Chapter I: Traditional History of Tusayan (2)
Away in the South, before we crossed the mountains (south of the
Apache country) we built large houses and lived there a long while.
Near these houses is a large rock on which was painted the
rain-clouds of the Water phratry, also a man carrying corn in his
arms; and the other phratries also painted the Lizard and the Rabbit
upon it. While they were living there the kwakwanti made an
expedition far to the north and came in conflict with a hostile
people. They fought day after day, for days and days--they fought by
day only and when night came they separated, each party retiring to
its own ground to rest. One night the cranes came and each crane
took a kwakwanti on his back and brought them back to their people
in the South.
Again all the people traveled north until they came to the Little
Colorado, near San Francisco Mountains, and there they built houses
up and down the river. They also made long ditches to carry the
water from the river to their gardens. After living there a long
while they began to be plagued with swarms of a kind of gnat called
the sand-fly, which bit the children, causing them to swell up and
die. The place becoming unendurable, they were forced again to
resume their travels. Before starting, one of the Rain-women, who
was big with child, was made comfortable in one of the houses on the
mountain. She told her people to leave her, because she knew this
was the place where she was to remain forever. She also told them,
that hereafter whenever they should return to the mountain to hunt
she would provide them with plenty of game. Under her house is a
spring and any sterile woman who drinks of its water will bear
children. The people then began a long journey to reach the summit
of the table land on the north. They camped for rest on one of the
terraces, where there was no water, and they were very tired and
thirsty. Here the women celebrated the rain-feast--they danced for
three days, and on the fourth day the clouds brought heavy rain and
refreshed the people. This event is still commemorated by a circle
of stones at that place. They reached a spring southeast from
Káibitho (Kumás Spring) and there they built a house and lived for
some time. Our people had plenty of rain and cultivated much corn
and some of the Walpi people came to visit us. They told ns that
their rain only came here and there in fine misty sprays, and a
basketful of corn was regarded as a large crop. So they asked us to
come to their land and live with them and finally we consented. When
we got there we found some Eagle people living near the Second Mesa;
our people divided, and part went with the Eagle and have ever since
remained there; but we camped near the First Mesa. It was planting
time and the Walpi celebrated their rain-feast but they brought only
a mere misty drizzle. Then we celebrated our rain-feast and planted.
Great rains and thunder and lightning immediately followed and on
the first day after planting our corn was half an arm's length high;
on the fourth day it was its full height, and in one moon it was
ripe. When we were going up to the village (Walpi was then north of
the gap, probably), we were met by a Bear man who said that our
thunder frightened the women and we must not go near the village.
Then the kwakwanti said, "Let us leave these people and seek a land
somewhere else," but our women said they were tired of travel and
insisted upon our remaining. Then "Fire-picker" came down from the
village and told us to come up there and stay, but after we had got
into the village the Walpi women screamed out against us--they
feared our thunder--and so the Walpi turned us away. Then our
people, except those who went to the Second Mesa, traveled to the
northeast as far as the Tsegi (Canyon de Chelly), but I can not tell
whether our people built the louses there. Then they came hack to
this region again and built houses and had much trouble with the
Walpi, but we have lived here ever since.
Groups of the Water people, as already stated, were distributed among all the villages, although the bulk of them remained at the Middle Mesa; but it seems that most of the remaining groups subsequently chose to build their permanent houses at Oraibi. There is no special tradition of this movement; it is only indicated by this circumstance, that in addition to the Water families common to every village, there are still in Oraibi several families of that people which have no representatives in any of the other villages. At a quite early day Oraibi became a place of importance, and they tell of being sufficiently populous to establish many outlying settlements. They still identify these with ruins on the detached mesas in the valley to the south and along the Moen-kopi ("place of flowing water") and other intermittent streams in the west. These sites were occupied for the purpose of utilizing cultivable tracts of land in their vicinity, and the remotest settlement, about 45 miles west, was especially devoted to the cultivation of cotton, the place being still called by the Navajo and other neighboring tribes, the "cotton planting ground." It is also said that several of the larger ruins along the course of the Moen-kopi were occupied by groups of the Snake, the Coyote, and the Eagle who dwelt in that region for a long period before they joined the people in Tusayan. The incursions of foreign bands from the north may have hastened that movement, and the Oraibi say they were compelled to withdraw all their outlying colonies. An episode is related of an attack upon the main village when a number of young girls were carried off, and 2 or 3 years afterward the same marauders returned and treated with the Oraibi, who paid a ransom in corn and received all their girls back again. After a quiet interval the pillaging bands renewed their attacks and the settlements on the Moen-kopi were vacated. They were again occupied after another peace was established, and this condition of alternate occupancy and abandonment seems to have existed until within quite recent time.
While the Asa were still sojourning in Canyon de Chelly, and before the arrival of the Hano, another bloody scene had been enacted in Tusayan. Since the time of the Antelope Canyon feuds there had been enmity between Awatubi and some of the other villages, especially Walpi, and some of the Sikyatki refugees had transmitted their feudal wrongs to their descendants who dwelt in Awatubi. They had long been perpetrating all manner of offenses; they had intercepted hunting parties from the other villages, seized their game, and sometimes killed the hunters; they had fallen upon men in outlying corn fields, maltreating and sometimes slaying them, and threatened still more serious outrage. Awatubi was too strong for Walpi to attack single-handed, so the assistance of the other villages was sought, and it was determined to destroy Awatubi at the close of a feast soon to occur. This was the annual "feast of the kwakwanti," which is still maintained and is held during the month of November by each village, when the youths who have been qualified by certain ordeals are admitted to the councils. The ceremonies last several days, and on the concluding night special rites are held in the kivas. At these ceremonies every man must be in the kiva to which he belongs, and after the close of the rites they all sleep there, no one being permitted to leave the kiva until after sunrise on the following day.
There was still some little intercourse between Awatubi and Walpi, and it was easily ascertained when this feast was to be held. On the day of its close, the Walpi sent word to their allies "to prepare the war arrow and come," and in the evening the fighting bands from the other villages assembled at Walpi, as the foray was to be led by the chief of that village. By the time night had fallen something like 150 marauders had met, all armed, of course; and of still more ominous import than their weapons were the firebrands they carried--shredded cedar bark loosely bound in rolls, resinous splinters of piñon, dry greasewood (a furze very easily ignited), and pouches full of pulverized red peppers.
Secure in the darkness from observation, the bands followed the Walpi chief across the valley, every man with his weapons in hand and a bundle of inflammables on his back. Beaching the Awatubi mesa they cautiously crept up the steep, winding trail to the summit, and then stole round the village to the passages leading to the different courts holding the kivas, near which they hid themselves. They waited till just before the gray daylight came, then the Walpi chief shouted his war cry and the yelling bands rushed to the kivas. Selecting their positions, they were at them in a moment, and quickly snatching up the ladders through the hatchways, the only means of exit, the doomed occupants were left as helpless as rats in a trap. Fire was at hand in the numerous little cooking pits, containing the jars of food prepared for the celebrants, the inflammable bundles were lit and tossed into the kivas, and the piles of firewood on the terraced roofs were thrown down upon the blaze, and soon each kiva became a furnace. The red pepper was then cast upon the fire to add its choking tortures, while round the hatchways the assailants stood showering their arrows into the mass of struggling wretches. The fires were maintained until the roofs fell in and buried and charred the bones of the victims. It is said that every male of Awatubi who had passed infancy perished in the slaughter, not one escaping. Such of the women and children as were spared were taken out, and all the houses were destroyed, after which the captives were divided among the different villages.
The date of this last feudal atrocity can be made out with some degree of exactness, because in 1692, Don Diego Vargas with a military force visited Tusayan and mentions Awatubi as a populous village at which he made some halt. The Hano (Tewa) claim that they have lived in Tusayan for five or six generations, and that when they arrived there was no Awatubi in existence; hence it must have been destroyed not long after the close of the seventeenth century.
Since the destruction of Awatubi only one other serious affray has occurred between the villages; that was between Oraibi and Walpi. It appears that after the Oraibi withdrew their colonies from the south and west they took possession of all the unoccupied planting grounds to the east of the village, and kept reaching eastward till they encroached upon some land claimed by the Walpi. This gave rise to intermittent warfare in the outlying fields, and whenever the contending villagers met a broil ensued, until the strife culminated in an attack upon Walpi. The Oraibi chose a day when the Walpi men were all in the field on the east side of the mesa, but the Walpi say that their women and dogs held the Oraibi at bay until the men came to the rescue. A severe battle was fought at the foot of the mesa, in which the Oraibi were routed and pursued across the Middle Mesa, where an Oraibi chief turned and implored the Walpi to desist. A conciliation was effected there, and harmonious relations have ever since existed between them. Until within a few years ago the spot where they stayed pursuit was marked by a stone, on which a shield and a dog were depicted, but it was a source of irritation to the Oraibi and it was removed by some of the Walpi.
In the early part of the eighteenth century the Ute from the north, and the Apache from the south made most disastrous inroads upon the villages, in which Walpi especially suffered. The Navajo, who then lived upon their eastern border, also suffered severely from the same bands, but the Navajo and the Tusayan were not on the best terms and never made any alliance for a common defense against these invaders.
Hano was peopled by a different linguistic stock from that of the other villages--a stock which belongs to the Rio Grande group. According to Polaka, the son of the principal chief, and himself an enterprising trader who has made many journeys to distant localities--and to others, the Hano once lived in seven villages on the Rio Grande, and the village in which his forefathers lived was called Tceewáge. This, it is said, is the same as the present Mexican village of Peña Blanca.
The Hano claim that they came to Tusayan only after repeated solicitation by the Walpi, at a time when the latter were much harassed by the Ute and Apache. The story, as told by Kwálakwai, who lives in Hano, but is not himself a Hano, begins as follows:
Long ago the Hopi´tuh were few and were continually harassed by the
Yútamo (Ute), Yuíttcemo (Apache), and Dacábimo (Navajo). The chiefs
of the Tcuin nyumu (Snake people) and the Hánin nyumu (Bear people)
met together and made the ba´ho (sacred plume stick) and sent it
with a man from each of these people to the house of the Tewa,
called Tceewádigi, which was far off on the Múina (river) near
Alavia (Santa Fé).
The messengers did not succeed in persuading the Tewa to come and the embassy was sent three times more. On the fourth visit the Tewa consented to come, as the Walpi had offered to divide their land and their waters with them, and set out for Tusayan, led by their own chief, the village being left in the care of his son. This first band is said to have consisted of 146 women, and it was afterwards followed by another and perhaps others.
Before the Hano arrived there had been a cessation of hostile inroads, and the Walpi received them churlishly and revoked their promises regarding the division of land and waters with them. They were shown where they could build houses for themselves on a yellow sand mound on the east side of the mesa just below the gap. They built there, but they were compelled to go for their food up to Walpi. They could get no vessels to carry their food in, and when they held out their hands for some the Walpi women mockingly poured out hot porridge and scalded the fingers of the Hano.
After a time the Ute came down the valley on the west side of the mesa, doing great harm again, and drove off the Walpi flocks andiron Then the Hano got ready for war; they tied buckskins around their loins, whitened their legs with clay, and stained their body and arms with dark red earth (ocher). They overtook the Ute near Wípho (about 3 miles north from Hano), but the Ute had driven the flocks up the steep mesa side, and when they saw the Tewa coming they killed all the sheep and piled the carcasses up for a defense, behind which they lay down. They had a few firearms also, while the Hano had only clubs and bows and arrows; but after some fighting the Ute were driven out and the Tewa followed after them. The first Ute was killed a short distance beyond, and a stone heap still (?) marks the spot. Similar heaps marked the places where other Ute were killed as they fled before the Hano, but not far from the San Juan the last one was killed.
Upon the return of the Hano from this successful expedition they were received gratefully and allowed to come up on the mesa to live--the old houses built by the Asa, in the present village of Hano, being assigned to them. The land was then divided, an imaginary line between Hano and Sichumovi, extending eastward entirely across the valley, marked the southern boundary, and from this line as far north as the spot where the last Utah was killed was assigned to the Hano as their possession.
When the Hano first came the Walpi said to them, "let us spit in
your mouths, and you will learn our tongue," and to this the Hano
consented. When the Hano came up and built on the mesa they said to
the Walpi, "let us spit in your mouths and you will learn our
tongue," but the Walpi would not listen to this, saying it would
make them vomit. This is the reason why all the Hano can talk Hopí,
and none of the Hopítuh can talk Hano.
The Asa and the Hano were close friends while they dwelt in New Mexico, and when they came to this region both of them were called Hánomuh by the other people of Tusayan. This term signifies the mode in which the women of these people wear their hair, cut off in front on a line with the mouth and carelessly parted or hanging over the face, the back hair rolled up in a compact queue at the nape of the neck. This uncomely fashion prevails with both matron, and maid, while among the other Tusayan the matron parts her hair evenly down the head and wears it hanging in a straight queue on either side, the maidens wearing theirs in a curious discoid arrangement over each temple.
Although the Asa and the Hano women have the same peculiar fashion of wearing the hair, still there is no affinity of blood claimed between them. The Asa speak the same language as the other Tusayan, but the Tewa (Hano) have a quite distinct language which belongs to the Tañoan stock. They claim that the occupants of the following pueblos, in the same region of the Rio Grande, are of their people and speak the same tongue.
Kótite Cochití (?). Kápung Santa Clara (?)
Númi Nambé. Pokwádi Pojoaque.
Ohke San Juan. Tetsógi Tesuque.
Posówe (Doubtless extinct.) Also half of Taos.
Pleasant relations existed for some time, but the Walpi again grew ill-tempered; they encroached upon the Hano planting grounds and stole their property. These troubles increased, and the Hano moved away from the mesa; they crossed the west valley and built temporary shelters. They sent some men to explore the land on the westward to find a suitable place for a new dwelling. These scouts went to the Moen-kopi, and on returning, the favorable story they told of the land they had seen determined the Tewa to go there.
Meanwhile some knowledge of these troubles had reached Tceewádigi, and a party of the Tewa came to Tusayan to take their friends back. This led the Hopituh to make reparation, which restored the confidence of the Hano, and they returned to the mesa, and the recently arrived party were also induced to remain. Yet even now, when the Hano (Tewa) go to visit their people on the river, the latter beseech them to come back, but the old Tewa say, "we shall stay here till our breath leaves us, then surely we shall go back to our first home to live forever."
The Walpi for a long time frowned down all attempts on the part of the Hano to fraternize; they prohibited intermarriages, and in general tabued the Hano. Something of this spirit was maintained until quite recent years, and for this reason the Hano still speak their own language, and have preserved several distinctive customs, although now the most friendly relations exist among all the villages. After the Hano were quietly established in their present position the Asa returned, and the Walpi allotted them a place to build in their own village. As before mentioned, the house mass on the southeast side of Walpi, at the head of the trail leading up to the village at that point, is still occupied by Asa families, and their tenure of possession was on the condition that they should always defend that point of access and guard the south end of the village. Their kiva is named after this circumstance as that of "the Watchers of the High Place."
Some of the Bear and Lizard families being crowded for building space, moved from Walpi and built the first houses on the site of the present village of Sichumovi, which is named from the Sivwapsi, a shrub which formerly grew there on some mounds (chumo).
This was after the Asa had been in Walpi for some time; probably about 125 years ago. Some of the Asa, and the Badger, the latter descendants of women saved from the Awatubi catastrophe, also moved to Sichumovi, but a plague of smallpox caused the village to be abandoned shortly afterward. This pestilence is said to have greatly reduced the number of the Tusayan, and after it disappeared there were many vacant houses in every village. Sichumovi was again occupied by a few Asa families, but the first houses were torn down and new ones constructed from them.
LIST OF TRADITIONARY GENTES.
In the following table the early phratries (nyu-mu) are arranged in the order of their arrival, and the direction from which each came is given, except in the case of the Bear people. There are very few representatives of this phratry existing now, and very little tradition extant concerning its early history. The table does not show the condition of these, organizations in the present community but as they appear in the traditional accounts of their coming to Tusayan, although representatives of most of them can still be found in the various villages. There are, moreover, in addition to these, many other gentes and sub-gentes of more recent origin. The subdivision, or rather the multiplication of gentes may be said to be a continuous process; as, for example, in "corn" can be found families claiming to be of the root, stem, leaf, ear, blossom, etc., all belonging to corn; but there may be several families of each of these components constituting district sub-gentes. At present there are really but four phratries recognized among the Hopituh, the Snake, Horn, Eagle, and Rain, which is indifferently designated as Water or Corn:
1. Ho´-nan--Bear.
Ho´-nan Bear.
Ko´-kyañ-a Spider.
Tco´-zir Jay.
He´k-pa Fir.
2. Tcu´-a--Rattlesnake--from the west and north.
Tcu´-a Rattlesnake.
Yu´ñ-ya Cactus--opuntia.
Pü´n-e Cactus, the species that grows in dome-like masses.
Ü´-se Cactus, candelabra, or branching stemmed species.
He´-wi Dove.
Pi-vwa´ni Marmot.
Pi´h-tca Skunk.
Ka-la´-ci-au-u Raccoon.
3. A´-la--Horn--from the east.
So´-wiñ-wa Deer.
Tc´ib-io Antelope.
Pa´ñ-wa Mountain sheep.
4. Kwa´-hü--Eagle--from the west and south.
Kwa´-hü Eagle.
Kwa´-yo Hawk.
Mas-si´ kwa´-yo Chicken hawk.
Tda´-wa Sun.
Ka-ha´-bi Willow.
Te´-bi Greasewood.
5. Ka-tci´-na--Sacred, dancer--from the east.
Ka-tci´-na Sacred dancer.
Gya´-zro Parroquet.
Uñ-wu´-si Raven.
Si-kya´-tci Yellow bird.
Si-he´-bi Cottonwood.
Sa-la´-bi Spruce.
6. A´sa--a plant (unknown)--from the Chama.
A´sa
Tca´-kwai-na Black earth Katcina.
Pu´tc-ko-hu Boomerang hunting stick.
Pi´-ca Field mouse.
Hoc´-bo-a Road runner, or chaparral cock.
Po-si´-o Magpie.
Kwi´ñobi Oak.
7. Ho-na´-ni--Badger--from the east.
Ho-na´-ni Badger.
Müñ-ya´u-wu Porcupine.
Wu-so´-ko Vulture.
Bu´-li Butterfly.
Bu-li´-so Evening primrose.
Na´-hü Medicine of all kinds; generic.
8. Yo´-ki--Rain--from the south.
Yo´-ki Rain.
O´-mau Cloud.
Ka´i-e Corn.
Mu´r-zi-bu-si Bean.
Ka-wa´i-ba-tuñ-a Watermelon.
Si-vwa´-pi Bigelovia graveolens.
The foregoing is the Water or Rain phratry proper, but allied to them are the two following phratries, who also came to this region with the Water phratry.
LIZARD.
Ka´-kü-tci }
Ba-tci´p-kwa-si } Species of lizards.
Na´-nan-a-wi }
Mo´-mo-bi }
Pi´-sa White sand.
Tdu´-wa Red sand.
Ten´-kai Mud.
RABBIT.
So´-wi Jackass rabbit.
Tda´-bo Cottontail rabbit.
Pi´-ba Tobacco.
Tcoñ-o Pipe.
Polaka gives the following data:
Te´-wa gentes and phratries.
_Tewa_ _Hopi´tuh_ _Navajo._
Ko´[n]-lo \ Ka´-ai Nata´[n] Corn.
Cä / Pi´-ba Na´-to Tobacco.
Ke \ Ho´-nau Cac Bear.
Tce´-li / Ca´-la-bi Ts´-co Spruce.
Ke´gi \ Ki´-hu Ki-a´-ni House.
Tuñ / Tda´-wu Tjon-a-ai´ Sun.
O´-ku-wuñ \ O´-mau Kus Cloud.
Nuñ / Tcu´-kai Huc-klic Mud.
The gentes bracketed are said to "belong together," but do not seem to have distinctive names--as phratries.
SUPPLEMENTARY LEGEND.
An interesting ruin which occurs on a mesa point a short distance north of Mashongnavi is known to the Tusayan under the name of Payupki. There are traditions and legends concerning it among the Tusayan, but the only version that could be obtained is not regarded by the writer as being up to the standard of those incorporated in the "Summary" and it is therefore given separately, as it has some suggestive value. It was obtained through Dr. Jeremiah Sullivan, then resident in Tusayan.
The people of Payupki spoke the same language as those on the first mesa (Walpi). Long ago they lived in the north, on the San Juan, but they were compelled to abandon that region and came to a place about 20 miles northwest from Oraibi. Being compelled to leave there, they went to Canyon de Chelly, where a band of Indians from the southeast joined them, with whom they formed an alliance. Together the two tribes moved eastward toward the Jemez Mountains, whence they drifted into the valley of the Rio Grande. There they became converts to the fire-worship then prevailing, but retained their old customs and language. At the time of the great insurrection (of 1680) they sheltered the native priests that were driven from some of the Rio Grande villages, and this action created such distrust and hatred among the people that the Payupki were forced to leave their settlement. Their first stop was at Old Laguna (12 miles east of the modern village) and they had with them then some 35 or 40 of the priests. After leaving Laguna they came to Bear Spring (Fort Wingate) and had a fight there with the Apache, whom they defeated. They remained at Bear Spring for several years, until the Zuñi compelled them to move. They then attempted to reach the San Juan, but were deceived in the trail, turned to the west and came to where Pueblo Colorado is now (the present post-office of Ganado, between Fort Defiance and Keam's Canyon). They remained there a long time, and through their success in farming became so favorably known that they were urged to come farther west. They refused, in consequence of which some Tusayan attacked them. They were captured and brought to Walpi (then on the point) and afterwards they were distributed among the villages. Previous to this capture the priests had been guiding them by feathers, smoke, and signs seen in the fire. When the priest's omens and oracles had proved false the people were disposed to kill them, but the priests persuaded them to let it depend on a test case--offering to kill themselves in the event of failure. So they had a great feast at Awatubi. The priests had long, hollow reeds inclosing various substances--feathers, flour, corn-pollen, sacred water, native tobacco (piba), corn, beans, melon seeds, etc., and they formed in a circle at sunrise on the plaza and had their incantations and prayers. As the sun rose a priest stepped forth before the people and blew through his reed, desirous of blowing that which was therein away from him, to scatter it abroad. But the wind would not blow and the contents of the reed fell to the ground. The priests were divided into groups, according to what they carried. In the evening all but two groups had blown. Then the elder of the twain turned his back eastward, and the reed toward the setting sun, and he blew, and the wind caught the feather and carried it to the west. This was accepted as a sign and the next day the Tusayan freed the slaves, giving each a blanket with corn in it. They went to the mesa where the ruin now stands and built the houses there. They asked for planting grounds, and fields were given them; but their crops did not thrive, and they stole corn from the Mashongnavi. Then, fearful lest they should be surprised at night, they built a wall as high as a man's head about the top of their mesa, and they had big doorways, which they closed and fastened at night. When they were compelled to plant corn for themselves they planted it on the ledges of the mesa, but it grew only as high as a man's knees; the leaves were very small and the grains grew only on one side of it. After a time they became friendly with the Mashongnavi again, and a boy from that village conceived a passion for a Payupki girl. The latter tribe objected to a marriage but the Mashongnavi were very desirous for it and some warriors of that village proposed if the boy could persuade the girl to fly with him, to aid and protect him. On an appointed day, about sundown, the girl came down from the mesa into the valley, but she was discovered by some old women who were baking pottery, who gave the alarm. Hearing the noise a party of the Mashongnavi, who were lying in wait, came up, but they encountered a party of the Payupki who had come out and a fight ensued. During the fight the young man was killed; and this caused so much bitterness of feeling that the Payupki were frightened, and remained quietly in their pueblo for several days. One morning, however, an old woman came over to Mashongnavi to borrow some tobacco, saying that they were going to have a dance in her village in five days. The next day the Payupki quietly departed. Seeing no smoke from the village the Mashongnavi at first thought that the Payupki were preparing for their dance, but on the third day a band of warriors was sent over to inquire and they found the village abandoned. The estufas and the houses of the priests were pulled down.
The narrator adds that the Payupki returned to San Felipe whence they came.
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A Study of Pueblo Architecture: Tusayan and CibolaChapter I: Traditional History of Tusayan (2)
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