usual series of thin sandstone slabs used in the finishing of wall copings. The very rapid disintegration of native-made adobe walls has brought about the use in Zuñi of many protective devices, some of which will be noticed in connection with the discussion of roof drains and wall copings. Figs. 32 and 33 illustrate a curious employment of pottery fragments on a mud-plastered wall and on the base of a chimney to protect the adobe coating against rapid erosion by the rains. These pieces, usually fragments from large vessels, are embedded in the adobe with the convex side out, forming an armor of pottery scales well adapted to resist disintegration, by the elements.

The introduction of the use of adobe in Zuñi should probably be attributed to foreign influence, but the position of the village in the open plain at a distance of several miles from the nearest outcrop of suitable building stone naturally led the builders to use stone more sparingly when an available substitute was found close at hand. The thin slabs of stone, which had to be brought from a great distance, came to be used only for the more exposed portions of buildings, such as copings on walls and borders around roof openings. Still, the pueblo builders never attained to a full appreciation of the advantages and requirements of this medium as compared with stone. The adobe walls are built only as thick as is absolutely necessary, few of them being more than a foot in thickness. The walls are thus, in proportion, to height and weight, sustained, thinner than the crude brick construction of other peoples, and require protection and constant repairs to insure durability. As to thickness, they are evidently modeled directly after the walls of stone masonry, which had already, in both Tusayan and Cibola, been pushed to the limit of thinness. In fact, since the date of the survey of Zuñi, on which the published plan is based, the walls of several rooms over the court passageway in the house, illustrated in Pl. LXXXII, have entirely fallen in, demonstrating the insufficiency of the thin walls to sustain the weight of several stories.

The climate of the pueblo region is not wholly suited to the employment of adobe construction, as it is there practiced. For several months in the year (the rainy season) scarcely a day passes without violent storms which play havoc with the earth-covered houses, necessitating constant vigilance and frequent repairs on the part of the occupants.

Though the practice of mud-coating all walls has in Cibola undoubtedly led to greater carelessness and a less rigid adherence to ancient methods of construction, the stone masonry may still be seen to retain some of the peculiarities that characterize ancient examples. Features of this class are still more apparent at Tusayan, and notwithstanding the rudeness of much of the modern stone masonry of this province, the fact that the builders are familiar with the superior methods of the ancient builders, is clearly shown in the masonry of the present villages.