Chapter II: Phonology (2)

C before a front vowel (e, i), as early as the 3d century, doubtless had, in nearly all the Empire, a front or palatal articulation; that is, it was formed as close as possible to the following vowel[36]: _cĕntum_ ＞ c´ĕntu, _dūcĕre_ ＞ dūc´ĕre. The next step was the introduction of an audible glide, a brief y, between the c´ and the vowel[37]: c´yęntu, dục´yere. By the 5th century this c´y had developed into a kind of ty, the c´ having been drawn still further forward: t´yęntu dụt´yere. Through a modification of the y-glide, the group then became, in the 6th or 7th century, tš or ts: tšęntu tsęntu. See H. Schuchardt, _Voc._, I, 151, and _Ltblt._, XIV, 360; P. E. Guarnerio, in _Supplementi all’ Archivio glottologico italiano_, IV (1897), pp. 21-51 (cf. _Rom._, XXX, 617); G. Paris, in the _Journal des savants_, 1900, 359, in the _Annuaire de l’École pratique des Hautes-Études_, 1893, 7, in the _Comptes rendus des séances de l’Académie des Inscriptions_, 1893, 81, and in _Rom._, XXXIII, 322; W. Meyer-Lübke, _Einf._, pp. 123-126; F. G. Mohl, _Zs._, XXVI, 595; P. Marchot, _Phon._, pp. 51-53; W. Meyer-Lübke, in _Bausteine zur romanischen Philologie_, 313. Cf. G and X.[38]

G between vowels, before the accent, disappeared in some words in at least a part of the Empire: _le(g)ālis_, _li(g)āmen_, _re(g)ālis_, (_realis_ is attested for the 8th century); _ĕgo_, generally used as a proclitic, everywhere lost its g; on the other hand, g was kept in _castigāre_, _fatigāre_, _ligāre_, _negāre_, _pagānus_. G before a front vowel (e, i), by the 1st or 2d century, was pronounced g´ (cf. C): _gĕntem_ ＞ g´ĕnte, _fragĭlis_ ＞ frag´ĭlis. As early as the 4th century this g´, through failure to form a close articulation, opened into y[39]: yęnte, fráyilis. Before an accented e or i an intervocalic y disappeared, in the greater part of the Empire, being fused with the vowel: _magĭster_ ＞ mayįster ＞ maẹster, ✱_pagēnsis_ ＞ payẹsis ＞ paẹsis, _regīna_ ＞ reyịna ＞ reịna.[38]

M and n, when final, were weak and indistinct from the earliest times, except in monosyllables; by the 3d or 4th century they had probably disappeared altogether from the end of polysyllables: damnu, nọme; but jam, non.

N before spirants (f, j, s, v), except in the prefixes _con-_ and _in-_, became silent during the Republican period, the preceding vowel, if it was short, being lengthened by compensation[40]: _mē(n)sis_, _pē(n)sare_. If the syllable _con-_ or _in-_ was not recognized as a prefix, the n fell: _co(n)sul_, _co(n)ventum_, _i(n)fas_. In learned and newly constructed words the _n_ was pronounced. Cf. M.

Qu, gu before o or u were reduced to c, g in the 1st or 2d century: see W.

R before s, in a number of words, became s in the Republican period: _deōrsum_ ＞ deōssum, _dŏrsum_ ＞ dŏssum, _sūrsum_ ＞ sūssum; so, in a part of the Empire, _pĕrsĭca_ ＞ pĕssĭca, _vĕrsus_ (preposition) ＞ vĕssus. Early in our era ss after a long vowel was reduced to s: deōsu, sūsu.

S was probably always voiceless, or surd, in classic Latin, but became voiced between vowels, in Gaul, at the end of the Vulgar Latin period: _casa_. To initial s + consonant an i or e was prefixed, at first, no doubt, after a word ending in a consonant: _in schŏla_ ＞ in iscŏla; this process began in the 2d century and had become general by the 4th.

V, originally pronounced w, became β probably in the 1st century: _vīvĕre_ ＞ βīβĕre. Before u, _v_ regularly disappeared, but it was restored by analogy in many words: _flavus_ ＞ flaus, _ōvum_ ＞ ŏum, _rīvus_ ＞ rīus; but also _ŏvum_, _rīvus_, by the analogy of _ova_, _rivi_. In the greater part of the Empire v apparently fell also before an accented o: _pavōnem_ ＞ paōne, _pavōrem_ ＞ paōre. Cf. W. When a β, representing either b or v, became contiguous to a following consonant, it changed to u: ✱_avĭca_ ＞ aβĭca ＞ auca, _gabăta_ ＞ gaβata ＞ gauta, ✱_flavĭtat_ ＞ flaβĭtat ＞ flautat. In several words rv became rb in Latin: _vervēcem_ ＞ berbēce berbīce, _cŏrvus_ ＞ cŏrbus, _cŭrvus_ ＞ cŭrbus.

W coming, in the 2d or 3d century, from u̯ (§ 40) differed from Latin _v_, then pronounced β, but was probably identical with Germanic _w_: _dēbuī_ ＞ dẹbwị, _placuī_ ＞ placwị, _sapuit_ ＞ sapwit, _tĕnuis_ ＞ tęnwis. W fell between a consonant and o or u: _antīquus_ ＞ antịcus, _battuo_ ＞ batto, _carduus_ ＞ cardus, _cŏquus_ ＞ cǫcus, _distĭnguo_ ＞ distįngo, _mŏrtuus_ ＞ mǫrtus; so _eccu’hŏc_ ＞ Pr. acǫ. Cf. Qu.

X (= ks) was reduced to s, in the 2d or 3d century, before a consonant or at the end of a word of more than one syllable: _sĕstus_, _sĕnes_; but _sĕx_. So the prefix _ex-_ ＞ es- before any consonant but s: ✱_exgaudēre_ ＞ Pr. esiauzir, ✱_exlucēre_ ＜ Pr. esluzir, ✱_exmĭttĕre_ ＞ Pr. esmẹtre; _excernĕre_ ＞ ✱_escernīre_ ＞ Pr. _eissernir_. Ex- + s apparently became either ex- or ess-: ✱_exsanguinātum_ ＞ Pr. eissancnat, ✱_exsaritāre_ ＞ Pr. eissartar, ✱_exsĕquĕre_ ＞ Pr. essęgre, ✱_exsŭrgĕre_ ＞ Pr. essọrger, ✱_exsūcāre_ ＞ Pr. eissügar essügar.

Y coming, in the 2d or 3d century, from e̯ or i̯, (§ 40) coincided with Latin _j_: _habeam_ ＞ abya, _eāmus_ ＞ yamus, _tĕneat_ ＞ tęnyat; _audio_ ＞ audyo, _fīlia_ ＞ fịlya, _vĕniat_ ＞ vęnyat. As early as the 4th century the groups dy, gy were reduced to y; and ly, ny probably became l´, n´: _mĕdius_ ＞ mędyus ＞ męyus, _corrĭgia_ ＞ corrįgya ＞ corrẹya; _mĕlior_ ＞ męlyor ＞ męl´or, _tĕneo_ ＞ tęnyo ＞ tęn´o.

56. Germanic b, ð, h, k, þ, w call for special mention:--

B did not participate in the change of Latin intervocalic b to β: _roubôn_ ＞ Pr. raubar. The words containing it were evidently adopted after this phonetic law had ceased to operate.

ð, þ were pronounced by the Latins as d, t: ✱_waiðanjan_ ＞ ✱_wadanyāre_ ＞ Pr. gazanhar (It. guadagnare), _þrëscan_ ＞ ✱trescāre ＞ Pr. trescar.

H, at the beginning of a word, was lost in the greater part of the Empire, including southern Gaul: _hapja_ ＞ ✱apya ＞ Pr. apcha. H between vowels was lost in some words and replaced by kk in others: _spëhôn_ ＞ Pr. espiar, _fëhu_ ＞ Pr. fęu, _jëhan_ ＞ ✱yekkīre ＞ Pr. gequir. Ht was regularly replaced by tt: _slahta_ ＞ ✱sclatta ＞ Pr. esclata; but _wahta_, perhaps borrowed at a different period, became Pr. gaita.

K, in southern Gaul, did not take the palatal pronunciation before front vowels: _skërnon_ ＞ Pr. esquernir, _skina_ ＞ Pr. esquina, _skiuhan_ ＞ Pr. esquivar, ✱_rîk-ĭtia_ ＞ Pr. riquẹza; only the derivatives of _Franko_ (doubtless Latinized early) show palatalization, as ✱_Francia_ ＞ Pr. Fransa. G, however, seems to have been palatalized: _gîga_ ＞ Pr. giga, _geisla_ ＞ Pr. giscle. Before a, in words introduced early, k and g were treated like Latin c and g: _kausjan_ ＞ Pr. cauzir chauzir, _gâhi_ ＞ Pr. gai iai; see § 11, (1).

W was vigorously pronounced, and, through reinforcement of its velar element, came to be sounded gw: _warjan_ ＞ ✱warīre gwarīre ＞ Pr. garir, _wërra_ ＞ ✱węrra gwęrra ＞ Pr. guęrra.

57. Greek ζ, θ, κ, φ, χ did not exactly correspond to any Latin consonants:--

Z, whatever may have been its original pronunciation, received in Vulgar Latin the value dy, which then, like any other dy, became y: ✱_zelōsus_ (from ζῆλος) = dyelọsus yelọsus ＞ Pr. gelọs. The infinitive ending -ίζειν, introduced in such words as βαπτίζειν, ＞ _baptizāre_ = bapti(d)yāre, became very common in the form -įdyāre -įyāre, and was used to make new verbs: _wërra_ + ίζειν ＞ ✱werrįdyāre gwerrįyāre ＞ Pr. guerrẹiar.

θ, in the popular speech of Rome, was replaced by t: similarly χ was replaced by c: σπαθή ＞ _spatha_ = spata; χορδή ＞ _chŏrda_ = cǫrda.

κ was apparently intermediate in sound between Latin c and g; it was generally replaced by the former, but sometimes by the latter: κατά ＞ _cata_, κυβερνᾰν ＞ _gubernare_.

φ, in Greek, was in early times (perhaps until the 4th century of our era) a strongly explosive p; it then developed into f. In words borrowed by the Romans in the early period it was replaced by p; in later words it was sounded f: κόλαφος ＞ _cŏlăphus_ = cǫlapus, φασίολος ＞ _phaseŏlus_ _faseŏlus_.

58. The fate of all these consonants in Provençal depended largely on their position in the word: we must therefore distinguish _initial_, _medial_, and _final_ consonants. In a general way, the first tended to remain unchanged, the second to weaken, the third to disappear. Furthermore we must separate single consonants from consonant groups: the latter resisted change better than the former; but a group consisting of dissimilar elements tended to assimilate them.

INITIAL CONSONANTS.

59. A consonant preceded by a prefix was treated as an initial consonant as long as the character of this preceding syllable was recognized: _de-cadĕre_ ＞ decazẹr, _de-pĭngĕre_ ＞ depẹnher, _præ-parāre_ ＞ preparar, _re-cordāre_ ＞ recordar, _re-patriāre_ ＞ repairar, _re-pausāre_ ＞ repausar, _se-dūcĕre_ ＞ sedüire. If, however, the initial syllable ceased to be recognized as a prefix, the following consonant was treated as a medial consonant: _præpŏsĭtum_ ＞ prebǫst, _retŏrta_ ＞ redǫrta; so, perhaps, _profŭndum_ ＞ preọn. The rare rebọnre (beside repọnre) ＜ _re-pōnĕre_ has the special sense ‘to bury’.

SINGLE INITIAL CONSONANTS.

60. B, d, l, m, n, p, r, s, t underwent no change: ben, dọn, lǫc, mẹ, nau, pauc, rius, si, tü.

1. For _cremetar_ ＜ ✱_tremitāre_, see Meyer-Lübke, _Einf._, §
194. For _granolha_ ＜ ✱_ranŭcŭla_, see Körting, _ranuculus_.

61. C, c´, f, g, g´, β, y suffered some change. C, g must be distinguished from c´, g´: § 55, C, G.

C, g before o, u remained unchanged: _colōrem_ ＞ colọr, _cūra_ ＞ cüra; _gŭla_ ＞ gọla, _gŭtta_ ＞ gọta. Before a they changed only in the north and northeast, where they became (perhaps from the 7th to the 9th century) respectively tš and dž: _campus_ ＞ camps champs; _gaudēre_ ＞ gauzir iauzir.

C´ ＞ ts, which just before and during the literary period was reduced to s: cælum ＞ cęl sęl, _cīvitātem_ ＞ ciutat ciptat siptat. For g´, see Y.

Y, comprising Latin dy, g´, gy, j, and z, became dž (except in Béarn, where it remained y): _diurnālem_ ＞ iornal (yornal), _deō(r)sum_ ＞ iọs; _gĕlus_ ＞ gęls, _gentīlem_ ＞ gentil (yentil), _gȳrāre_ ＞ girar; _jam_ ＞ ia, _jŏcum_ ＞ iǫc (yǫc), _jŭvĕnem_ ＞ iọve; ✱_zelōsus_ ＞ gelọs.

F remained unchanged, except in Béarn and a part of Gascony, where it became h: _famem_ ＞ fam ham, _fĭdem_ ＞ fẹ hẹ, _fŏcum_ ＞ fǫc hüc, _fŏlia_ ＞ fuelha huelha.

β ＞ v (the dentilabial spirant), except in Béarn, Gascony, and parts of Languedoc, where it became b: _vĕnit_ ＞ ven be, _vĕntum_ ＞ vent bent, _vĕrsus_ (§ 55, R) ＞ vęs bęs, _vōs_ ＞ vọs bọs.

1. In a few words β, owing to Germanic influence, was replaced
by w ＞ gw: _vadum_ + _watan_ ＞ _gua_, _vastare_ + _wôst_ ＞
_guastar_. So _vagīna_ ＞ _guaína_, _Vascŏnia_ ＞ _Gasconha_. Cf.
gw below.

INITIAL GROUPS.

62. There are three classes of groups: those ending in l or r, those ending in w, and those beginning with s:--

(1) Bl, br, cl, cr, dr, gl, gr, pl, pr, tr underwent no change: _blasphemāre_ ＞ blasmar, _brĕvem_ ＞ bręu, _clarus_ ＞ clars, _crŭcem_ ＞ crọtz, _drappus_ ＞ draps, _glaciem_ ＞ glatz, _gradum_ ＞ gra, _plēnum_ ＞ plẹn, _precāre_ ＞ pregar, _trans_ ＞ tras. Gras is from _grassus_, a fusion of _crassus_ and _grossus_. For grǫcs ＜ κρόκος see § 57, κ.

(2) Gw (Germanic w) and kw (Latin qu) were reduced, perhaps in the 10th century, to g and k, except in the west, where the w was retained: _wahta_ ＞ gaita guaita, _warjan_ ＞ garir guarir, _wërra_ ＞ gęrra guęrra, _wīsa_ ＞ gisa guisa; _quando_ ＞ can quan, _quare_ ＞ car quar. It should be noted that the _u_ was commonly kept in the spelling (especially before e and i) after it had ceased to be pronounced, _gu_ and _qu_ being regarded merely as symbols for “hard” g and c. For cinc ＜ _quīnque_, see § 87, kw. Sw remained in _suavem_ ＞ suau.

(3) To groups beginning with s a vowel had been prefixed in Vulgar Latin (§ 55, S); this vowel appears in Provençal as e. Sc´ apparently did not occur in any popular word; sl early became scl; the other groups (sc, scl, scr, sp, st, str) remained unchanged, except that in the north and northeast sc ＞ stš before a: _scala_ ＞ escala eschala, _schŏa_ ＞ escǫla, _slahta_ ＞ ✱_sclatta_ ＞ esclata, _scrībĕre_ ＞ escriure, _spīna_ ＞ espina, _stare_ ＞ estar, _strĭngĕre_ ＞ estrẹnher.

MEDIAL CONSONANTS.

63. (1) It is well to note at the outset that when, through the fall of an unaccented vowel (§ 51), an early Provençal b, d, dz, dž, g, z, or ž was made final or contiguous to a final s, it became voiceless: _ŏpus_ ＞ ǫbus ＞ ǫbs ǫps, _ŏrbum_ ＞ ǫrbu ＞ ǫrb ǫrp: _datum_ ＞ dadu ＞ dad dat, _vĭrĭdem_ _vĭrdem_ ＞ vẹrde ＞ vẹrd vẹrt; _prĕtium_ ＞ prędzu ＞ prędz pręts (written _pretz_), _vōcem_ ＞ vọdze ＞ vọdz vọts (written _votz_); _mĕdium_ ＞ męyu mędžu ＞ mędž mętš (written _meg_ or _mech_); _amīcus_ ＞ amigus ＞ amigs amics, _largum_ ＞ largu ＞ larg larc; _rīsum_ ＞ rizu ＞ riz ris; _basium_ ＞ bažu ＞ baiž baiš (bais). The combination tšs, however, loses either its second or its third element: ✱_gaudios_ ＞ gautšs ＞ gautš or gauts (both of them often written _gaugz_); so _nŏctes_ ＞ nuetšs ＞ nuetš or nuets (_nuegz_). For local variations of g, see (6). For _apud_ ＞ _ab_ _ap_ _am_ _an_, see § 65, P. 2.

(2) Under the same conditions, y became i: _vĭdeo_ ＞ vẹyo ＞ vẹy vẹi, _pĕjus_ ＞ pęyus ＞ pęys pięis.

(3) Under the same conditions, ð, coming from intervocalic d, fell when final, but became t before s: _audit_ ＞ auði ＞ auð au; _crūdus_ ＞ cruðus ＞ cruds crüts. So _crūdum_ ＞ crü, _fĭdem_ ＞ fẹ, _fraudem_ ＞ frau, _gradum_ ＞ gra, _nīdum_ ＞ ni, _nōdum_ ＞ nọ, _pĕdem_ ＞ pę, _sapidum_ ＞ sabe, _tĕpidum_ ＞ tębe; _grados_ ＞ grats, _nōdus_ ＞ nọts, _nūdus_ ＞ nüts, _pĕdes_ ＞ pęts. The two sets of forms influenced each other: hence _degras_, _fes_,[41] _nis_, _pes_, etc.; _crut_, _grat_, _not_, _nut_,[41] etc.

(4) Under the same conditions, β, coming from v or from intervocalic b, became u if preceded by a vowel, but fell if preceded by a consonant: _bĭbit_ ＞ bẹβi ＞ bẹβ bẹu, _vīvit_ ＞ βịβi ＞ βịβ vịu, _claves_ ＞ claβes ＞ claβs claus, _vīvus_ ＞ βīβus ＞ βịβs vịus; _salvet_ ＞ sal, _salvum_ ＞ sal, _sĕrvit_ ＞ siẹr, _nĕrvos_ ＞ nęrs, _salvus_ ＞ sals, _sĕrvus_ ＞ sęrs. Sometimes, however, final β preceded by a consonant, instead of falling, became f: _salvet_ ＞ salf, _salvum_ ＞ salf, _sĕrvit_ ＞ sięrf, _vŏlvit_ ＞ vǫlf; it may be that these are the only regular forms for cons. + β _when final_, and that _sal_, _sier_ are due to the analogy of _sals_, _siers_.

(5) Under the same conditions, final n, if preceded by a vowel, was kept in the extreme west, parts of the north, and all the southeast and east, but fell everywhere else; n before s was generally kept only in the southeast and east: _bĕne_ ＞ be ben, _canem_ ＞ ca can, _sŏnum_ ＞ so son[42]; _bŏnus_ ＞ bos bons, _mansiōnes_ ＞ maisọs maisọns. In _mĭnus_ ＞ mẹns the n was kept, perhaps through the analogy of menọr. If the n was preceded by a consonant (r), the fall seems to have been even commoner: _cŏrnu_ ＞ cǫr cǫrn, _tŏrno_ ＞ tọr tọrn; _diŭrnus_ ＞ iọrs iọrns. For iọrnh ＜ _diŭrnī_, see § 51, 1. Provençal n coming from nn never falls: _annus_ ＞ ans.

(6) Under the same conditions, g, representing original c or g, became c after o or u, and after other vowels either became c or was changed to i (which fused with a preceding i): _fŏcum_ ＞ fǫc, _lŏcus_ ＞ lǫcs, _paucum_ ＞ pauc, _Hūgo_ ＞ Uc; _Aureliācum_ ＞ Aurelhac, _dīco_ ＞ dic di, _Henrīcum_ ＞ Enric Enri, ✱_trago_ ＞ trac trai. The forms with c are the commoner; they have been most persistent in the west.

(7) The vocalization of l before s (_malus_ ＞ maus) is a different phenomenon from the foregoing. See § 65, L.

(8) An m or an n that becomes contiguous to final s often develops into mp or nt, but oftener (judging from the spellings) does not: _nĭmis_ ＞ _nems_ _nemps_; _annos_ ＞ _ans_ _anz_.

(9) Between a liquid or a nasal and a final s, a b or a p generally fell, unless supported by the analogy of a form in which the b or p was final: _ambos_ ＞ _ams_ _ambs_, _cŏrpus_ ＞ _cors_, _tĕmpus_ ＞ _tems_ _temps_; cf. _balbs_ (_balb_), _orbs_ (_orb_).

1. The d, n, t of the proclitics _ad_, _quid_, _in_, _aut_,
_et_ will be treated under Final Consonants.

64. Final ts from any source, in Provence, Limousin, and a part of Languedoc and Gascony, was reduced, during the literary period, to s: _amātis_ ＞ amatz amas, _habētis_ ＞ avętz avęs, _dīcit_ ＞ ditz dis, _grandes_ ＞ granz grans, _latus_ ＞ latz las, _prĕtium_ ＞ prętz pręs. On the other hand, in a part of Limousin (especially in Limoges), and also in Dauphiné, -ts, in the second person plural of verbs, became t: habētis ＞ avęt.

SINGLE MEDIAL CONSONANTS.

65. The single medial consonants will now be considered separately, in alphabetical order:--

β, coming from b or v, became v; except in the west and a part of the centre, where, if it remained intervocalic, it changed to b: _habētis_ ＞ avętz abętz, _debēre_ ＞ devẹr debẹr, _faba_ ＞ fava faba; _avārum_ ＞ avar, _æstīva_ ＞ estiva, _brĕvem_ ＞ bręu,[43] _clavem_ ＞ clau, _dīe Jŏvis_ ＞ diiǫus, _lĕvat_ ＞ lęva, _novĕlla_ ＞ novęla nabęra (Gascon), _vīvus_ ＞ vius. When the preceding or following vowel was o or u, a β before the accent fell in most dialects, being fused with the vowel: _abŭndare_ ＞ aondar abondar, _gŭbĕrnare_ ＞ goernar governar, proclitic _ŭbĭ_ ＞ ọ, _prŏbare_ ＞ proar, _sŭbĭnde_ ＞ soẹn sovẹn sobẹn, _trĭbūtum_ ＞ treüt; _Lŭdovīcus_ ＞ Lozoics, _Provĭncia_ ＞ Proẹnsa Provẹnsa, _novĕllum_ ＞ noęl novęl, _novĕmbrem_ ＞ noembre novembre, _pavōnem_ ＞ paọn, _pavōrem_ ＞ paọr (cf. § 55, V).

1. The perfect endings _-avi_ etc., _-ivi_ etc. had lost their
v in Latin. For avia, etc., see § 87, β.

2. _Abans_, beside _avanz_, _avan_ ＜ _ab_ _ante_, apparently
shows the influence of Pr. _ab_ = _apud_. _Abet_ ＜ _abiĕtem_
(§ 40, 1) is unexplained: cf. Italian _abete_. _Abora_ is a
Provençal compound of _ab_ and _ora_. _Trap_, beside _trau_ ＜
_trabem_, is doubtless from the nominative _traps_ ＜ _trabs_,
which seems to have been differentiated in meaning from the V.
L. nominative _trabis_.

3. _Brey_, _grey_, _ney_, beside _breu_ ＜ _brĕvem,_ _greu_
＜ ✱_grĕvem_, _neu_ ＜ _nĭvem_ (cf. § 25, 1, e), have been
subjected to the attraction of _grey_ ＜ _grĕgem_, _ley_ ＜
_lēgem_. _Greug_ is a post-verbal noun from _greuiar_ ＜
✱_grĕviare_.

4. _Natiz_ = _natius_ ＜ _natīvus_ seems to have been influenced
by _mestis_ ＜ _mixtīcius_. _Massis_ is from ✱_massīcius_.

5. _Paziment_ = _pavamen_ owes its z perhaps to the analogy of
_aizimen_.

6. In purely learned words, _b_ and _v_ were written as in
Latin: _diabol_, _diluvi_.

C, from the 4th to the 6th century, was voiced to g, and then developed like any other g. See G.

1. After au, apparently, c did not change: ✱_auca_ (＜ ✱_avĭca_
＜ _avis_) ＞ _auca_, _pauca_ ＞ _pauca_, _rauca_ ＞ _rauca_,
✱_traucare_ (? ＜ ✱_trabucare_) ＞ traucar. Cf. § 65, P, 3.

2. In purely learned words, c remained unchanged: _vocal_.
_Alucar_ _aluchar_, _aluc_ seem to be learned formations
patterned after _antelucānus_ and Low Latin _lucānus_.

C´, when it became contiguous to a consonant, through the fall of the unaccented vowel of the penult, was reduced to i: _cŏcĕre_ ＞ cǫire, _dīcĕre_ ＞ diire dire, _dīcĭtis_ ＞ ditz, _facĕre_ ＞ faire, _facĭmu(s)_ ＞ faim, _facĭtis_ ＞ faitz, _fēcĕram_ ＞ fẹira, _fēcĕrunt_ ＞ fẹiron, _gracĭlem_ ＞ graile. When it remained intervocalic, it was assibilated during the transition period (§ 55, C); in most of the Provençal territory it became dz, which during the literary period was simplified to z; but in some dialects of the south and the northwest it resulted in idz (later iz), an i-glide having developed before the consonant while it was still palatal: _aucĕllum_ ＞ auzęl, _jacēre_ ＞ iazẹr, _lĭcēre_ ＞ lezẹr, _lūcēre_ ＞ lüzẹr lüzir lüisir, _placēre_ ＞ plazẹr plaizẹr; _crŭcem_ ＞ crọz crọiz crọis (see §§ 63, 64), _dīcere_ ＞ dízer, _dīcit_ ＞ ditz dis, _dūcit_ ＞ dütz düs, _facit_ ＞ fatz fas, _jacet_ ＞ iatz ias iays, _pacem_ ＞ patz pas pais, _placet_ ＞ platz plas plais, _verācem_? ＞ verais, _vōcem_ ＞ vọtz vọiz.

1. _Aucel_, beside _auzel_, perhaps belongs to a dialect in
which c´ was not voiced after au: cf. C, 1. See § 80, Bc´.

2. _Iasser_, beside _iazer_, seems to be due to _ias_ ＜ _jacet_
and _iassa_ ＜ _jaceat_.

3. For _desma_ _deima_, see S, 1.

4. In purely learned words, c´ ＞ ts: _acĭdum_ ＞ aci.

D, in a part of the west, remained unchanged; elsewhere, during the Vulgar Latin period, it opened into ð, which fell in the 11th century and earlier in parts of the north and east, and in the rest of the Provençal territory became z as early as the first part of the 12th century: _audīre_ ＞ auzir auir audir,[44] _audit_ ＞ au,[45] _cadit_ ＞ ca, _crudēlem_ ＞ cruzęl cruęl crudęl, _fīdat_ ＞ fia, ✱_gaudo_ ＞ gau, _hŏrrĭda_ ＞ ǫreza, _hŏrrĭdum_ ＞ ǫre, _laudo_ ＞ lau, _alauda_ ＞ lauzẹta laudẹta, _rīdat_ ＞ ria, _tradĕre_ ＞ trazir trair tradir, _vidēre_ ＞ vezẹr vẹr vedẹr, _vĭdet_ ＞ vẹ. When ð became contiguous to a following consonant (except final s), it changed to i: _divīdĕre_ ＞ divire,[46] _traditōrem_ ＞ traidọr (which, influenced by _traïr_, was pronounced traïdọr).[47]

1. _Crey_, beside _cre_ ＜ _crēdo_, follows _dei_ ＜ _dēbeo_,
_vei_ ＜ _vĭdeo_. _Mercey_, beside _merce_ ＜ _mercēdem_, shows
the influence of _grey_ ＜ _grĕgem_, _lei_ ＜ _lēgem_, and
perhaps French _fei_ ＜ _fĭdem_. Cf. β, (3).

2. _Grau_ = _gra_ ＜ _gradum_, _niu_ = _ni_ ＜ _nīdum_ belong to
the Catalan dialect, in which ð fell before the 8th century:
_gradum_ ＞ _graðu_ ＞ _gra-u_ ＞ _grau_, the u being preserved
through combining into a diphthong with the a.

3. In purely learned words, d remained: _odi_ ＜ _ŏdium_.

F is very rare (cf. § 59). The few examples appear to show that f (presumably in the 6th century or earlier) became β, and then developed like any other β (see β): _Stĕphănum_ ＞ Estęve, _co(n)fortāre_? ＞ ✱coβortar ＞ ✱coortar ＞ conortar (through the common use of the double forms, _con-_, _co-_), _gryphum_ ＞ griu, _raphănum_ ＞ rave rafe, ✱_refusāre_ ＞ rehusar refusar, ✱_prefŭndum_ (= _pro-_) ＞ preọn. Nevertheless, cofịn ＜ _cŏphĭnum_, defǫrs ＜ _de fŏris_, grifọ, profięg ＜ _profĕctum_, rafe, would seem to indicate that in some words, possibly less popular at the outset, f was retained.

1. In purely learned words, f was kept: _antifona_, _Caifas_,
_philozophia_.

G, representing original c and g, had a varied development.[48] For the fall of g in some words in Vulgar Latin, see § 55, G.

(1) Before a, g remained in the greater part of the territory, but in the north and east it early became y; and this y was generally retained in the eastern dialects (often fusing with a preceding i), while in most of the northern it developed into dž (cf. Y): _amīca_ ＞ amiga amiia amia, _dīcam_ ＞ diga dia, _mīca_ ＞ miga miia mia,[49] _pacāre_ ＞ pagar paiar, _precāre_ ＞ pregar preiar; _castigāre_ ＞ castigar castiar, _legālem_ ＞ leial leyal lial, _ligāmen_ ＞ liam, _lĭgātum_ ＞ legat liat, _plaga_ ＞ plaga plaia, _regālem_ ＞ reial, _rūga_ ＞ rüa.[50]

(2) Before o and u (ü), g was preserved, except in a few words which (doubtless in Vulgar Latin times) lost it either in all or in many dialects: _acūtum_ ＞ agüt, _secŭndum_ ＞ segọn, _secūrus_ ＞ segürs; ✱_a(u)gūrium_ ＞ agür aür, _a(u)gŭstum_ ＞ agọst[51] ahọst, proclitic _ĕgo_ ＞ ęu, ✱_fagŏttum_ ＞ fagǫt, _figūra_ ＞ figüra, _Hugōnem_ ＞ Ugọ. For a g that becomes final or contiguous to final s, see § 63, (6): _amīcus_ ＞ amics amis, _Auriācum_ ＞ Auriac, _cŏcum_ (= _cŏquum_) ＞ cǫc, _jŏcus_ ＞ iǫcs, _Ludovīcum_ ＞ Lozoic Lozoi, _prĕco_ ＞ pręc; _castīgo_ ＞ chastic chasti.

(3) Between the last two vowels of a proparoxytone, g, early in the Provençal period, became y, which developed into dž before the literary epoch; cf. § 49, (4): _clĕrĭcum_ ＞ clęrge, ✱_coratĭcum_ ＞ coratge, _domĭnĭcum_ ＞ dimẹnge, _manĭca_ ＞ mania, _mĕdĭcum_ ＞ męge, _mŏnăchum_ ＞ monge, ✱_paratĭcum_ ＞ paratge, _viatĭcum_ ＞ viatie. In some dialects, however, the vowel of the penult, after liquids and nasals, fell too early for the g to become y: clęrgue,[52] esta(t)ga, mętgue, mongue.

1. _Amiu_, _chastiu_ belong to the dialect of Forez; so perhaps
_fau_ ＜ _fagum_, _preu_ ＜ _prĕco_. These forms indicate a very
early fall of the g in the dialect to which they belong. Cf. §
51, 3.

2. In purely learned words, Latin g remains unchanged:
_paganōrum_ ＞ _paganor_.

G´ became y during the Vulgar Latin period (§ 55, G). See Y.

1. In purely learned words the letter _g_ was retained, but it
was doubtless pronounced dž: _astrologia_.

L remained: _colōrem_ ＞ colọr, _male_ ＞ mal, ✱_volēre_ (= _velle_) ＞ volẹr. Before final s, l became u in most dialects, in some as early as the 10th century: _malos_ ＞ maus, _talis_ ＞ taus; _l_ was written, however, long after l had been vocalized. Under the influence of forms in which -ls ＞ -us, final l became u in the southwest and in some other regions: _Aprīlem_ ＞ abriu. Cf. § 74, (2). Au ＜ -al is common in William of Poitiers.

1. For Gascon l ＞ r, see § 10.

2. _Orifan_, beside _olifan_ ＜ _elephantem_, is probably French.

L´ will be considered, as ly, under Groups, § 73, Ly.

M remained: _amāre_ ＞ amar, _hŏmo_ ＞ om, _timōrem_ ＞ temọr.

1. Occasionally _-am_ rhymes with _-an_ (_afan_: _fam_,
_portam_: _avan_); this seems to show an indistinct
pronunciation of the final nasal in some dialects. Cf. _aven_ =
_avem_ ＜ _habēmu(s)_ in the _Nobla Leyczon_. Cf. § 167, 2.

N remained: _bŏnas_ ＞ bonas, _donāre_ ＞ donar, _lūna_ ＞ lüna. For n final or contiguous to final s, see § 63, (5): _fīnis_ ＞ fis fins, _panem_ ＞ pa pan.

1. In _canorgue_, _dimergue_, _morgue_, etc., beside _canonge_,
_dimenge_, _monge_, etc., the r may be explained partly by
dissimilation, partly by the analogy of _clergue_ and of words
with double forms (§ 87).

2. _Menhs_ _meins_, beside regular _mens_ ＜ _mĭnus_, show the
influence of the alternative forms _genhs_ _geins_ and _gens_
from _ingĕnium_ (see § 73, Ny).

3. _Iassey_ (= _iasse_, the latter part of which may be
from _exín_ = _exĭnde_), _tey_ (= _te_ ＜ _tĕnet_), used by
Marcabru, are doubtless due either to a mistaken imitation of
conventional borderland forms (see § 25, 3) or to the analogy
of _crei_ = _cre_ ＜ _crēdo_ (_crei_ itself being due to the
analogy of _dei_ ＜ _dēbeo_, _vei_ ＜ _vĭdeo_).

N´ will be considered, as ny, under Groups, § 73, Ny.

P, from the 4th to the 6th century, was voiced to b: _capĭllum_ ＞ cabẹl, _rīpa_ ＞ riba, ✱_sapēre_ (= _sapĕre_) ＞ sabẹr, _trepalium_ ＞ trebalh; _capit_ ＞ cap (§ 63), _sapis_ ＞ saps.

1. In some borderland dialects p ＞ v, as in French: _saver_.
_Evescat_, _evesque_, beside _bisbat_, _bisbe_, are French.

2. _Apud_, used as a proclitic, became for some reason in
Vulgar Latin ✱_apu_, which developed regularly into ✱_abu_
and, after the fall of intertonic vowels, _ab_. This _ab_
assimilated its b more or less to a following consonant,
becoming _ap_ before voiceless consonants, _am_ before nasals;
_am_, used before dentals, became _an_: hence we have four
forms, _ab_, _ap_, _am_, _an_. _Amb_ perhaps developed first
from _am_ before l, as in _am l’autre_; when used before a
consonant with which mb did not readily combine, it expanded
into _ambe_. See Elise Richter, _Zs._, XXVI, 532; J. Huber,
_Zs._, XXX, 583.

3. In some dialects, apparently, p was not voiced after au:
_sapuĕrunt_ ✱_sapwĕrunt_ ✱_saupĕrunt_ ＞ _saubron_ _saupron_.
Cf. § 65, C, 1.

4. In purely learned words, p remains: _epifania_.

R remained: _amāra_ ＞ amara, _durāre_ ＞ dürar, _ĕrat_ ＞ ęra. Final rs was reduced to s, in most dialects, during and after the literary period: _priōres_ ＞ priọrs priọs (_Girart_); the reduction apparently began in Limousin as early as the 12th century (Bertran de Born rhymes iọs and flọrs).

1. Final r began to fall in many dialects in the 14th century.
At present it has disappeared all through the south and west:
_amōrem_ ＞ _amou_, _flōrem_ ＞ _flou_.

2. In some dialects (especially those of Gard and Hérault)
intervocalic r and z were confused, probably during the
literary period: _gyrāre_ ＞ _girar_ _gisar_; conversely
_audīre_ ＞ _auzir_ _aurir_. Cf. _Revue des langues romanes_,
XL, 49, 121.

S was voiced to z, probably from the 4th to the 6th century: _pausa_ ＞ pausa, _presĕntem_ ＞ presen; _rīsum_ ＞ ris (§ 63).

1. An s that became contiguous to n was changed, in a few
dialects, to r: _almosna_ _almorna_, _disnar_ _dirnar_.
In modern Limousin and some of the dialects of Dauphiné,
Languedoc, and Gascony, s has disappeared before nasals: _asne_
_ane_, _caresma_ _carema_, _disnar_ _dinar_ (so _blasmar_
_blamar_, _desma_ _dema_); the fall began during the literary
period. S before a consonant in many of the modern dialects,
and final s in some, has become i: _asne_ _aine_, _caresma_
_careima_ (so perhaps _desma_ _deima_, _pruesme_ _prueime_);
some traces of this change occur in texts of the literary
period. Cf. _Zs._, XXIII, 413. _Isla_, in Limousin, became
_ilha_ (perhaps through _iyla_): cf. _Zs._, XXIII, 414. Cf. §
78.

2. In some southeastern dialects intervocalic z after au has
changed to v: _causa_ _cauva_ (so _auzir_ _auvir_); possibly
the _auvent_ of the _Boeci_, v. 23, is to be connected with
this.

T, from the 4th to the 6th century, was voiced to d: _amāta_ ＞ amada, _natālis_ ＞ nadals, _servitōrem_ ＞ servidọr; _habētis_ ＞ avętz avęs avęt (§§ 63, 64), _latus_ ＞ latz las, _natum_ ＞ nat. For a t which became contiguous to r (_amātor_ ＞ amaire), see § 52, (1), and § 70, Tr.

1. In some dialects of the south and southeast, final t
fell shortly after the literary period: _amātum_ ＞ _amat_
_ama_.--_Appoestat_ is French.

2. _Tōtus_, in Gaul, became _tōttus_ as early as the 4th
century: hence Pr. _tota_ _totas_. For _meteis_ ＜ _met-ĭpse_
see § 131, (2).

3. _Espaza_ (beside _espada_) ＜ _spatha_, was perhaps
influenced in its pronunciation by the spelling of the Latin
word.[53] _Ez_, coming from _et_ before a vowel, shows the
influence of _az_ (＜ _ad_ + vowel) and _quez_ (＜ _quĭd_
+ vowel). _Grazal_, ‘grail’, is perhaps a cross between
✱_cratella_ ＜ _crater_ and _gradale_, ‘service-book’; so
_grazalet_. _Grazir_ _grazire_ (cf. _agradar_) is perhaps
altered from an earlier ✱_grazar_ ＜ ✱_gratiare_. _Mezeis_
＜ _met-ĭpse_, _mezesmes_, _meesmes_ (beside _medesmes_) ＜
✱_met-ĭpsĭmus_ have been subjected to the analogy of _ez_ ＜
_et_ and _quez_ ＜ _quĭd_ or of _ĭd ĭpsum_: § 131, (2).

4. In some dialects _tī_ became a sound written _h_: _peccatī_
＞ _peccah_. See § 51, 1.

5. In purely learned words, t remains: _eternal_.

W will be considered, as gw, under Groups, § 72, βw.

X is a symbol for ks: see Groups, § 79, Ks.

Y, representing Latin dy, g´, gy, j, and z (cf. § 55, G, Y; § 57, Z) had a varied development.

(1) When it became contiguous to a following consonant (§§ 45, 49) it changed to i: _adjutāre_ ＞ _ayudāre_ ＞ ay’dar ＞ aidar, _medietātem_ ＞ meitat; _cōgitāre_ ＞ cüidar, _frīgĕre_ ＞ frire, _lĕgĕre_ ＞ lęyre, _propagĭnem_ ＞ probaina, _rĭgĭda_ ＞ rẹida, ✱_tragĕre_ ＞ traire; _bajŭlus_ ＞ bailes.

(2) When it remained intervocalic, it became dž in most of the territory, but in the northeast and parts of the north it was not changed:[54] _audiam_ ＞ auia, _in-ŏdiare_ ＞ enoiar, _invĭdia_ ＞ envẹia, _invĭdiōsus_ ＞ enveiọs enveyọs, ✱_gladia_ ＞ glaya, _mediānum_ ＞ meian, ✱_pŏdiāre_ ＞ poiar, _radiāre_ ＞ raiar, _sordĭdior_ ＞ sordẹier, _vĭdeat_ ＞ vẹia; _fragĭlem_ ＞ fragel; ✱_exagiāre_ ＞ assatiar essaiar essayar, _corrĭgia_ ＞ corrẹia corrẹya, _fagea_ ＞ faia faya, _regiōnem_ ＞ reiọ; _dīe Jŏvís_ ＞ diiǫus, _major_ ＞ maier, _pĕjor_ ＞ pięier, _pejōrem_ ＞ peiọr, _trŏja_ ＞ trǫia; _baptizāre_ ＞ bateiar. For a dž or a y that became final or contiguous to final s, see § 63, (1), (2): _audio_ ＞ auch, _in ŏdio_ ＞ enuęg (plural enuętz enuęg) enǫi, _gaudium_ ＞ gauch, _gladium_ ＞ glai, _mĕdium_ ＞ męg męi, _hŏdie_ ＞ ǫi, _pŏdium_ ＞ puęg pǫi, _radium_ ＞ rai; _fŭgit_ ＞ füg füi, _grĕgem_ ＞ gręy, _lēgem_ ＞ lẹg (pl. lẹitz) lẹi, _lĕgit_ ＞ lięg, _magis_ mais,[55] _rēgem_ ＞ rẹi, _exagium_ ＞ essai; _pĕjus_ ＞ pięis.

(3) Before accented e or i, y disappeared (doubtless in Vulgar Latin: § 55, G), except in some western dialects, where it became dž: _vagīna_ ＞ guaīna, ✱_legīre_ (= _lĕgĕre_) ＞ legir,[56] _magĭster_ ＞ maẹstre maiẹstre magẹstre, ✱_pagē(n)sis_ ＞ paẹs pagẹs, _regīna_ ＞ reïna, _sagĭtta_ ＞ saẹta saiẹta sagẹta.

1. _Detz_ _ditz_ ＞ _dĭgĭtus_ are irregular and unexplained. The
word is irregular in some other Romance languages, notably in
Italian. Cf. Gröber’s _Grundriss_, I, p. 507.

2. _Glavi_, beside _glai_ (and learned _glazi_) ＜ _gladium_, is
supposed by some to show the influence of Celtic _cládibo_. Cf.
Körting; also H. Schuchardt, _Zs._, XXV, 345.

3. _Messér_ seems to be a contraction (due to proclitic
use) of ✱_messeyer_ = _mes_, ‘my’, + ✱_seyer_? ＜ ✱_sĕyor_ =
_sĕnior_ (cf. A. Lindström, _L’analogie dans la déclinaison des
substantifs latins en Gaule_, 1897-8, pp. 292-3).

4. In purely learned words, _di_, _g_, _gi_, _z_ are retained,
the _g_ being pronounced presumably as dž, the _z_ as z: _odi_,
_fragil_, _regio_, _canonizar_.

MEDIAL GROUPS.

66. Medial groups may be conveniently classified as follows:--A. _Double Consonants_ (1); B. _Groups of Dissimilar Consonants_: groups ending in l (2), groups ending in r (3), groups ending in w (4), groups ending in y (5), groups beginning with l, m, n, r, or s and not ending in l, r, w, or y (6), all other groups (7). This order will be followed.[57]

1. It should be noted that the prefixes _ad-_, _sub-_
regularly assimilate their d or b to the following consonant:
✱_ad-rīpāre_ ＞ _arribar_, _sub-venīre_ ＞ _sovenir_. _Sosrire_,
_sosterrar_, _sostraire_ show a substitution of prefix, due, no
doubt, to the analogy of _sospirar_, _sostener_.

1. DOUBLE CONSONANTS.

67. In general, the double consonants became single, in the 9th or 10th century (perhaps earlier before the accent), but underwent no other change save those described in §§ 63, 64: _abbātem_ ＞ abat, _sĭccum_ ＞ sẹc, _rĕddo_ ＞ ręt, _affībulāre_ ＞ afiblar, _aggregāre_ ＞ agregar, _flamma_ ＞ flama, _pĭnna_ ＞ pẹna, _cappa_ ＞ capa, _passum_ ＞ pas,[58] _mŭttum_ ＞ mọt, _advenīre_ ✱_avvenīre_ ＞ avenir.

(1) Cc before a, in the east and northeast, became tš; elsewhere, c; _bŭcca_ ＞ bọca bọcha, _vacca_ ＞ vaca vacha.

(2) Ll, in some southern dialects, became l´; elsewhere, l: _capĭllum_ ＞ cabẹl cabẹlh, _grȳllum_ ＞ gril grilh, _mantĕllum_ ＞ mantęl mantęlh, _villānus_ ＞ vilas vilhas. It is possible, however, that -llī regularly became l´ in Limousin, while ll before other vowels was not palatalized: _caballum_ ＞ caval, _caballī_ ＞ cavalh; _ĭllī_ ＞ ilh, _ĭllōs_ ＞ ẹls; this would account in part for the frequent occurrence of _lh_ in the poems. So in some dialects -nnī ＞ n´: _annī_ ＞ anh. Cf. § 51, 1. For final ls and l, see § 65, L: _ĭllos_ ＞ ẹls ẹus, _vallem_ ＞ val vau. For Gascon l ＞ r, see § 10: _appĕllat_ ＞ apęla apęra.

(3) Rr, when intervocalic, seems generally to have been distinguished from r during the literary period and later: _cŭrrĕre_ ＞ cọrre, ✱_corrŭptiāre_ ＞ corrossar, _errāre_ ＞ errar, _tĕrra_ ＞ tęrra. Occasionally, however, rr is found in rhyme with r.

2. GROUPS ENDING IN L.

68. The groups of two consonants will be treated in alphabetical order. It will be seen that bl, rl, sl remained unchanged; ml developed a glide consonant between its two members; pl, tl, βl and yl respectively voiced, assimilated, and vocalized their first element; while cl, gl were fused into l´. For an explanation of this last phenomenon, see § 79.

Bl ＞ bl: _nĕbŭla_ ＞ nębla, ✱_oblītāre_ ＞ oblidar, _sabulōnem_ ＞ sablọn.[59]

βl ＞ ul: _fabŭla_ ✱_faβla_ ＞ faula, _sibilāre_ ✱_siβlāre_ ＞ siular, _tabŭla_ ✱_taβla_ ＞ taula.

Cl ＞ l´: _genŭcŭlum_ ＞ genọlh, _ŏcŭlum_ ＞ ǫlh, _sĭtŭla_ ✱_sĭcla_[60] ＞ sẹlha, _vĕtŭla_ _vĕcla_[60] ＞ vęlha. In learned words we find gl, cl: ✱_e(c)clĕsia_ ＞ glęiza, _joculārem_ ＞ ioglar, _sæcŭlum_ ＞ sęgle sęcle.

C´l ＞ il: _gracĭlem_ ＞ graile.

Dl ＞ dl, which during the literary period became ll and then l: _mŏdŭlum_ ＞ ✱mǫdle mǫlle.

Gl ＞ l´: _rēgŭla_ ＞ rẹlha, ✱_strĭgŭla_ ＞ estrẹlha, _vĭg(ĭ)lat_ ＞ vẹlha. Lẹula ＜ _lĕgŭla_, tẹula ＜ _tēgŭla_ are irregular: cf. _Archivio glottologico italiano_, XIII, 439, 459.

Ml ＞ mbl: _sĭmĭlāre_ ＞ semblar, _trĕmŭlat_ ＞ trẹmbla. In _sembrar_ we find an r ＜ l due perhaps to the analogy of membrar ＜ _memorāre_. _In semel_ gives ensẹmble essẹms.

Pl ＞ bl: _cōpŭla_ ＞ cọbla, _dŭplum_ ＞ dọble. Learned words have pl: _duplicar_.

Rl ＞ rl: _Carŏlus_ ＞ Carles, _hōrolŏgium_ ＞ orlǫi, ✱_paraulare_ ＞ parlar.

Sl ＞ sl: _ī(n)sŭla_ ＞ isla. For _ilha_, see § 65, S, 1.

Tl ＞ tl, which during the literary period became ll and then l: _rŏtŭlum_ ＞ rǫtle rǫlle, _spathūla_ ＞ espatla espalla espala. In really popular words tl had become cl in Vulgar Latin.[61]

Yl ＞ il: _bajŭlus_ ＞ bailes. Cf. § 65, Y, (1).

69. A group of three consonants remained unchanged, except that double consonants became single: _ambulāre_ ＞ amblar, _implēre_ ＞ emplir, _avŭncŭlus_ ＞ avọncles, _cĭrcŭlus_ ＞ cẹrcles, _mascŭlus_ ＞ mascles, ✱_afflammāre ＞ aflamar_, _inflāre_ ＞ enflar, _ŭngŭla_ ＞ ọngla, _emplastrum_ ＞ emplastre.

1. _Selcle_, beside _cercle_, seems to show an assimilation
of the r to the l of the next syllable. _Empastre_, beside
_emplastre_, has been influenced by _pasta_. _Emblar_ is
probably from V. L. ✱_imbolare_ = _involare_.

3. GROUPS ENDING IN R.

70. The groups of two consonants will be treated in alphabetical order. It will be seen that br, gr, lr, nr generally remained unchanged; mr, sr, zr (and sometimes lr, nr) developed a glide consonant; cr, pr voiced, and βr, c´r, dr, tr, yr vocalized their first element.

Br ＞ br, also ur, occasionally ir (through ür): _fabrum_ ＞ fabre faure[62], _fĕbrem_ ＞ fębre fęure, _lībra_ ＞ liura; _Octōbrem_ ＞ ochọyre. For brg, see § 80.

βr ＞ ur, occasionally ir: _bĭbĕre_ ＞ bęure, débēr’ hábḙo ＞ deβr’áyo ＞ deurái, ✱_rōbŏrem_ ＞ rọure rọire; ✱_mŏvĕre_ (= _mŏvēre_) ＞ mǫure, _plŏvĕre_ ＞ plǫure.

Cr ＞ gr: _acrem_ ＞ agre, _lacrĭma_ ＞ lagrema, _lŭcrum_ ＞ lọgre, _macrum_ ＞ magre, _sacrāre_ ＞ sagrar, _sŏcrum_ ＞ sǫgre.[63] In late learned words we find cr: _secret_.

C´r ＞ ir: _cŏcĕre_ ＞ cǫire, _dīcĕre_ ＞ dire, _dūcere_ ＞ düire, _facĕre_ ＞ faire. Cf. § 49, (1).

Dr ＞ ðr ＞ ir: _divīdĕre_ ＞ devire, _quadrum_ ＞ caire, vídēr’ hábe̯o ＞ veð’r-áyo ＞ veirái. After au, apparently, ð simply disappeared: _claudĕre_ ＞ claure. Late learned words have dr: _quadrupedi_.

Gr, in popular words, was reduced to r in Vulgar Latin in parts of the Empire _fra(g)rāre_ ＞ ✱frarar ✱flarar flazar, _intĕ(g)rum_ ＞ entęr entięr, _nĭ(g)rum_ ＞ nęr nięr,[64] _pere(g)rīnum_ ＞ peleri, _pĭ(g)rĭtia_ ＞ perẹza; these forms occur in Gascony, Rouergue, and Limousin, but forms with gr are found in the same region. Elsewhere, in these same words, and everywhere, in more bookish words, gr remained in Vulgar Latin; this gr was kept in most of the Provençal territory, but was changed to ir in Dauphiné, Auvergne, and Languedoc: _fragrāre_ ＞ flairar, _integrāre_ ＞ enteirar, _intĕ́grum_ ＞ entęgre entęir,[65] _nĭgrēscĕre_ ＞ negrezir, _nĭgrum_ ＞ nẹgre nẹir,[65] _peregrīnum_ ＞ pelegri, _pĭgrĭtia_ ＞ pigręza. Purely learned words have gr everywhere: _agricultura_.

G´r: see Yr.

Lr usually remained unaltered, but in some dialects became ldr[66]: vălēr’ hábe̯o ＞ valrai valdrai, ✱vólēr’ hábe̯o ＞ volrai voldrai.

Mr ＞ mbr: _camĕra_ ＞ cambra, _memorāre_ ＞ membrar, _nŭmĕrum_ ＞ nọmbre.

Nr usually remained unaltered, but in some dialects became ndr[66] _cĭnĕrem_ ＞ cẹnre cẹndre, _dīe Vĕnĕris_ ＞ divenres divendres, _in-gĕnerāre_ ＞ engenrar, _Henrīcum_ ＞ Enric, _expōnĕre_ ＞ espọnre espọndre, ✱_gĕnĕrem_ (= _gĕnus_) ＞ genre, _gĕnĕrum_ ＞ genre gendre, _honorāre_ ＞ onrar ondrar, _tenēr’ habeo_ ＞ tenrai tendrai, _venīr’ habeo_ ＞ venrai vendrai.

Pr ＞ br: _capra_ ＞ cabra, _cŭperāre_ ＞ cobrar, _erĭpĕre_ ＞ erẹbre, _ŏpĕra_ ＞ ǫbra, _pauper_ ＞ paubre, ✱_pĭperāta_ ＞ pebrada, _recĭpĕre_ ＞ recẹbre, _sŭperāre_ ＞ sobrar, _sŭper_ ＞ sọbre. Purely learned words have pr: _caprin_. It is uncertain whether _paupre_ (beside the usual _paubre_) is a Latinism or represents some dialect in which au prevented voicing.

Sr ＞ str: ✱_ĕssĕre_ (= _ĕsse_) ＞ ęstre. For ęsser, see § 49, (2).

Tr ＞ dr ＞ ðr ＞ ir: _amātor_ ＞ amaire, _fratrem_ ＞ fraire, _latro_ ＞ laire, _mater_ ＞ maire, _ŭtĕrem_ ＞ ọire, _pĕtra_ ＞ pęira, _Pĕtrus_ ＞ Pęires, _petrōnem_ ＞ peirọ, _petrōsus_ ＞ peirọs, _pre(s)by̆tĕrum_ (_Einf._, § 140) ＞ prevẹire, _servītor_ ＞ servire, _vĭtrum_ ＞ vẹire. Learned words have dr and tr: ✱_poenĭtĕre_ ＞ _penedre_ (_penedir_), _impetrāre_ ＞ _impetrar_.

Yr ＞ ir: _frīgĕre_ ＞ frire, _lĕgĕre_ ＞ lęyre.

Zr ＞ zdr: _mīsĕrunt_ + ✱_mĭssĕrunt_ ＞ ✱mẹzron mẹsdron.

1. _Redebre_ (beside _rezemér_) ＜ _redĭmere_ has apparently
been influenced by _recebre_. The Burgundian _sor_ for _sobre_
comes from the prefix _sŭr-_ (_sŭr-rīdēre_, etc.). _Perri_ ＜
✱_pētrīnum_ is probably French.

71. A group of three consonants nearly always remained unchanged, except that double consonants became single: _ŭmbra_ ＞ ọmbra, _arbŏrem_ ＞ arbre, _sepŭlcrum_ ＞ sepulcre, ✱_canc(e)rōsus_ ＞ cancrọs, ✱_addīrēctum_ ＞ adrẹit, _fŭndĕre_ ＞ fọndre, _ardĕre_ ＞ ardre, ✱_offerīre_ ＞ offrir, ✱_Hungaría_ ＞ Ongria, _rŭmpĕre_ ＞ rọmpre, _apprĕssum_ ＞ apręs, _asprum_ ＞ aspre, _ŭltra_ ＞ ọltra, _intrāre_ ＞ entrar, _mo(n)strāre_ ＞ mostrar, _mĭttĕre_ ＞ mẹtre. Lβr and rg´r, however, regularly became ldr and rdr, and llr became ldr to the same extent as lr (q. v.): _absŏlvĕre_ ＞ absǫldre (_absolvre_ is probably a Latinism), _pŭlvĕrem_ ＞ pọldre; ✱_dē-ēr’ gĕre_ ＞ dẹrdre; _tollĕre_ ＞ tǫlre tǫldre. Rmr became rbr in _marmor_ ＞ marbre (also marme). Prendre often became penre (perhaps to distinguish it from pendre ＜ _pĕndĕre_) through the analogy of genre gendre, etc.; the first r having been lost by dissimilation.

1. The four-consonant group sbtr is reduced to str in _prestre_
＜ _prĕsby̆ter_. _Prever_ is perhaps a proclitic syncopation of
a V. L. ✱_preβiter_. Cf. § 78, 1.

4. GROUPS ENDING IN W.

72. This class includes not only Latin gu̯, qu̯, but all combinations of consonant + u̯, cf. § 40, (2). A w thus evolved seems to have developed like Germanic w (cf. § 56, W): it became gw (assimilating the preceding consonant, unless that consonant was a liquid or a nasal), and then was reduced, before the literary period, to g, cf. § 62, (2). Pw, however, had a quite different history, owing, on the one hand, to the affinity of its two labial elements, and, on the other, to the stability of the voiceless stop, which prevented the assimilation that we find in βw ＞ ww.

1. G. Körting (_Zs._, XXII, 258) would explain through the
analogy of the perfects in _-cui_ all other perfect forms which
in Provençal have g and c corresponding to Latin _-ui_ etc.

ßw ＞ ww ＞ gw ＞ g: _habuĭssem_ ＞ aguẹs, _dēbuit_ ＞ dẹc (§ 63); ✱_co(g)nōvuit_ (cf. Meyer-Lübke, _Gram._, II, p. 357) ＞ conọc, ✱_crevuĭstī_ ＞ creguist, ✱_movuĭsset_ ＞ mogues, ✱_plŏvuit_ ＞ plǫc. We seem to have the same combination in Germanic _treuwa_ ＞ tręgua tręga (_treva_ is probably French).

1. The diphthong of _aic_ = _habuī_ is probably not a phonetic
development. The first and third persons of the preterit, _aic_
and _ac_ (＜ _habuit_), have been differentiated after the
pattern of the present--_ai_ and _a_.

Dw ＞ gw ＞ g: ✱_sĕduit_ ＞ sęc.

1. _Vezoa_ ＜ _vĭdua_ must be an early learned word: _veuva_ is
perhaps from _veua_ ＜ _veuða_ ＜ _veðua_.

Kw ＞ gw ＞ g: _antīqua_ ＞ antiga, _ĕqua_ ＞ ęga, _æquālem_ ＞ egal (_engal_ has received through a mistake in etymology the prefix _en-_ or _e-_ ＜ _in-_), _nŏcuit_ ＞ nǫc, _placuĭstī_ ＞ plaguist, ✱_sĕquĕre_ (= _sĕqui_) ＞ sęgre, ✱_sequīre_ ＞ seguir, _tacuĭssem_ ＞ taguẹs.

1. Several words show a different development: cf. _Ltblt._,
XXIV, 335; _Zs._, XXVIII, 381. In _aqua_ (or _acqua_) and
_aquĭla_ (or ✱_acquĭla_) the first consonant became, for some
reason, a spirant, which later changed to i: aχwa ＞ aiwa ＞
aigua aiga, áχwila ＞ áiwila ＞ áigwila ＞ aigla. So _aiglentina_.
These same words show irregularities in other languages.
Perhaps the dialect form _eigal_ (Auvergne, Arles) for _egal_
is to be explained in the same way; but the _ei_ here may be
analogical.

2. In several words kw was reduced to c (or c´) in Vulgar
Latin: _coquĕre_ (+ _cŏcus_) ＞ _cŏcĕre_ ＞ cǫzer, _tŏrquēre_
✱_tŏrquĕre_ (+ ✱_tŏrco_ ✱_tŏrcunt_) ＞ ✱_tŏrcĕre_ ＞ tǫrser. Cf.
§ 55, W.

Lw ＞ lgw ＞ lg: _caluit_ ＞ calc, ✱_toluĭstī_ ＞ tolguist, _valuĭssem_ ＞ valguẹs, _vŏluĕrunt_ (§ 16, 2) ＞ vǫlgron.

Nw, ngw, nkw ＞ ngw ＞ ng: _tĕnuit_ ＞ tẹnc, ✱_venuĭsset_ ＞ venguẹs; _sanguem_ ＞ sanc; _cīnque_ (= _quinque_) ＞ cinc.

1. Tęuns ＜ _tĕnuis_ is probably a learned word; the
transposition of u and n may have been due originally to
a misreading of the letters. _Ianuer_, _manual_, etc.
are learned. _Maneira_ is apparently from a Vulgar Latin
✱_man(u)aria_ from _manuarius_. For _enquerre_ ＜ _inquærĕre_,
see § 59.

2. _Exstĭnguĕre_ (+ ✱_exstĭngo_ ✱_exstĭngunt_) ＞ ✱_estĭngĕre_ ＞
estẹnher.

Pw ＞ upw ＞ up ＞ ub: _sapuĭsset_ ＞ saubẹs, _recĭpuit_ ＞ recẹup.

1. _Saupes_ apparently belongs to a dialect in which au
prevented voicing. Cf. § 65, P, 3.

Rw ＞ rgw ＞ rg: _mĕruit_ ＞ męrc.

Sw seems to have been reduced early to s in _consuetūdĭnem_ ✱_costūmen_ ＞ costüm (costüma). _Cōnsŭo_ apparently became ✱_cōsio_, whence an infinitive ✱_cōsĕre_ or ✱_cosīre_ (Pr. cǫzer, cosir).

Tw ＞ dw ＞ gw ＞ g: _pŏtuit_ ＞ pǫc.

1. _Ba(t)tuo_, _qua(t)tuor_ were reduced to _batto_, ✱_quattor_
in Vulgar Latin: Pr. _bat_, _quatre_.

5. GROUPS ENDING IN Y.

73. This class contains: 1st, combinations of consonant + y ＜ e̯ or i̯, cf. § 40, (2); 2d, consonant + g´ ＞ y (§ 55, G), the g´ having been in some cases always contiguous to the preceding consonant, in others originally separated from it by a vowel; 3d, consonant + g ＞ y, the g representing an original c or g between the last two vowels of a proparoxytone, cf. § 65, G, (3). It does not include dy and gy, which early became y: see § 65, Y. See § 63, (1). The groups will be considered in alphabetical order:--

Bry ＞ bry in _ebriācum_ ＞ ebriac (_iure_ is probably French).

βy was early reduced to y in _habeo_ _habeam_ etc. and _dēbeo_ _dēbeam_ etc., partly, no doubt, through the proclitic use of these words, partly under the influence of _audio_ ＞ ✱_auyo_ _audiam_ ＞ ✱_auya_ and _video_ ＞ ✱_veyo_ _vĭdeam_ ＞ ✱_veya_; this y, like any other medial y (§ 65, Y), became džy̆ or remained y: ai (for some reason there seems to have been no form ✱_ach_), aia; dẹi dẹch, dẹia. Aside from these words, βy ＞ udž and uy apparently in the north; elsewhere uy, by, vy--uy prevailing in the west, by and vy in the south and east. When the y became final, it changed to i, which, after a consonant, was syllabic. Ex.: _abbrĕviat_ ＞ abręuia, ✱_aggrĕviat_ ＞ agrẹuia, _allĕviat_ ＞ alęuia, _avĭŏ́lum_ ＞ aviǫl aiǫl, _cavĕa_ ＞ gabia cauia, _labia_ ＞ lavia-s, ✱_leviarius_ ＞ leugięrs, ✱_rabiam_ (= _rabiem_) ＞ rabia rauia,[67] ✱_rabiāre_ ＞ rabiar, _rabiōsus_ ＞ rabiọs rauiọs, _rŭbeum_ ＞ rọg rọi,[68] ✱_sabium_ ＞ savi sabi, _atavia_ ＞ tavia, _vidŭvium_ ＞ vezọig bedọi.[68] In purely learned words, Latin _bi_, _vi_, etc., are kept: _abiurament_, _fluvial_. _Brĕvio_ ＞ bręy: cf. § 65, β, 3.

Cc´y: see C´y.

Cly ＞ l´: _coclearium_ ＞ cuilhięr.

Cty ＞ is: _factiōnem_ ＞ faissọ, _lectiōnem_ ＞ leissọ, _suspectiōnem_ ＞ sospeissọ. In purely learned words we find the spellings _cti_, _cci_, which doubtless indicate ktsy or ksy: _electio_, _accio_. Cf. Ssy.

C´y, cc´y, kwy ＞ ts; this ts, when it remained medial, was reduced, before and during the literary period, to s: _bracchia_ ＞ brassa, _bracchium_ ＞ bratz bras (§ 64), _faciam_ ＞ faza fassa, _faciem_ ＞ fatz fas, _glaciem_ ＞ glatz glas[69], _laqueāre_ ＞ lassar, _laqueum_ ＞ latz las, ✱_pĕcia_ ＞ pęssa, _placeam_ ＞ plassa. Learned words have _zi_ and _ci_, doubtless pronounced at first dzi, tsi, later zi, si (cf. A. Horning, _Zs._, XXIV, 545; XXV, 736): _iuzizi iudici, edifici, Grecia_. Cf. Pty.

D-g ＞ dž: _jūdĭco_ ＞ iütge, _mĕdĭcum_ ＞ męge, ✱_sĕdĭcum_ ＞ sęie[70].

Dy: see § 55, Y and § 65, Y.

Gdy: see § 80, Gd.

Gy: see § 55, Y and § 65, Y.

Kwy: see Cy.

Lc´y ＞ lts ＞ uts ＞ us: _calceāre_ ＞ caussar. Cf. Lty. See § 74, (2).

Lg´ apparently became ldz ＞ udz ＞ uz in ✱_fŭlgĕrem_ (= _fŭlgur_) ＞ fọuzer.

Ll-g´ ＞ l´ in _cŏllĭgit_ ＞ cuęlh. Cf. Ly.

Lly: see Ly.

Lny ＞ n´: _balneum_ ＞ banh.

Lty ＞ lts >uts ＞ us: ✱_altiāre_ ＞ auçar aussar. Cf. Lc´y. See § 74, (2).

Lvy ＞ lby ＞ uby in _salvia_ ＞ saubia (Gascon).

Ly, lly ＞ l´: _consĭlium_ ＞ cossẹlh, _fīlium_ ＞ filh, _fīlia_ ＞ filha, _nūllī_ + vowel ＞ nülh. Learned words have _li_: _familiarmens_. _Lili_ _liri_ _lire_ ＜ _līlium_ are doubtless learned; _lis_ is French.

Mby ＞ mby, mdž, and ndž; mdž being the usual form in the literary language: _cambiāre_ ＞ camiar caniar cambiar.

Mmy ＞ my, mdž, and ndž: _commeātus_ ＞ comiatz coniatz.

Mny ＞ n´ in Limousin and in the extreme east and southwest, elsewhere ndž: _somniāre_ ＞ sonhar soniar. _Somni_, beside _suenh_ _songe_, is learned.

Mply ＞ mply in _ampliāre_ ＞ ampliar, probably learned.

My ＞ my and n´: _sīmia_ ＞ simia, _vindēmia_ ＞ vendẹmia vendanha.

Nc´y ＞ nts ＞ ns: ✱_Francia_ ＞ Fransa. Cf. Nty.

Nd-g ＞ ndž: ✱_pĕndĭcat_ ＞ penia, _vĭndĭco_ ＞ vẹnie. Similarly _mandūcāre_ ＞ ✱_mandugare_ _manduyare_ _mandyare_ ＞ maniar[71].

Ndy ＞ n´: ✱_Burgŭndia_ ＞ Borgọnha, _verecŭndia_ ＞ vergọnha.

N-g ＞ ndž: ✱_excommĭnĭco_ (= _excommūnĭco_) ＞ escomẹnie[71], _mŏnăchum_ ＞ monie.

Ng´ ＞ n´ and ndž: _jŭngĕre_ ＞ iọnher iọnger, _ŭngĕre_ ＞ ọnher ọnger, _plangĕre_ ＞ planher planger, _pŭngĕre_ ＞ pọnher pọnger. _Angel_ is probably learned.

Ng´y ＞ ndž: _spŏngia_ ＞ esponia.

Nny ＞ n´: _stanneum_ ＞ estanh.

Nty ＞ nts ＞ us: _cantiōnem_ ＞ cansọ, _comĭn(i)tiāre_ ＞ comensar, _sperantia_ ＞ esperansa. Purely learned words have _nti_: _essentia_. Cf. Nc´y.

Ny ＞ n´: _extraneum_ ＞ estranh, _tĕneo_ ＞ tenh, _vĕniat_ ＞ venha. Before or during the literary period final n´ or n´s lost its palatal quality in many dialects: _ingĕnium_ ＞ genh gen. If _estraniar_ comes from _extraneāre_ (and not from ✱_extranicāre_), it must be a word of later adoption; so _estrangier_. In _sotran_ ＜ _subterraneum_ there is probably a change of suffix.

Pry probably became regularly bry: _capreŏlum_ ＞ ✱cabriǫl cabirǫl (cabrǫl seems to be a new formation from _cabra_). _Coyre_ ＜? _cŭpreum_ is unexplained.

Pty ＞ ts, which, when it remained medial, was reduced, before and during the literary period, to s: ✱_captiāre_ ＞ cassar, ✱_corrŭptiāre_ ＞ corrossar, _nĕptia_ ＞ nęssa, ✱_nŏptias_ (§ 38, 2) ＞ nǫssas. Cf. C´y.

Py remained py in the west and a part of the south, and elsewhere became ptš, later tš: _apium_ ＞ ache api, ✱_apprŏpiat_ (＜ _prŏpe_) ＞ aprǫpcha aprǫcha aprǫpia, _sapiam_ ＞ sapcha sacha sapia, _sapiĕntem_ ＞ sachent sapient, _sēpia_ ＞ sẹpia. _Asabentar_ is from sabẹn. _Piion_ ＜ _pipiōnem_ is French. Learned words have _pi_: _copia_; but _mancĭpium_ ＞ _mancip massip_.

Rc´y ＞ rts (＞ rs?): _urceŏ́lum_ (_Zs._, XXVI, 668) ＞ orzǫl.

Rdy ＞ rdz: ✱_dis-tardiat_ ＞ destarza. Ordi = _hŏrdeum_ is perhaps from the genitive _hŏrdeī_, as in _tres modii hordei_, etc.

R-g ＞ rdž: _clĕrĭcus_ ＞ clęries.

Rg´ ＞ rdž and rdz (＞ rz): _argĕntum_ ＞ argen, ✱_burgē(n)sis_ ＞ borgẹs borzẹs (also _borgues_, under the influence of _borc_), ✱_dē-ērĭgit_ ＞ dẹrs, ✱_dē-ē(i)gĕre_ ＞ dẹrzer (also _derdre_: § 71), _sŭrgĕre_ ＞ sọrger sọrzer, _sŭrgit_ ＞ sọrtz.

Rny ＞ rn´: ✱_Arvĕrnium_ ＞ Alvęrnhe.

Rr-g ＞ rdž: ✱_carrĭcat_ ＞ caria.

Rry ＞ ir: _porrum_ ＞ ✱_porreum_ ＞ poyre; but ✱_horrearium_? ＞ orgięr (cf. Körting).

Rt-g ＞ rdž and rts (＞ rs): ✱_excŏrtĭcat_ ＞ escǫria escǫrsa.

Rty ＞ rts ＞ rs ✱_fortiāre_ ＞ forsar, _tĕrtium_ ＞ tęrz tęrs. _Convercio_ is learned.

Rvy ＞ rvy rby: ✱_cĕrvia_ ＞ cervia cerbia.

Ry ＞ r´, which developed into ir when it remained medial, but became r at the end of a word[72]: ✱_exclariāre_ ＞ esclairar, ✱_donatōria_ ＞ donadọira, ✱_fĕria_ ＞ fęira fięira, _fĕriat_ ＞ fęira, _matĕria_ ＞ madęira, ✱_mŏriat_ ＞ mǫira, _primaria_ ＞ premęira premięira (§ 23, 1), ✱_punitōria_ ＞ punidọira, _varia_ ＞ vaira, _variāre_ ＞ vairar; ✱_a(u)gūrium_ ＞ aür, _cŏrium_ ＞ cuęr, ✱_donatōrium_ ＞ donadọr, _impĕrium_ ＞ empięr, _mĭnistĕrium_ ＞ mestięr, ✱_mŏrio_ ＞ mǫr muęr, _monastĕrium_ ＞ mostięr (§ 45, 3), _primarius_ ＞ premięrs, ✱_punitōrius_ ＞ punidọrs. If the ry is preceded by au, it apparently remains unchanged: _Auriācum_ ＞ Auriac (_Zs._, XXVII, 559). Learned words have _ri_: _bori_ ＜ _ebŏreum_, _contrari_.