Chapter XXVI: Letter 37: (formerly produced by poverty, want of fresh meats, (2)

[504] See _Gentleman’s Magazine_ for 1778, p. 472.

[505] This form of Greek designation, consisting of the name of
the principal ingredients in a formula, preceded by the initial
DIA, was long retained in pharmaceutical nomenclature. The
London Pharmacopœia of 1677, for instance, has upwards of
twenty medicines or formulæ commencing with DIA, as the _Pulvis
Diasennæ_, the _Electuarium Diacinnamomum_, the syrup named
_Diacodium_, etc. Almost the only remnant of this type of
nomenclature that is retained in modern medical language, is to
be found in the well-known term _Diachylon_ plaster. The
inventor of the _Diachylon_ plaster—Menecrates—lived about
the time of Tiberius, and, according to the inscription still
preserved at Rome upon his marble tombstone (See Gruter’s
_Inscriptiones_, p. 581), he was the author of not less than
155 medical works, few or no fragments of which remain. His
plaster has greatly outlived the productions of his pen. The
medical poet, Damocrates, who wrote several pharmaceutical
works, put Menecrates’ directions for preparing the _Diachylon_
into Greek Iambic verse.—See Galen _de Compos. Medicam. sec.
Genera_, vol. xiii. p. 996.

[506] _Opera_, lib. i. cap. 77, p. 43. See, also, on its
properties, Galen’s _Works_, by Kühn, vol. xii. p. 127; Adams’
_Paulus Ægineta_, vol. iii. p. 349.

[507] _Tetrabiblos_, Sermo iii. cap. cix. p. 429.

[508] _De Methodo Medendi_, lib. vi. cap. v. p. 310.

[509] Dr. Adams’ _Paulus Ægineta_, vol. i. p. 417.

[510] Kühn’s Edition, vol. xii. p. 774.

[511] _Ibid._ p. 746.

[512] _Ibid._ p. 257.

[513] _Ibid._ vol. vi. p. 876.

[514] Mackenzie. _Treatise on Diseases of the Eye_ (1830), pp.
140 and 141.

[515] Frankincense, saffron, and myrrh, form, as we have seen,
prominent ingredients in the ancient collyria. Actuarius lays
down the differences among the therapeutical effects of these
three eye-medicines, with the following rare
subtlety:—“_Crocus_ et _Myrrha_ hoc inter se dissident, quod
ille moderate adstringat, hæc vero citra adstrictionem non
instrenue discutiat, humiditatesque exsiccet: suntque
generosiora facultatibus quam _Thus_, quapropter etiam
discutiunt magis, verum quod detergendi vi careant: in ulcerum
curatione thuri ceu inferiora cedunt.”—_De Methodo Medendi_,
lib. vi. cap. v. p. 305.

[516] Kühn’s Edit. vol. xii. p. 60.

[517] Dr. Adams’ Edit. vol. iii. p. 217.

[518] _Medicinalium Collect._ lib. xi. p. 425.

[519] _De Arte Medica_, lib. ii. p. 173.

[520] Milligan’s Edit. of _Celsus_, p. 290, lib. vi. 13.

[521] See the Aldine Greek edition of his works, p. 118.

[522] _De Medicamentis Liber_, cap. viii. p. 280.

[523] _De Methodo Medendi_, lib. vi. p. 93. _Tochon_, p. 32.

[524] _Recueil de Monuments Antiques_, tom. i. p. 281.

[525] _Cinq Cachets Inedits des Oculistes_, p. 13.

[526] _Bottin: Melanges d’Archæologie_, p. 114.

[527] _Observations sur les Cachets_, p. 41.

[528] On the properties and uses of _Mulsum_ in ocular
medicine, see a full account in the Second Book of Alexander
Trallianus, p. 176.

[529] “Mollissimum genus earum _Penicilli_, oculorum tumores
levant ex mulso impositi: iidem abstergendæ lippitudini
utilissimi: eosque tenuissimos et mollissimos esse
oportet.”—_Naturalis Historiæ_, liber xxxii. cap. xi. p. 289.
In regard to the locality from which these sponges were
procured, Pliny afterwards adds,—“Trogus autor est, circa
Lyciam _Penicillos_ mollissimos nasci in alto, unde ablatæ sint
spongiæ.”—_Ibid._ p. 290.

[530] “_Penicillo_ fovere oculos oportet, ex aqua calida
expresso, in qua ante vel myrti vel rosæ folia decocta
sint.”—_Milligan’s Celsus_, liber vi. cap. vi. sec. 9, p. 288.
When describing venesection at the bend of the arm, Celsus uses
the word _Penicillum_ to imply the pledget or compress applied
after the operation with the view of arresting the
bleeding—“Deligandum brachium super-imposito expresso ex aqua
frigida _Penicillo_.”—Lib. vi. cap. xi. p. 65.

[531] _Milligan’s Celsus_, lib. vi. cap. vi. p. 284.

[532] “Quo gravior vero quæque inflammatio est, eo magis leniri
medicamentum, debet, adjecto vel albo ovi, vel muliebri lacte.
At si neque medicus, neque medicamentum præsto est, sæpius
utrumlibet horum in oculis _Penicillo_ ad id ipsum facto
infusum, id malum lenit.”—_Ibid._ lib. vi. cap. vi. sec. 8, p.
286.

[533] Deinde in balneo aqua calida quamplurima caput atque
oculos fovere; tum utrumque _Penicillo_ detergere et ungere
caput iridis unguento.—Lib. vi. cap. vi. p. 287. Scribonius
Largus uses the analogous expression—“_Penicillo_
abstergeretur,” p. 232.

[534] Igitur aversum specillum, inserendum, deducendæque eo
palpebrae sunt: deinde exigua _Penicilla_ interponenda, donec
exulceratio ejus loci leniatur.—_Ibid._ lib. vii. cap. vi. p.
342. After removing nasal polypi, he recommends a styptic tent,
or, “aliquid ex _Penicillo_,” to be introduced into the
nostrils (lib. vii. cap. x. p. 355). See also lib. vii. cap.
iv. p. 324; and lib. viii. cap. ix. p. 425.

[535] _Archæologia_, vol. ix. p. 240.

[536] In his chapter on diseases of the eyes, after giving the
formula for the _Basilicon_ collyrium of Euelpides—which was
composed of poppy tears, cerussa, Asian stone, gum, white
pepper, saffron, and _psoricum_—Celsus adds:—“Now there is no
simple which by itself is called _Psoricum_; but a certain
quantity of chalcitis, and a little more than half its quantity
of cadmia, are rubbed together with vinegar, and this being put
into an earthen vessel, covered over with fig leaves, is
deposited under ground for twenty days, and being taken up
again it is powdered, and is thus called _Psoricum_.”—See
Greive’s _Celsus_, p. 343.

[537] “Psoricum is formed by mixing two parts of chalcitis with
one of litharge, triturating them in vinegar, and, having put
them into a new pot, by burying them in dung for forty
days.”—See Adams’ _Paulus Ægineta_, vol. iii. p. 421.

[538] Kühn’s Edit. vol. xiv. p. 767.

[539] Galen in Kühn’s Edit. vol. xii. p. 717.

[540] _Princ. Art. Medicæ, De Methodo Medendi_, lib. vi. p.
305.

[541] _Tetrabiblos_, pp. 434, 435.

[542] _De Compositione Medicamentorum_, p. 199.

[543] _De Medicamentis Liber_, pp. 274 and 275.

[544] The inscription on the Jena stamp is as follows (see
Tochon’s _Dissertation_, p. 66): PHRONIMI DIAPSORICUM OPOBAL.
AD CLAR.

[545] The inscription alluded to runs thus:—PHRONIMI DIASMYRN.
POST IMPE. LIP. EX OV. Or, when extended,—“_Phronimi
Diasmyrnes post impetum lippitudinis ex ovo._”—_Tochon_, p.
66. _Phronimus_ is the name, of course, of the occulist or
proprietor.

[546] Cornarius’ Edit.; or Dr. Adams’ Edit. vol. iii. p. 550.

[547] _Med. Art. Princ. De Methodo Mendendi_, lib. vi. p. 310.

[548] For example, in the stamp found at Maestricht, and
described by Saxe, there occurs the inscription _C. Lucci
Alexandri Crocodes_ AT _aspritudines_, instead of AD
_aspritudines_. See Tochon’s _Dissertation_, p. 68.

[549] These figures of the Wroxeter stamp are copies of those
originally published of it by Mr. Parkes in the _Gentleman’s
Magazine_ for 1810, vol. lxxx. p. 617.

[550] _Beauties of England and Wales_ (1813), vol. xiii. p.
191.

[551] _Salopia Antiqua_, p. 126.

[552] See a copy of it in Gruter’s _Inscriptiones Antiquæ Orbis
Romanæ_, tom. ii. p. 896, No. iii.

[553] See Le Clerc’s _Histoire de la Médecine_, pp. 421 and
568.

[554] See, for example, Adams’ _Paulus Ægineta_, vol. iii. pp.
551 and 555, where the collyria _Diasmyrnum_ and _Isotheon_ are
directed “to be used with an egg”—(“Usus cum _ovo_ est,”
according to the Latin translation of Cornarius, p. 671, etc.)
Celsus directs the _Collyrium Philetis_ to be used “vel _ex
ovo_, vel ex lacte.” Galen repeatedly employs the same
expression in giving his directions about collyria, as in vol.
xii. pp. 746, 747, 749, 754, etc.

[555] _Med. Art. Princ. Synopsis_, liber iii. p. 51.

[556] Kühn’s Edit. of _Galen_, vol. xiii. pp. 877 and 879.

[557] _Ibid._ vol. xii. p. 761.

[558] The same title or designation of ΑΝΙΚΗΤΟΣ (the
unconquered) was assumed by some of the Indo-Greek kings of
Bactria. Philosenus (who reigned in the east of Bactria), and
Antialcides, Lysias, and Archebias (who reigned in the west),
according to Grotefend’s classification, all appropriated this
title to themselves. See Werlhof’s _Handbuch der Griechischen
Numismatik_, pp. 72 and 73.

[559] The Unguentum _Nardinum_ was one of the favourite
ointments used by the Romans for anointing the hair previous to
crowning it with the garland at their festive symposiums.—See
Horace’s _Carmina_, lib. ii. carm. xi. “Assyriaque _Nardo_
Potamus uncti.”

[560] Thus Plautus, in his _Miles Gloriosus_, act iii. sec. ii.
v. 11, speaks of wine mixed and flavoured with the perfume of
Nard—

Demisit _Nardini_ unam amphoram cellarius.

Horace, in one of his odes addressed to Virgil (_Carmina_, lib.
iv. c. 12), invites his brother poet to a drinking-party,
provided Virgil will earn his wine by bringing some spikenard;
and he declares that a small box of the perfume shall draw a
whole cask of wine from the storehouses of Sulpicius.

_Nardo_ vina merebere.
_Nardi_ parvus onyx eliciet cadum
Que nunc Sulpiciis accubat horreis.

The _onyx_, or alabaster box, mentioned in these lines of
Horace, was made of a kind of gypsum, and was used for
containing the more precious ointments, under the belief, as we
are told by Pliny (lib. xxxv. cap. 12), that this material
prevented the fragrance of the ointments from being dissipated
(quoniam optime servare incorrupta dicitur). In explanation of
the great use of ointments among the Romans, it is to be
remembered that they then formed their only vehicle for the
enjoyment of perfumes, the art of distillation being altogether
unknown to them.

[561] _Tetrabiblos_, Sermo III. cap. cxiii. pp. 436-8.

[562] Hujus auxilii actiones ac efficaciam dicere non est
facile. Audientes enim vix crediderint. Nam desperatas
affectiones ad naturalem statum revocat.—_Ibid._ p. 438.

[563] _Journal of the British Archæological Association_, vol.
iv. p. 280.

[564] Sichel’s _Cachets Inedits_, p. 15; and Duchalais’
_Observations sur les Cachets_, p. 35. See also _Mémoire de la
Commission des Antiquaires de Department de la Côte-d’Or_, vol.
x. p. 338; or _Rapport sur deux Cachets Inedits d’Oculistes
Romains_; Dijon, 1841.

[565] See _Medicæ Artis Principes_,—Oribasius, p. 50; _Paulus
Ægineta_, p. 672.

[566] See, for example, Kühn’s _Galen_, vol. xiv. p. 409.

[567] _Illustrations of the Remains of Roman Art in
Cirencester, the site of the Antient Corinium_, p. 117.

[568] See, for example, Gruter’s _Inscriptiones Romanæ_, vol.
ii. p. DCCLXXXIII. 2; CML. 3; MXXVII. 4.

[569] Notice of a stamp used by a Roman oculist or empiric,
discovered in Ireland. _Archæological Journal_, p. 354.

[570] Much stranger relics than Roman coins or medicine-stamps
have been found in Ireland. Above fifty Chinese porcelain
seals, with legends, etc., inscribed upon them in ancient
Chinese characters, have now been discovered in different parts
of Ireland, and generally in localities indicating that they
had lain entombed for many long ages. See Smith in _London and
Edinburgh Philosophical Journal_ for March 1840; and Getty’s
_Notices of Chinese Seals found in Ireland_, Belfast, 1850.

[571] See Ledwich’s _Antiquities of Ireland_, p. 45—Roman
coins found at New Grange. A celebrated passage in Tacitus
proves that, even as early as the first century of the
Christian era, the Irish seaports were better known to the
merchants of these times than those of Britain were—(“Melius
aditus, portusque per commercia, et negotiatores cogniti”). See
_Agricolæ Vita_.

[572] Hildebrand states, that in the northern or Scandinavian
districts of Europe there have been found “Roman silver coins
from about the middle of the first to the commencement of the
third century (Vespasianus to Severus Alexander); but
especially those of Hadrianus, Antoninus Pius, Aurelius, and
Commodus. Along with them,” he continues, “are sometimes found
various bronze articles, as statuettes, vases, and ornaments of
various kinds of Roman workmanship, and apparently of the same
age. These coins, etc., are usually found about the islands of
Gothland and Oland, and in Scanïa. The coins are worn and
clipped, so that often the legends and reverses are defaced,
and the portrait alone tells by whom they were struck. The
reason of this is (he suggests), that the coins came to the
north after long voyages. As the Roman eagles were never
planted on Swedish soil, these coins, etc., must either have
been brought by the northern pirates from Roman possessions, or
by merchants trading with Roman subjects. Only one gold coin
(of Titus), and one ? (of Faustina the elder), are as yet known
to have been found in the North.” See Hildebrand’s _Monnaies
Anglo-Saxonnes du Cabinet Royal de Stockholm_. Introduction,
pp. vi. vii. note.

[573] See the _Pharmacopœia Londonensis_ for 1662, p. 48.

[574] See Ainslie’s _Materia Indica_, vol. i. p. 513; and
Royle’s _Antiquities of Hindoo Medicine_, p. 102.

[575] I shall quote Galen’s own graphic account of his personal
visit and observations:—“At the mine in Cyprus, in the
mountains of the Soli, there was a great cave dug in the
mountain, at the right side of which, that is to say, on our
left hand as we entered, there was a passage into the mine, in
which I saw certain specimens of the three substances stretched
upon one another like zones, the lowest being that of _sori_,
upon it _chalcitis_, and then that of _misy_. In process of
time the chalcitis changes into misy by degrees, and the sori
can change into chalcitis, but requires a much longer space of
time. So that it is no wonder that these three substances
should be possessed of homogeneous (similar) powers, as
differing from one another in tenuity and density of their
parts—the grossest being the sori, and the finest the misy,
whereas chalcitis possesses an intermediate power. When burnt,
they become more attenuant, but less styptic.”—Adams’ _Paulus
Ægineta_, vol. iii. note, p. 400. (Kühn’s _Galen_, vol. xii. p.
226.)

[576] See his Edition of _Paulus Ægineta_, vol. iii. notes in
pp. 253, 400, and 402.

[577] _Opera_, lib. v. cap. 117, p. 370.

[578] Kühn’s Edit. of _Galen_, vol. xii. p. 228.

[579] _Opera_, lib. xv. p. 515, and lib. xiv. p. 483.

[580] Dr. Adams’ Sydenham Society Edition, vol. iii. p. 253.

[581] Kühn’s Edit. vol. xii. p. 701.

[582] _Hist. Nat._ lib. xxxiv. c. xii. v. iii. p. 399.

[583] See Milligan’s Edit. p. 194, Misy _sanguinem suppremit_;
p. 197, _rodit_; p. 199, _crustas inducit_, etc.

[584] See _De Methodo Medendi_, lib. vi. pp. 305-308.

[585] Viper wine (_Vinum Viperinum_) and viper broth (_Jus
Viperinum_) had long a place in the London Pharmacopœia; and
still longer the vipers were retained in it as an ingredient in
the celebrated but multifarious Theriaca Andromache, which,
with its discordant farrago of seventy and odd ingredients, was
only expelled about a hundred years ago from the British
Pharmacopœias. (See Alston’s _Materia Medica_, vol. ii. p.
517; Hill’s _Materia Medica_, p. 829; Quincy’s _Dispensatory_,
p. 400; Mead’s _Essay on the Viper_, 1745, etc.)

[586] Perhaps this incantation was but a remnant of that ophite
worship which appears to have in former times prevailed so
generally throughout the world. On the ancient extent of
serpent-worship in the old world, see Stukeley’s _Abury_, p.
32; Colonel Tod’s _History of Rajasthan_; the Rev. J. B.
Deane’s learned Treatise on the Worship of the Serpent, and his
observations on various ancient Dracontia, or ophite temples in
England, France, etc., in the _Archæologia_, vol. xxv. p. 180,
etc. Latterly, the observations of Mr. Squier would seem to
show that the same type of worship was, in long past times,
diffused as extensively over the new world. (See his late work,
entitled _Serpent Symbol, and the Worship of the Reciprocal
Principles of Nature in America_.) The supposed connection of
the serpent and serpent-worship with the healing art has been
handed down to us emblematically in the serpent symbol with
which the caduceus of Æsculapius is always represented as
surrounded. The Romans regarded the serpent as a symbol of
health, and we find it figured as such on some of the coins of
Augustus and Claudian.

[587] _Aphrodisiacus, sive, Collectio Auctorum de Lue Venerea._
Venet. 1566-67; and Lugd. Batav. 1728.

[588] _De Morbis Venereis._ Paris, 1740.

[589] _Abhandlung über die Venerischen Krankheiten._ Göttingen,
1788.

[590] See also a collection by Grüner of the opinions of many
authors, who wrote in the end of the fifteenth or beginning of
the sixteenth century, as to the disease being new and
unknown,—in his _Morborum Antiquitates_, p. 69, _seq._

[591] _Aphrodisiacus, sive de Lue Venerea._ Jena, 1789.

[592] _Vide_ Grüner’s _Aphrodisiacus_, p. 38.

[593] _De Morbis Venereis_, 1740.

[594] _Ueber die Venerischen Krankheiten_, 1788.

[595] _The History, etc., of the Venereal Disease._ London,
1841.

[596] _Sur l’Origine de la Maladie Venerienne._ Paris, 1752.

[597] _Geschichte der Lustseuche._ Altona, 1783.

[598] Grüner’s _Aphrodisiacus_, p. 115.

[599] Grüner’s _Aphrodisiacus_, p. 86.

[600] See _Extracts from the Council Register of the Burgh of
Aberdeen_, edited by my friend Mr. John Stuart, and published
by the Spalding Club.

[601] By an evident clerical error this word is mis-spelled
“vakis” in the copy of the edict contained in the Town-Council
records.

[602] _History of Scotland_, by John Lesley, Bishop of Ross, p.
76.

[603] _The Chronicles of Scotland_, by Robert Lindsay of
Pitscottie, vol. i. p. 249.

[604] Two of these entries were published by Mr. Pitcairn, in
the _Criminal Trials of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 117. My friend
Mr. Joseph Robertson, Superintendent of Searches in the
Literary and Antiquarian Department of the General Register
House, most kindly collated for me the other entries, while
looking over the Treasurer’s accounts for another purpose.

[605] Pitcairn’s _Criminal Trials_, vol. i. p. 110.

[606] Pitcairn’s _Criminal Trials_, vol. i. p. 232.

[607] See Mr. Laing’s admirable edition of Dunbar’s _Poems_,
vol. i. p. 115.

[608] Lyndsay’s _Warkis_ (1592), p. 262.

[609] See Dunbar’s _Poems_, vol. ii. p. 24.

[610] _Astruc_, p. 634.

[611] _Historical, etc., Account of the Principal Families of
the name of Kennedy_, p. 17.

[612] Cleland, in 1st Part of the _Transactions of the Glasgow
and Clydesdale Statistical Society_, p. 13.

[613] See Grunbeck, in _Tractatus de Pestilentia Scorra_, c. 8;
and Brant, in his poetical Eulogium _De Scorra Pestilentiali_—

“Nec satis extremo tutantur in orbe Britanni.”

[614] _A Brieffe and Necessary Treatise touching the Cure of
the Disease now usually called Lues Venerea._

[615] See Mr. Beckett’s papers in the _Philosophical
Transactions_ for 1718.

[616] _Archæologia_, vol. xxx. pp. 358 and 359.

[617] Holdtfeldt’s _Chronik_, p. 6. Astruc (p. 116) points to
the same fact in regard to Paris, where two leper hospitals
existed when syphilis began; but the syphilitic patients were
not sent to them, but to other houses specially hired for the
purpose.

[618] See Dr. Cleland’s “Extracts,” in _Transactions of Glasgow
Statistical Society_, Part i. p. 13, etc.

[619] _Parliamentary History_, vol. iii. p. 44; Henry’s
_History of Great Britain_, vol. xii. p. 219; the _Life and
Reign of King Henry VIII._, by the Right Hon. Edward Lord
Herbert of Cherbury, 1572, p. 295.

[620] See his _Consilium pro reverendissimo Episcopo et
Hungariæ Vicerege_; in Luisinus’ Collection, vol. ii. p. 6.

[621] _Astruc_, p. 113 (English Edition).

[622] Tytler’s _History of Scotland_, vol. iv. p. 319.

[623] _De Morbo fœdo et occulto, his temporibus affligente._

[624] The simple and newly elected Pontiff, Adrian VI., when
writing to his Legate at the Diet of Nuremberg, A.D. 1522, in
the same spirit observes, “We are well aware that for many
years past the holy city has been a scene of many corruptions
and abominations. The infection has spread from the head
through the members, and has descended from the popes to the
rest of the clergy.”—_Pallav. Op._, vol. i. p. 160; _Sarpi_,
p. 25.

[625] See _Claud. Espencæi Opera Omnia_, p. 479. The morals of
those assembled at the “sacred” Councils of the Church showed,
perhaps, in these days, little or no amendment upon the morals
of Rome itself. At the great Council of Constance, for example,
held in the fifteenth century, there were, according to the
long list of those present, as given by Lenfant, “seven hundred
common women” whose habitations were known to Ducher; whilst
the Vienna list of the same Council sets down the list of
“meretrices vagabundæ” as fifteen hundred in number (Lenfant’s
_History of the Council of Constance_, vol. iv. pp. 414, 416).
This Council was summoned together by that misnamed “Vicegerent
of God on earth,” Pope John XXIII., a man who, according to his
own secretary, Thierry de Niem, was guilty of “all the mortal
sins, and of a multitude of abominable acts not fit to be
named” (Niem _de Vita Joh. XXIII._, ap. Von’der Hardt, tom. ii.
p. 391.) Among other matters, the Procurators of the Council
publicly accused him before it of “cum uxore fratris sui, et
cum sanctis monialibus incestum, cum virginibus stuprum, et cum
conjugatis adulterium, et alia incontinentiae crimina” (Concil.
Constan. Sess. xi., Binius, tom. iii. p. 874). Yet this same
“infallible” Council of Constance, as it termed itself, called
together, as it was, professedly for the cure of the evils and
doctrines of the Church and Papacy, principally distinguished
itself in history by burning John Huss and Jerome of Prague for
preaching from the Scriptures the pure and simple gospel of
Jesus Christ.

[626] Nicol. de Clemangiis, _Opera_ (edit. Lydii), p. 22.

[627] _Opera_, tom. vi. col. 296 (ed. of 1617). The history of
these and other dark times shows us, however, occasional bright
and isolated glimpses of the existence of true Christianity in
general society and in the cloisters. In the personal history
of Luther, for example, few circumstances are more interesting
than the fact of Staupitz, the Vicar-General of the Order of
Augustine Monks of Germany, earnestly and tenderly assisting
the young and distressed monk of Erfurth to arrive at a
knowledge of salvation by faith alone (as laid down in the
Scriptures—a copy of which he presented to him), and not by
works.

[628] See Sir John Dalyell’s _Fragments of Scottish History_,
p. 11.

[629] _Polydor. Vergilii Angl. Histor._ (Bull 1570), p. 633.

[630] See his _History of Great Britain_, vol. vi. p. 434.

[631] See the whole details given more fully and broadly in the
_Letters relating to the Suppression of Monasteries_, published
by the Camden Society, p. 58, etc.

[632] See his _Supplication of Beggars_, presented to Henry
VIII. in 1530.

[633] “Insuper hoc tempore (A.D. 1282) apud Invirchethin in
hebdomada paschæ, sacerdos parochialis Johannes, Priapi
prophana parans, congregatis ex villa puellulis, cogebat eas,
choreis factis, Libero patri circuire; ut ille feminas in
exercitu habuit, sic iste, procacitatis causa membra humana
virtuti seminariæ servantia super asserem artificiata ante
talem choream præferebat, et ipse tripudians cum cantantibus
motu mimico omnes inspectantes et verbo impudico ad luxuriam
incitabat,” etc. See the _Chronicon de Lanercost_, p. 109.

[634] George Bannatyne’s _Ancient Scottish Poems_ (1770), p.
42.

[635] _King James’s Works_, p. 301.

[636] _Cardani, Philosophi ac Medici, Opera_, tome ix. p. 135.

[637] Yet we find the Archbishop, who left some bastard
offspring, when writing as an author, violently and virtuously
declaiming against “all kind of lichorie.” See fol. li., etc.,
of “The Catechisme set furthe by the Most Reverend Father in
God, John Hamilton, Archbishop of St. Andrews,” printed at St.
Andrews, 1552. Perhaps the Archbishop held some of the other
commandments in little more respect than the seventh, if we may
judge by one of his sayings regarding Queen Mary, when a girl
of nine or ten years of age, as reported by Sir James Melville
in his _Memoirs_, p. 73. There is no wonder that Sir James
found it difficult or impossible to translate the coarse saying
of the Scotch Primate for the polite ears of Montmorency the
Constable of France. See _Memoirs of his own Life_, p. 21.

[638] See the edicts in Wilkins’s _Concilia Magnæ Britanniæ_,
tom. iv. pp. 47-8.

[639] See the forthcoming _Statuta Ecclesiæ Scoticanæ_, p. 155,
edited for the Bannatyne Club by Mr. Joseph Robertson; also
Wilkins’s _Concilia_, iv. 20.

[640] See his note to Bannatyne’s _Scottish Poems_, p. 210.

[641] _Book of Bon Accord_, p. 377; Keith’s _Historical
Preface_, p. xv.; _Aberdeen Magazine_, 1796, p. 270.

[642] See Prescott’s _Ferdinand and Isabella_, vol. ii. p. 354.
In Spain, indeed, it was recognised and sanctioned by law, till
the scandal was uprooted by strong hand of Ximenes.

[643] _History of Edinburgh_, p. 497.

THE END.

_Printed by_ R. & R. CLARK, _Edinburgh_.

End of Project Gutenberg's Archaeological Essays Vol. 2, by James Y. Simpson