Chapter XXIV: Part II (2)

[112] _History of Northampton_, vol. i. p. 363.

[113] Bishop Tanner’s _Notitia Monastica_, edit. of 1744, p.
211.

[114] Ruel and Hartmann’s _Collectio Conciliorum
Illustratorum_, 1675, tom. iv. p. 100. The Lombards had a
similar law, see Lindenbrog’s _Codex Legum Antiquarum_, 1613,
p. 609.

[115] _Histoire de Bretagne_, Paris, 1707, tom. i. p. 204.

[116] Wharton’s _Anglia Sacra_, tom. ii. pref. p. 32.

[117] _Cambro-Briton_ and _Celtic General Repository_, vol.
iii. p. 199.

[118] Chalmers’ _Caledonia_, vol. ii. 789.

[119] _Liber Cartarum Sancté Crucis de Edwinesburg_ (Bannatyne
Club edit. 1840), p. 6.

[120] _Transactions of the Society of Scottish Antiquaries_,
vol. i. p. 299.

[121] _Chronica de Mailros_, a cod. unico in Bibl. Cott.
servato. Bannatyne Club edition, Edinburgh, 1835, p. 88.
Crawford’s _Genealogical History of the Family of the
Stewarts_, 1710, p. 5. Lord Hailes’ _Annals of Scotland_, ed.
of 1797, vol. i. p. 327. Fordun gives the year as 1178,
probably from a difference in the style of reckoning; see his
_Scotichronicon_, Goodall’s edit. 1759, tom. i. p. 475.

[122] _Registrum Episcopatus Moraviensis_, p. 77.

[123] Tanner’s _Notitia Monastica Huntingdonshire_, ii. 3.
_Monast. Anglicanum_, tom. ii. p. 417.

[124] Paxton’s _Account of the Hospital and Parish of St. Giles
in the Fields_. Stowe in his _Survey of London_ (Strype’s edit.
1720, vol. ii. book iv. p. 74), says it was founded about 1117
(the year preceding Matilda’s death).

[125] _Anglor. Historia Major_, Append. p. 161.

[126] _Monasticon Anglicanum_, 2d ed. vol. vi. p. 620.

[127] _Ibid._ vol. vi. p. 630.

[128] _Book of Bon-Accord_, p. 342.

[129] _Records of Prestwick_, p. 91.

[130] Was it used as a preventative or disinfecting agent? In
some districts in Scotland at the present day all the
attendants upon a funeral are regularly provided with tobacco
and pipes at the expense of the relatives of the dead person.

[131] Sinclair’s _Statistical Account of Scotland_, vol. xii.
p. 346.

[132] _Ancient and Present State of the Zetland Isles_, vol.
ii. p. 102.

[133] _Bartholini De Morbis Biblicis Miscellanea Medica_
(1672), p. 41.

[134] _Faeroae et Faeroa Reserata_, etc. (London, 1659), pp.
101 and 311, and _Acta Medica_, etc. _Hafn._ Tom. i. p. 98.

[135] _Memoires de Medecine for 1782-3_, p. 200.

[136] _Voyage to Iceland_ (1770), p. 172.

[137] _Letters on Iceland_ (1780), p. 121.

[138] _Dissert. Inauguralis de Morbis Islandiae_ (Edinb. 1811),
pp. 12-17.

[139] _Iceland, or the Journal of a Residence in that Island_
(Edinb. 1818), vol. i. p. 295.

[140] _Voyage en Islande et au Groënland_, etc., livr. 11, 12,
14, 15, etc.

[141] _Edinburgh Med. and Surg. Journal_, vol. xviii. p. 102,
or _Amoenitates Academicae_, tom. vii. p. 97.

[142] _Ibid._ No. 132, p. 119. See also Dr. Charlton’s
“Observations on the Norway Hospitals,” _Ib._ p. 105.

[143] _Die Radesyge oder das Scandinavische Syphiloid_
(Leipzig, 1828), p. 57.

[144] _Abrégé Pratique des Maladies de la Peau_ (1828), par MM.
Cazenave et Schedel.

[145] _Practical Synopsis of Cutaneous Diseases_ (edit. of
1829), 411, 412.

[146] _Library of Medicine_, edited by Dr. Tweedie, vol. i.
(London, 1840), p. 418. Among his list of Synonyms, Dr. Schedel
gives “The Tsarath of Moses; Lepra Hebræorum; Lepra Egyptica;
Lepra; Lardrerie,” etc.

[147] “Morbus contagiosus, cutis crassa, rugosa, aspera,
unctuosa, pilis destituta; extremis artubus anæsthesia; facies
tuberibus deformis; vox rauca et nasalis.” _Synopsis Nosologiæ
Methodicæ_ (1772), p. 369.

[148] Class III., Order IV., Genus VIII. _Elephantiasis_; (1)
Skin thick, livid, rugose, tuberculate; (2) Insensible to
feeling; (3) Eyes fierce and staring; (4) Perspiration highly
offensive. Species I. (Tubercular or Arabian Leprosy of
authors.) “(1) Tubercles chiefly on the face and joints; (2)
Fall of the hair except from the scalp; (3) Voice hoarse and
nasal; contagious and hereditary.” Good’s _Physiological System
of Medicine_ (1817), pp. 257, 258.

[149] _De Causis et Signis Morborum_, p. 69. (Leipsic, edit. of
1735).

[150] The disease is still designated in different parts of
Asia and Africa by the same terms, more or less slightly
changed. In his Travels in Africa, Egypt, and Syria (p. 332),
Browne speaks of elephantiasis under the local designation of
_dzudham_; Niebuhr says it is still named in Arabia and Persia
_dsjuddam_ and _Madsjuddam_. (Pinkerton’s _Collection of
Voyages and Travels_, vol. x. p. 170.) In Morocco it is called
at the present day _Jeddem_ and _Murd Jeddem_. (Jackson’s
_Account of the Empire of Morocco_.)

[151] The remark in the text applies to nearly all the numerous
Latin versions made from the Arabic. It is proper, however, to
add, that the translator of the works of Haly Abbas has so far
avoided the error alluded to, by translating the Juzam of his
author by elephanta. With this single exception, the error
might otherwise, I believe, be called universal.

[152] The Arabians (_i.e._ the Latin translators from the
Arabians), and their expositors, as was long ago remarked by
Eustachius Rudius, and as has been often repeated since, “per
Lepram nil aliud intelligunt præter Elephantiasim.”—_De
Affectibus Externarum Corporis Humani Partium_, Venet. 1606, p.
24.

[153] See Bostock’s _History of Medicine_ (New York edition of
1836), pp. 43 and 47, or chapters vi. and vii.

[154] This appropriation of the single term “lepra” for the
designation of Greek elephantiasis is still adhered to by some
modern authors. Thus Plenck, in his celebrated _Nosology of
Cutaneous Diseases_, denominates (after the example of the
translators from the Arabic) the Barbadoes leg “Elephantiasis,”
and applies to the Greek elephantiasis the simple term “Lepra.”
Hence he defines lepra to be “that disease in which the skin,
particularly of the face, becomes rugose and irregular
(_aspera_), and is deformed with large reddish-livid and
chinked tubercles (_rimosis tuberibus_), along with
insensibility of the extremities, and the voice raucous and
nasal.”—_Doctrina de Morbis Cutaneis, quâ hi morbi in suas
Classes, Genera, et Species rediguntur_ (1783), p. 67. See also
Schilling in his _Commentatio de Lepra_ (1778), p. 2. etc.

[155] As in the works on Cutaneous Diseases by Turner
(_Treatise of Diseases incident to the Skin_, 1736), p. 2; and
Lorry (_Tractatus de Morbis Cutaneis_), p. 376, etc. etc.

[156] _Memoires de la Societé Royale de Medecine_ for 1782-3,
p. 170. Alibert employs this term in his _Monographie des
Dermatoses_ (1835), tome ii. p. 270.

[157] “_Elephantiasis_ a vulgo Medicorum _Lepra_ vocata et
quibusdam _Sancti Lazari morbus_.” “Elephantiasis quam vulgus
male Lepram appellitat.” See pp. 680 and 716 of the “Libri
quinque Institutionum Chirurgicorum Joannis Tagaultii,” in
_Uffenbach’s Thesaurus Chirurgiae_ (Francof. 1610).

[158] “Chirurgia secundum Medicationem Hugonis de Luco” (_in
Arte Chirurg. Scriptorum Collect._; Venice, 1546), p. 175.

[159] “Chirurgia Magna et Parva.” In the same collection of
Surgical works, p. 207, 208.

[160] _Breviarium practicae a Capite ad plantam Pedis._ Brev.
ii. cap. 46.

[161] _Philoneum Pharmaceuticum et Chirurgicum de medendis
corporis affectibus_; Frankfort, 1599, p. 659.

[162] “Lilium Medicinæ inscriptum de Morborum prope omnium
curatione,” vide _Opera Medica_ (Lugd. 1574), p. 49, _sqq._

[163] _Chirurgiae Tractatus_ vii. (Lugd. 1572), p. 307, _sqq._

[164] _Pro conservandâ Sanitate_, etc., _Liber utilissimus_
(Mogunt. 1531), c. 202.

[165] _Chirurgiae Libri Sex._ (Venet. 1533), lib. v. 23.

[166] _Selectiorum operum, in quibus Consilia_, etc.
_continentur_ (Lugd. 1525), Consil. 299.

[167] _Consilia secundum viam Avicennae ordinata_ (Lugd. 1535),
Consil. 299.

[168] _Les Oeuvres d’Ambrose Paré_ (Lyons, 1652), p. 476, etc.;
or Uffenbach’s _Thesaurus Chirurgiæ_ (Frankfort, 1610), p. 428,
etc.

[169] _Joannis Fernelii Ambiani Universa Medicina_ (Geneva,
1680), pp. 579 and 517.

[170] _Julii Palmarii Constantini, Medici Parisienis, de Morbis
Contagiosis Libri Septem_ (Frankfort, 1601), pp. 257-326.

[171] _Opera Observationum et Curationum quæ extant Omnia_
(Frankfort, 1646), p. 973.

[172] See in Gesner’s Collection _De Chirurgiâ Scriptores_,
etc. (Tiguri 1555), a tract entitled “Examen Leprosorum.”
Gregory Horst, _Operum Medicorum_, tom. ii. (Norimberg, 1660),
p. 127. Franciscus de Porta, _Medicæ Decad._ cap. xxx. lib. 4.
Von Forrest’s _Observationes Medicæ et Chirurgicæ_, lib. iv. p.
103. Schenckius, _Observationum Medicarum Rariorum Libri
Septem_ (Frankfort, 1665), p. 803.

[173] Several of the authors quoted above, divide the _species_
Lepra into four modifications or varieties: the Lepra Leonina,
Lepra Elephantia, Lepra Alopecia, and Lepra Tyria. This
division, which some of them freely allow to be founded more in
theory than in nature, seems to have been first proposed by
Constantinus Africanus. (_De Morborum Cognitione_, chap. 17.)
Like the fanciful fourfold subdivision of other diseases, it
was made in correspondence with the Hippocratic and Galenic
doctrine of the four humours. Theodoric, Arnald, Gilbert, and
the other authors who, in accordance with the pathological
creeds of the time, were led to adopt it, attribute each
particular variety to the operation and predominance of a
particular humour. John of Gaddesden has attempted, in his
_Rosa Anglica_, to dress up different medical doctrines in rude
Latin hexameters, and amongst others, he announces the doctrine
in question in the five following lines:—

Sub specie tetrâ deturpat corpora LEPRA;
TIRIA prima datur, de _flegmate_ quae generatur;
Turpe pilos pascens ALOPICUS, _sanguine_ nascens;
Fitque LEONINA, _colera_, fervente canina;
De _Mel_ _(Melancholia)_ fit tristis ELEFANTIA, tristior istis.

[174] The _History of Physick_, 5th edit. 1758, vol. ii. p. 263.

[175] Freind, p. 262.

[176] Sprengel, vol. ii. p. 448.

[177] _Bernhardi Gordonii Opera Medica_, Lugd. 1542, pp. 48 and
49.

[178] _Ib._ p. 54.

[179] See Freind, Sprengel, Eloy, etc.

[180] In the _Biographie Universelle, ancienne et moderne_,
Paris, 1813, tom. viii. p. 293, a third Pope, Innocent VI., is
added to this list.

[181] _Chirurgiae Libri Septem_, Lugd. 1572, p. 307, _sqq._

[182] _Gilberti Anglici Compendium Medicinae, tam morborum
universalium quam particularium, non solum medicis sed et
chyrurgicis utilissimum._ Vienna, 1510.

[183] Eloy’s _Dictionnaire Historique de Medecine, Ancienne et
Moderne_, 1778, tome ii. p. 349. Aitkin’s _Biographical Memoirs
of Medicine in Great Britain_, 1780, p. ix.

[184] Freind’s _History of Medicine_, 5th edition, vol. ii. p.
268.

[185] _Compendium Medicinæ_ (ut supra), p. 340.

[186] _Nosologia Methodica_, tome v. p. 229. Before citing
Gilbert’s description, Sauvages observes, “Plures hujus morbi
(Elephantiasis) varietates sunt quarum nomina et signa ex
Gilberto Anglo mutuabimur, loco Leprae Elephantiasin
nominando.”

[187] _Memoires de Medecine et de Physique Medicale tirés des
Registres de la Societé Royale de Medecine_, Années 1782-83, p.
200. Speaking of the Greek elephantiasis, or elephantiasis
legitima of Sauvages, they observe “on ne trouvoit nulle part,
pas même dans Arétée de Cappadoce, une exposition plus claire
que celle qui a été donnée par Gilbert, Medecin Anglois du
seizieme (?) siecle.”

[188] Sprengel’s _Histoire de la Medecine_ (Jourdain’s
translation). Tome ii. p. 404.

[189] Anthony Wood’s _Athenae Oxonienses_, p. 87.

[190] Wood gives his name as entered in an old College
Catalogue in 1320. He compiled his book between 1305 and 1317:
Freind, vol. ii. p. 277; and Eloy, vol. ii. p. 287. See also
Hutchison’s _Biographia Medica_, vol. i. p. 323; and Aitkin’s
_Biographical Memoirs_, p. ix, etc.

[191] Guy de Chauliac entitles Gaddesden’s book (probably with
more truth) “una _fatua_ Rosa Anglica.”

[192] _Rosa Anglica quatuor Libris distincta_ (Papiae, 1492),
lib. ii. cap. vii. p. 55; or _Joannis Anglici Praxis Medica,
Rosa Anglica dicta_ (Schopf’s edit. 1595), p. 1076, _sqq._

[193] _Rosa Anglica_, p. 1079. The editor, Schopf, appends to
this passage a rubric, stating the above sound counsel as
“Decretum Joannis Angli de Leprosis.”

[194] Pitt places him about 1360: Eloy, vol. ii. p. 354;
Freind, vol. ii. p. 293.

[195] From the old translation of Glanville’s work, _De
Proprietatibus Rerum_, by John Trevisa, Vicar of Barkley. See
_Phil. Trans._ vol. xxxi. p. 59.

[196] _Eccles. Dunelm. Hist._ l. liii. f. 56, a; vide
_Monasticon Anglicanum_, tom, ii. p. 437, a.

[197] Bernhard Gordon of Montpellier, whose description of the
disease I have already quoted, has been sometimes alleged to be
a native of Scotland, see Sprengel’s _Histoire_, ii. p. 447;
but without any other evidence whatever than that derivable
from his Scottish surname.

[198] _The Testament of Cresseid_, compylit be M. Robert
Henrysone, Sculemaister in Dunfermeling. Imprentit at
Edinburgh, 1593. Reprinted by the Bannatyne Club, Edinburgh,
1824. The poem has been published, without the name of the
author, in Godfray’s and most other later editions of Chaucer’s
Works.

[199] This complication was not so common as to be regarded as
a constant and pathognomonic sign of Greek elephantiasis, but
it is noted as an important and frequent one, by various
authors, both ancient and modern. Hally-Abbas tells us, in our
diagnosis of a case of the disease, to be particular in
examining “album oculorum ne forte turbatum est” (Lib. i. cap.
xxiv.); Rhazes attributes great value as a diagnostic mark of
his Juddam or elephantiasis to the “conturbatio albedinis
oculorum” (Lib. v. cap. cxx.); Avicenna, among his incipient
signs, states “et apparet in oculis obfuscatio ad rubedinem
declivis” (Lib. iv. Fen. iii. Fr. 3, cap. ii.) Not to multiply
examples, I may merely mention that Theodoric, in the
thirteenth century, places early among his list of signs
“oculorum in albedine lividitas” (Lib. iii. cap. lv.); see also
Lanfranc (Doct. i. Tr. iii. c. 7, albedo oculorum obfuscator);
Arnald of Villeneuve (Brev. ii. c. 46, multum rubeae); Gilbert
(Lib. viii. oculi circulos habent rubros), etc. Dr. Heberden,
in his account of the tubercular leprosy in Madeira, states, in
regard to a case, “that the confirmed elephantiasis was
attended with _livid_ and scirrhous tubercles, which had
overspread the face and limbs; the whole body was emaciated;
the eyebrows inflated; the hair of the eyebrows fallen off
entirely; the bones of the nose depressed; the _alae nasi_
tumefied, as likewise the lobes of the ears; _with a suffusion
in both eyes_, which had almost deprived the patient of sight,”
etc.—_Medical Transactions of the College of Physicians_, vol.
i. p. 35.

[200] I give the term “livid” as synonymous with the old Scotch
term “haw,” under the idea that it expresses in all
probability, as nearly as possible, the meaning of the author.
The Scottish writer Gawin Douglas renders the Latin adjectives
“caeruleus” and “glaucus,” by the adjective “haw,” in his
celebrated translation of “The xiii. bukes of Eneados of the
famose poet, Virgill, out of Latyne verses, into Scottish
meter.” For the occasional livid colour of the lumps or
tubercles in the face, see the extract in the preceding note
from Dr. Heberden, and the modern descriptions quoted in a
previous page from Bateman and Schedel.

[201] Since writing the above, I have met with the following
interesting notice in the still earlier voyage of Martin to St.
Kilda, the most westerly island of the Hebrides. Describing his
visit to St. Kilda, in 1697, he states, “Some thirteen years
ago, the Leprosy broke amongst the inhabitants, and some of
their numbers died of it. There are two families at present
labouring under the disease. The symptoms of it are, their feet
begin to fail; their appetite declining; their faces becoming
too red, and breaking out in pimples; a hoarseness, and their
hair falling off from their heads; the crown (?) of it
exulcerates and blisters; and, lastly, their beards grow
thinner than ordinary.”—_Voyage to St. Kilda_ (first published
in 1698), p. 40 of edition of 1749.

[202] _MS. Medical Annotations_, vol. iii. p. 226.

[203] “The Moderator proposed to the session, that, considering
that a Gracious Providence had not only delivered the Island
and country from the burden and necessity of maintaining and
otherwise providing for the poor Lepers, formerly in this
Island, but had also put a stop to the spreading of that
unclean and infectious disease, so that there is no appearance
of the symptoms thereof in any person now in this place, the
Session should therefore ordain a day to be set apart for
solemn thanksgiving for so great a deliverance throughout this
ministry excepting Fowla, which we can have no access to
probably to inform. The Session having heard the Moderator’s
proposal, were cordially satisfied therewith, and did agree
unanimously that a day be set apart for solemn thanksgiving on
the above account throughout the bounds of the ministry,
excepting Fowla, as above said.” (Extracts from the MS. Session
Register of Walls, under date of 17th March 1742.) The 19th May
1742 was held as the day of thanksgiving, as appears from a
subsequent entry.

[204] _Færoæ et Færoa Reserata_ (London, 1659), pp. 310, 311.

[205] Mackenzie’s _Travels in Iceland during the summer of the
year 1810_; or _Edinburgh Medical and Surgical Journal_, vol.
viii. pp. 202, 203.

[206] Von Troil’s _Letters on Iceland_, p. 123; Barrow’s _Visit
to Iceland in the summer of 1834_, pp. 289 and 294.

[207] Pontoppidan’s _Natural History of Norway_, containing an
account of its Climate, etc. etc. (London translation, 1755),
pp. 261, 262.

[208] See Wellhaven’s account, extracted from the _Transactions
of the Stockholm Society_, vol. iii. pp. 188-200, into
Hunefeld’s “Essay on Radesyge,” pp. 38-56.

[209] See pp. 110-117 of the excerpta in Hensler’s learned
work, _Vom Abenländischen Aufsatze im Mittelalter_. (Hamburg,
1790.)

[210] The disease seems to be noticed under the name of
Skyrbjugr in some of the oldest Iceland records. (See Olassen’s
_Islansk Urtagaard Bok_, p. 172; and Back, in Von Troil’s
_Letters on Iceland_, p. 324.) Munch and Hunefeld suggest, with
no great probability, that it might have been carried to the
north by the expeditions which, during the ninth and tenth
centuries, were made upon the Norman coast by Rolf and others.
(See Hunefeld’s _Radesyge oder das Scandinavische Syphiloid_,
p. 57.)

[211] I have already referred to Bartholin in relation to its
former prevalence in the Faroe Isles and Iceland. Writing in
1672, he states that in these parts leprosy “_fuisse olim
familiarem_” (_de morbis Biblicis in Mis. Med._ p. 41). Jonas,
Pastor of Hitterdale in Iceland, wrote in 1662 to the
celebrated Sir Thomas Browne, “Nullus _elephantiasi_ vel
abominabilior vel pestilentior hic existimatur, et tamen
postremo hoc seculo pavendus se diffundit.” (Wilkin’s edition
of Sir Thomas Browne’s Works, including his _Life and
Correspondence_, vol. iv. p. 261.)

[212] The date of admission to the church of one of the priors
of the hospital.

[213] _Synopsis of Cutaneous Diseases_, p. 419.

[214] Murray’s Edition of the _Acts of the Parliament of
Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 18. In Shetland the kirk-sessions seem
to have latterly taken upon them the legal powers conferred by
the above Act upon the bishops and other ecclesiastical
authorities, as shown by the following extract from the Session
Records of the parish of Walls. “Kirk of Walls, December 6th,
1772.—This day the Session being informed that Margaret
Abernethy, relick spouse of James Henry, had been, to all
appearance, for a considerable time past, deeply tinted with
the inveterate scurvy, commonly called the Leprosy in this
place, and was now removed to Brabaster in the midst of a
number of children, whose parents were in the greatest fear of
their being infected with that disease by the said Margaret
Abernethy, and that they and others had again and again called
upon the Session to convene the said woman before them, in
order to be sighted, and also to be set apart, if she should be
found unclean, conform to former use and wont, in this and
other parishes of the country: Therefore the Session did, and
hereby do, appoint the officer to require said Margaret
Abernethy to compear before them at this place, next Wednesday,
in order to be examined and inspected, as above
said.”—Extracted from the MS. Session Records of Walls.

[215] In describing the duties of the examiner, De Chauliac
observes, “In primis invocando Dei auxilium debet eos
comfortare, quòd ista passio est salvatio animae et quod non
dubitent dicere veritatem, quia si reperientur Leprosi,
purgatorium animae esset; et si mundus habet eos odio, non
tamen Deus, cum Lazarum Leprosum plus dilexit quam alios. Si
autem non reperientur tales stabunt in pace.”—P. 310.

[216] From the “Statuta Milonis Episcopi Aurelianensis, anno
MCCCXIV. in Synodo autumnali edita,” contained in Martene and
Durand’s _Amplissima Collectio veterum Scriptorum et
Monumentorum_ (Paris, 1733), tom. vii. p. 1286.

[217] _Foedera, Conventiones, Literae et cujuscunque generis
Acta Publica inter Reges Angliae et aliosquosvis Imperatores,
Reges, Pontifices vel Communitates._ Vol. xi. (London, 1710),
p. 635.

[218] Ropemakers were long treated and shunned as lepers,
because their trade was one which at an early part of the
middle ages was principally followed by pilgrims and crusaders
who had returned in a leprous condition from the East.—Ogée’s
_Histoire de Bretagne_. Hensler’s _Abendländischen Aufsatze_,
1790, p. 212.

[219] _Records of the Burgh of Prestwick_, p. 28.

[220] In the list (p. 10) of fifty-eight “burges inhabitant ye
burghe of Prestwik” in 1507, occur the two significant surnames
of “Allane Leppar” and “Adame Leppar.”

[221] _Burgh Records of Glasgow_, presented to the Maitland
Club by Mr. Smith, pp. 1 and 127.

[222] _Memorabilia of Glasgow_, p. 55.

[223] Alexander Jenkins’ _History and Description of the City
of Exeter, and its Environs, Ancient and Modern_, etc. (1806),
p. 384.

[224] _Index Monasticus_, p. 61. _Monasticon Anglicanum_ (2d
edit.), vol. vi. p. 769.

[225] _Notitia Monastica_, p. 211.

[226] Lord Lyttelton’s _History of the Life of Henry II. and of
the Age in which he lived_. (Lond. 1767.) Appendix of
Documents, vol. iv. p. 220.

[227] See _Monasticon Anglicanum_, vol. vi. p. 643, 2d edit.

[228] Leland’s _Itinerary through England and Wales_ (Hearne’s
edit.), vol. iv. p. 105.

[229] _Chron. MS. Henrici Knyghton_, in Bibl. Bodl. lib. ii.
cap. 2; _Monasticon Anglicanum_ (2d edit.), vol. vi. p. 687.

[230] Agnes Strickland’s _Lives of the Queens of England_, vol.
ii. p. 78.

[231] Ryland’s _History of Waterford_, p. 200. Mrs. Gore has
founded one of her latest tales (“The Leper House of Janval”),
on the idea of William, the third son of the Empress Matilda,
becoming a leper. See her _Tales of a Courtier_, vol. ii. p.
55. I am not aware whether the tale is so far historically
accurate, or merely assumed, as I do not recollect to have met
with any notice of the individual history or death of the
prince (the youngest of the three grandsons of Henry I.) who is
the subject of the story.

[232] _Chronicle at large and meere Historie of the Affayres of
England and Kings of the same_ (1569); see p. 506 of edit. of
1809.

[233] _Chronicles_; or _Union of the two Noble and Illustre
Families of York and Lancastre_ (1548); see Hearne’s edit. of
1809, p. 45.

[234] Hollinshed’s _Chronicles of England, Scotland, and
Ireland_, 1577. London, edit. of 1808, vol. v. p. 360.

[235] _History of England_ (1st edit.), vol. iii. p. 315.

[236] Rapin’s _History of England_ (ed. by Tindal), vol. ii. p.
185.

[237] Sharon Turner’s _History of England_, vol. ii. p. 272.

[238] Duchesne’s _Histoire d’Angleterre, d’Ecosse et
d’Irelande_ (Paris, 1614), p. 1010.

[239] Strickland’s _Lives of the Queens of England_, vol. iii.
p. 114.

[240] _The Chronicle of England unto the reigne of King Edward
IV._, by Iohn Hardynge (Ellis’ edit. 1813) p. 370.

[241] Fuller’s _Historie of the Holy Warre_ (3d edit. 1647), p.
94.

[242] Fuller’s _Historie of the Holy Warre_ (3d edit. 1647), p.
101.

[243] _Oeuvres de Rabelais_ (Paris, 1835), p. 666.

[244] Bellenden’s Transl. of Boece’s _Chroniklis of Scotland_,
vol. ii. p. 102 (edit. of 1821). Dempster’s _Historia
Ecclesiastica Gentis Scotorum_ (1627), p. 278.

[245] Spottiswood’s _History of the Church of Scotland_ (edit.
of 1665), p. 21. See also Fiacre’s story in Lesslie _de
Origine, Moribus_, etc., _Scotorum_ (1578), p. 156.

[246] The _Orygynale Cronykil of Scotland_ (Macpherson’s
edit.), vol. ii. p. 136.

[247] I have already shown in Part I. that the name here given
to the leprosy by the old French historian exactly corresponds
with the Anglo-Saxon designation of the disease “_seo mycle
adhl_.” It perhaps deserves to be added that (as appears from a
paper of Dr. Ainslie—_Asiatic Researches_, vol. i. p. 287) the
term “_Peri Vishadi_,” applied to tubercular leprosy by the
Brahmins of Hindustan, also literally signifies “the great
disease.”

[248] Sir John Froissart’s _Chronycles of England, France_,
etc., translated at the command of Henry VIII. by Lord Berners
(London, edit. of 1812), vol. i. p. 19. In p. 28, he again
states, “it fortuned that King Robert was right sore aged and
feble, for he was greatly changed with the great sicknes, so
that there was no way with him but death.”

[249] Froissart, _Histoire et Cronique_ (edit. of 1559), vol.
i. p. 13.

[250] _Collection des Memoires Nationelles_, etc., tom. x. p.
61.

[251] Johnes’ English edit. of _Froissart’s Chronicles_ (1839),
pp. 18 and 26.

[252] _Hemingfordii Chronicon_ (Hearne’s edit. 1731), tom. ii.
p. 270.

[253] Camden’s _Anglica, Normannica_, etc., _a veteribus
Scripta_ (Frankf. 1603), p. 129.

[254] _Ibid._ p. 610.

[255] _Scotorum Historia_ (Paris edit. 1574), p. 308.
Bellenden’s Translation vol. ii. p. 40: “He deceissit in
lepre.”

[256] _Rerum Scoticarum Historia_ (1762), p. 224.

[257] _Collectanea de Rebus Britannicis_, vol. i. p. 552.

[258] _Scalacronica; a Chronicle of England and Wales, from
1066 to 1362_, by Sir Thomas Gray of Heton. Maitland Club
edition (1836), p. 19.

[259] _Chronicon de Lanercost_, 1201-1346, presented in 1839 to
the Maitland Club by Mr. Macdowall.

[260] _Histoire de Bretagne_; par Guy Alexis Lobineau (Paris,
1707), tom. i. p. 135.

[261] Adams on _Morbid Poisons_, p. 287.

[262] Cleland’s _Former and Present State of Glasgow_ (1840),
p. 20.

[263] The five lepers in Papa, in Shetland, about 1736, were
all females; see Part II., page 82, _supra_.

[264] _Monasticon Anglicanum_, vol. vi. (2d edit.), p. 710; and
also Madox’s _Formulare Anglicanum_ (1702), pp. 22, 255, 314,
etc.

[265] Mackarell’s _History and Antiquities of King’s Lynn_
(1738), p. 223.

[266] Bridges’ _History of Northamptonshire_ (1791), vol. i. p.
363.

[267] _History of Shrewsbury_ (1825), vol. ii. p. 173 (engraved
seal of the House).

[268] _Monasticon Anglicanum_, vol. vi. pp. 637 and 643.

[269] _Historie of the Holy Warre_, p. 102.

[270] Hailes’ _Annals of Scotland_ (1797), vol. ii. p. 146.

[271] Jameson’s edition of Barbour’s _Bruce_, Book vi. p. 167.

[272] Kerr’s _History of Robert the Bruce_ (1811), vol. i. pp.
332-3, and vol. ii. p. 474.

[273] Froissart gives the same cause for the Bruce not leading
the expedition in question (see Lord Berners’ Translation of
his _Chronicles_, vol. i. p. 19).

[274] _Chamberlain’s Accounts_ (printed copies), vol. i. p. 37.
Compotum Constabularii de Cardross.

[275] See a beautiful lithograph copy of this interesting
document in the second volume of the Bannatyne Club copy of the
_Liber Sanctae Mariae de Melros_.

[276] Froissart (Berners’ translation), vol. i. p. 29. Shortly
afterwards Froissart states, “And thus, soone after thys noble
Robert de Brouse, Kyng of Scotland, trespassed out of thys
incertayne worlde, and his hart was taken owte of his body and
embawmed, and honourably he was entred in the Abbey of
Donfremlyne.” When the grave of the Bruce was opened at
Dunfermline in 1818, the anatomical appearances of the skeleton
showed that the king’s will had been so far obeyed, the bones
of the chest being found divided in such a way as to have
allowed the removal of the heart. This piece of dissection
seems, at the time at which it was made, to have drawn down the
dreaded vengeance of the Vatican upon Randolph, Earl of Moray,
the king’s nephew, and apparently the operator in this case, in
such a way as forms a strange and startling contrast with the
medical usages observed towards the dead at the present day. I
quote the account, as a curious point in the march of
necroscopic anatomy, from the Appendix to the _Chronicon de
Lanercost_ (p. 428)—“It appears that, by a constitution of
Pope Boniface, the mutilation of a dead body subjected those by
whom it was mutilated to heavy ecclesiastical censures. To free
himself from these censures, Randolph, two years after the
death of King Robert, presented a petition to the Pope, setting
forth that the deceased king had intended to undertake a
crusade against the Saracens, but was prevented by death, and
that in his last will he expressly ordered his heart to be
taken out of his body and carried in such an expedition, which
was done by James de Douglas, who conveyed it into Spain. The
Bishop of Moray was employed to obtain from the Pope a
remission for the crime, dated 8th before the Ides of August,
in the fifteenth year of Pope John’s pontificate.” Raynald, in
his _Annal. Ecclest._, gives the extract A.D. 1329. § 81.

[277] _Compendium Medicinae_ (Lugd. 1510), p. 336.

[278] See the Maitland Club _Burgh Records of Glasgow_, p. 127.

[279] See _Memorabilia of Glasgow_, p. 55.

[280] _Edinburgh Medical and Surgical Journal_, xxvi. p. 15,
_seqq._

[281] _Edinburgh Medical and Surgical Journal_, xxiv. p. 286.

[282] Debes’ _Færoæ et Færoa Reserata_, p. 311.

[283] _Dictionnaire des Sc. Medicales_, tom. xi. p. 419;
Rayer’s _Treatise on the Diseases of the Skin_ (London, 1831),
pp. 740 and 747.

[284] _Memoires de la Soc. Roy. de Medecine_ (1776), p. 167.

[285] _Ibid._ (1782-83), p. 188.

[286] Bellenden’s Translation of Boece’s _History_, p. lviii.

[287] See, for example, among non-medical authors, various of
these causes alleged for the disease in Heron’s _History of
Scotland_, vol. ii. p. 266 (unwholesome diet, uncomfortable
lodgings, dirty clothing). Hooker’s _Iceland_, vol. i. p. 189
(ascribes it to former use of woollen garments). Taylor’s
_Index Monasticus_, p. xii. (owing to personal filth, close and
bad lodging, etc.) White’s _Natural History of Selborne_,