Chapter XXV: Letter 37: (formerly produced by poverty, want of fresh meats, (1)

and vegetables, etc.) etc. etc. Similar opinions are offered in
various medical works.

[288] The Canons of the Anglo-Saxon Church urged it as a duty
upon the charitable to give to the poor, meat, mund, fire,
fodder, bedding, _bathing_, and clothes. Wilkin’s _Leges
Anglo-Saxonicae Ecclesiasticae et Civiles_, p. 94. Turner’s
_History of the Anglo-Saxons_, vol. ii. p. 72.

[289] Hollinshed mentions the “multitude of _chimnies_ latelie
erected” as one of the “three things marvellouslie altered in
England” about the beginning of the sixteenth century.
(_Chronicles of England_, etc. edit. of 1807, vol. i. p. 317;
and Strutt’s _Horda Angel-Cynnan_, 1774, vol. i. p. 104.) When
we consider this we shall scarcely wonder that the smoke of
coals was formerly looked upon as a noted cause of disease, and
was at one time actually prohibited in London and Southwark.
(Stow’s _Survey of London_, p. 925. Evelyn’s _Fumifugium_,
1661. Macpherson’s _Annals of Commerce_, vol. i. p. 474.) In
1307 fires were ordered not to be lighted near the Tower
because the Queen was going to reside there. (Macpherson, _ut
supra_, see the edict in Rymer’s _Foedera_, vol. ii. p. 1057.)

[290] The last Archbishop of Glasgow (says Arnott) put on a
clean shirt once a week.—_History of Edinburgh_, p. 259.

[291] Straw was first used for the king’s bed in 1242, in the
reign of Henry III., whose court was considered the most polite
in Europe. (Dr. Henry’s _History of Great Britain_, vol. iii.
p. 507.) Some estates in England were held by the tenure of the
proprietors finding clean straw for the king’s bed, and litter
for his chamber. (Henry, _ut supra_; Camden’s _Britannia_, vol.
i. p. 311; _Index Monasticus_, p. 12.) In the charter granted
by Robert the Bruce to the Burgh of Ayr, the providing of this
latter item for him and his successors, for three days and
nights, whenever they visited the town, is specially entered in
the reddenda—“Et inveniendo nobis et heredibus nostris per
vices in adventibus nostris et heredum nostrorum apud Are per
tres dies et noctes _literium_ pro aulâ nostrâ.” (_Records of
Prestwick_, p. 128.) The office of rush-strewer was continued
till a late period on the list of the royal household (Craik
and Macfarlane’s _History of England_, vol. i. p. 644.)

[292] _Chronicles_, vol. i. p. 317.

[293] Many of the older medical authors lay down various and
most contradictory lists of articles of food as capable of
producing leprosy—some accusing too great quantities of animal
diet—others blaming too much vegetable diet as the cause,
while a third class, as Theodoric, impugn too free a use of
either or both (nimium usum carnis vaccinae, buballinae,
lentium et omnium leguminum. Theodoric, c. 55). Some authors
state the most strange doctrines on this point. Thus Bernhard
Gordon gravely states, that to partake of fish and milk in the
same meal does induce leprosy (comedere lac et pisces in eadem
mensa inducit Lepram. _Lilium Medicinae_, p. 48). The same idea
is repeated from Avicenna down to our countryman Gilbert, and
it is probably not unworthy of being remarked that the same
prejudice in regard to the influence of a mixed fish and milk
diet prevails, or prevailed till of late, in such opposite
points as Madeira and Hindostan.—(Heberden’s paper on
“Elephantiasis in Madeira,” p. 29; Walker, in _Calcutta Medical
and Physical Transactions_, vol. i. p. 4 of his “Account of the
Medical Opinions of the Hindus on Leprosy.” See also Sir
William Jones’ Works, vol. i. p. 556.)

[294] _History and Chronicles_, vol. i. p. lx.

[295] Marsden’s _History of Sumatra_, containing an account of
the Government, Laws, etc., pp. 151 and 201.

[296] See references formerly given to the works of Mackenzie,
Olafsen, Troil, Barrow, Henderson, Hooker, etc.

[297] Some scattered records of the leper hospital at Hamel en
Aarde by Messrs. Halbeck and Leitner, are to be found in the
_Periodical Accounts relating to the Missions of the Church_,
vol. ix. p. 345, 482, etc., as kindly pointed out to me by Dr.
William Brown. In 1824 the hospital contained 110 lepers.

[298] See Heberden, Adams, and Heineken’s papers, already
referred to.

[299] Hoest’s _Reise nach Marokos_, p. 248, calls the disease
Sghidam (Juddam). Lempriere’s Tour from Gibraltar to Tangier,
Morocco, etc., in 1789, in Pinkerton’s _Collection_, vol. xv.
p. 689, describes the disease as true leprosy. Jackson’s
_Account of the Empire of Morocco_ (1801), gives an account of
the leper hospital or village near Morocco.

[300] Niebuhr states that three different varieties of leprosy
are known in Arabia in modern times—viz. the Bohak, Barras,
and Juddam. “There is (he states) a quarter in Bagdad
surrounded with walls, and full of barracks, to which lepers
are carried by force, if they retire not thither voluntarily.
They come out every Friday to ask for alms.”—(Pinkerton’s
_Collection of Voyages_, vol. xviii. p. 170.)

[301] Dejean in Hensler’s _Abendländischen Aufsatze_, p. 240.

[302] Schilling, _De Lepra_, p. 20. Stedman’s _Narrative of
Five Years’ Expedition in Surinam_ (1796), vol. ii. p. 285.

[303] Bajon’s _Memoires pour servir à l’Histoire de Cayenne_,
etc., vol. i. p. 237. Bancroft’s _Natural History of Guiana_,
p. 385.

[304] Winterbottom’s _Account of the Native Africans in Sierra
Leone_, vol. ii. p. 113.

[305] F. Moore’s _Travels into the Inland parts of Africa_
(1738), p. 130. Mungo Park found the disease among the
Mandingoes.—(See Pinkerton’s _Collection_, vol. xvi. p. 877.)

[306] Whitelaw Ainslie, in the _Transactions of the Royal
Asiatic Society_, vol. i. (1824), p. 282. Robinson, in the
_London Medico-Chirurgical Transactions_, vol. x. (1819), p.
27.

[307] Pococke’s _Description of the East_, vol. ii. p. 122; or
Pinkerton’s _Collection_, vol. x. p. 502.

[308] _Voyages de Pallas en differentes Provinces de Russie_
(Paris, edit. of 1769), vol. i. pp. 651 and 659.

[309] Ulloa’s _Voyage to South America_ (London, edit. of 1762),
vol. i. p. 45, etc. Ulloa states that, at the time of his visit
to Carthagena, all the lepers of the place were confined in the
hospital of San Lazaro, and if any refused to go, they were
forcibly carried thither. The hospital consisted of a number of
cottages, and the ground on which it stood was “surrounded by a
high wall, and had only one gate, and that always carefully
guarded.”

[310] My friend, Dr. Cheyne, lately of San Luis, informs me
that the hospital of San Lazaro, in the city of Mexico, is set
aside for the reception of cases of tubercular leprosy.

[311] As in Ceylon (Marshall’s _Medical Topography of Ceylon_,
p. 43); Mauritius (Kinnis in _Edin. Med. and Surg. Journal_,
vol. xxii. p. 286); Madagascar (_Narrative of Madagascar
Mission_, pp. 208 and 191). I am informed by Dr. Shortt that
one of the group of the Sechelle Islands is used as a leper
station. See further Crawford’s _History of the Indian
Archipelago_ (Edinburgh, 1820), vol. i. p. 34.

[312] As in Java (Cloyer in _Miscell. Naturae Curiosorum_, Dec.
i. Ann. 2 (1683), p. 7); Amboyna (Valentyne’s _Beschreibung von
Amboyna_), vol. ii. p. 249. Clarke’s _Observations on the
Diseases of Long Voyages_, vol. i. p. 128.

[313] Casan, in the _Memoires de la Soc. Medicale d’Emulation_,
vol. v. p. 102. Hillary on _Diseases of Barbadoes_, p. 322.
Alibert’s _Monographie des Dermatoses_, tom. ii. p. 289; Case
from Guadaloupe. Peyssonnel’s Report on the Lepers in
Guadaloupe, in _Philosoph. Trans._ vol. i. p. 38, etc. etc.

[314] As in Scio, according to information given me by Dr.
Clarke. Howard, in his _Account of the principal European
Lazarettoes_, mentions, p. 40, the leper hospital in Scio.
Hennen, in his _Medical Topography of the Mediterranean_,
states that elephantiasis is endemic in one small village in
Cephalonia, p. 275. Savary seems to have met with several cases
in the islands of the Archipelago (_Letters on Greece_, 1788,
p. 110).

[315] It is but proper to add that the tubercular leprosy is
looked upon by some pathologists as a disease not originally
endemic in any part of the New World, and that it was first
imported into and spread through the West Indies, etc., by
subjects brought from Africa. Hillary professes himself certain
upon this point. See his _Observations on the Diseases of
Barbadoes_ (1766), p. 322; and also, for the same opinion,
Schilling’s _Commentationes de Lepra_ (1778), p. 20.

[316] _De Morbis Occultis_, lib. i. c. 12.

[317] _Observationes Chirurgicæ_, lib. iv. obs. 7.

[318] Du Chesne’s _Historiæ Francorum Scriptores Coaetanei_,
tom. v. p. 402. Joinville’s _Histoire de St. Louys_ (1668), p.
121. Sprengel’s _Histoire de Medecine_, tom. ii. p. 373.

[319] Joinville, _ut supra_, p. 121. “A celui jour du Jeudi
Saint, il lave les predz aux meseaux, et puis les baise.”

[320] Du Chesne, _ut supra_, tom. iv. p. 76.

[321] _Historia Angliæ Major_, p. 42.

[322] Ruel’s _Collectio Conciliorum_ (1675), tom. i. p. 1108.

[323] Dupin’s _History of Ecclesiastical Writers_ (London,
edit. 1695), vol. vii. p. 131.

[324] _Manipulus Curatorum_ (Bremen, 1577), p. iv. c. 9.

[325] _Concilia Magnæ Britanniæ_, tom, i. p. 616. Canon lxxii.

[326] Second Part of Henry VI., act iii. sc. 3.

[327] Maundrell’s “Journey from Aleppo to Jerusalem, at Easter,
A. D. 1697,” in Pinkerton’s _Collection_, vol. x. pp. 380-81.

[328] _De Causis et Signis Morborum_ (Leip. edit. 1735), p. 71.

[329] Baron’s _Description of the Kingdom of Tonquin_, p. 104;
or Churchill’s _Voyages_, vol. vi. p. 158.

[330] Richard’s “History of Tonquin,” contained in Pinkerton’s
_Collection_, vol. ix. p. 728.

[331] See various enactments of the French provinces on this
head, given at length in Delamarré’s _Traité de la Police_
(Paris, 1722), vol. i. p. 636.

[332] See the document previously cited from Rymer’s
_Fœdera_, vol. xi. p. 635. I quote the following notice from
Poulson’s _Antiquities of Beverley_ (London, 1829), vol. ii. p.
773, as an instance of what in all probability not unfrequently
took place in these times—viz. the voluntary entrance of
lepers into the lazar-houses: “Item, in the year of our Lord
1394, one Margaret Taillor, a leper, came before the twelve
governors of the town of Beverley in the Guildhall, and prayed
license to have one bed (et petiit licenceam here [habere] unum
lectum) in the leper-house without Keldgate bar, which said
twelve governors, viz. Nicelas Ryse, William Pollesta, etc., by
their common consent have granted.”—_Lansdowne MS._, No. 896,
fol. 116.

[333] Skene alleges that these laws were made by David I., who
died in 1152-53. George Chalmers states, that, from allusion to
them in a charter to Glasgow, bearing date 1176, they were at
least by that time in existence. (_Caledonia_, vol. i. p. 726.)
See further remarks in the Essays of Anderson, Lord Hailes,
etc.

[334] Skene’s _Regiam Majestatem_. The Auld Lawes and
Constitutions of Scotland (edit. of 1774), p. 241.

[335] The economical measures generally adopted for the
sustenance of the poor lepers are only too significantly shown
in the following public statute passed in the Scoon Parliament
of 1386. “Gif ony man brings to the markit corrupt swine or
salmond to be sauld, they sall be taken by the Bailies, and
incontinent, without ony question, sall be sent to the
lepperfolke, and gif there be na lepperfolke, they sall be
destroyed alluterlie (entirely).”—Acts of Robert III. in the
_Regiam Majestatem_, p. 414.

[336] Transcribed from the “Chartulary of Aberdeen” in Wilkin’s
_Concilia Magnæ Britanniæ_, tom. i. p. 616. Canon lxxii.

[337] See the edicts to this effect of the state and city of
Modena, in Muratori’s _Antiquitates Mædii Ævi_, vol. iii. p.
54; the Synodal Statutes in 1247 of the Church of Le Mans, in
Martene and Durand’s _Collectio Veterum Scriptorum_, vol. vii.
p. 1397; _ibid._ p. 1363, etc.; and also the various laws
enacted by the Magistrates of Paris, in Delamarré’s _Traité de
la Police_, vol. ii. pp. 636-7, etc. etc.

[338] _Regiam Majestatem_, Burrow Lawes, chap. 64, p. 241.

[339] Murray’s _Acts of the Scottish Parliament_, vol. ii. p.
18.

[340] _Regiam Majestatem_, p. 273.

[341] _Records of Prestwick_, p. 27.

[342] _Ibid._ p. 28.

[343] _Ibid._ p. 29.

[344] “Liber Statutorum Burgi de Edynburgh”—in the Maitland
Club _Miscellany_, vol. ii.

[345] Strype’s edit. of John Stow’s _Survey of the Cities of
London and Westminster_ (1720), vol. ii. book ii. p. 74.

[346] Stow’s _Survey_, vol. ii. p. 21.

[347] Arnott’s _History of Edinburgh_, p. 258.

[348] _MS. Records of the Town-Council of Edinburgh_, vol. ix.
p. 123.

[349] This and the other laws of St. Magdalene’s, Exeter, are
to be found at p. 30, etc., of an interesting essay of Dr.
Shapter’s of that city, entitled, “A few observations on the
Leprosy of the Middle Ages.” The essay, which was printed for
private circulation, was kindly forwarded to me by the author,
after the publication of the First Part of the present papers.

[350] Matthew Paris’ _Historia Angliæ_. Additamenta, pp. 162
and 168.

[351] _Monasticon Anglicanum_, tom. ii. p. 438.

[352] In former times the churchyards seem to have been the
general resort of beggars. Æneas Sylvius, who visited Scotland
as the Pope’s Legate in the reign of James I., speaks of there
seeing the almost naked paupers (pauperes, pæne nudos; ad
templa mendicantes) supplied with coals as alms.—_Historia de
Europa_, c. 46. Sibbald’s _Chronicle of Scottish Poetry_, vol.
i. p. 176.

[353] We have seen, in a previous page (p. 137, _supra_), that
the lepers met with by Maundrell, in Palestine, in 1697,
carried a kind of “cop,” or, as he expresses it, they came
“with small buckets in their hands to receive the alms of the
charitable.” Evelyn, in his interesting _Memoirs_, alludes to a
curious mode of sending alms to the leper that he saw practised
one hundred years ago in Holland. In his Diary, under the date
of 26th July 1641, he states, “I passed through Deft to the
Hague, in which journey I observed divers leprous poor
creatures dwelling in solitary huts on the brink of the water,
and permitted to aske the charity of the passengers, which is
conveyed to them in a floating box that they cast out.”—Bray’s
edition of _Evelyn’s Memoirs_, etc., vol. i. p. 12.

[354] _Antiquitates Italicæ Medii Ævi_, tom. iii. p. 54.

[355] _Sir Tristrem_, a metrical Romance of the thirteenth
century, edited by Sir Walter Scott (Edinb. 1804),
Introduction, p. 12.

[356] Tytler’s “Historical Inquiry into the ancient state of
Scotland,” _History_ (2d edit.), pp. 305 and 337.

[357] In Robert de Brunne’s translation (made in the reign of
Edward the Third) of Peter Langtoft’s Chronicles, the same term
“mesel” is used as synonymous with leper, and applied to one
designated in the rubrics “Baldeiano Leproso.”

Baldewyn the Meselle, his name so hight, ...
For foul meselrie he comond with no man.

John Trevisa has rendered the lepra of Glanville by “meselry,”
in translating, in 1398, the treatise _De Proprietatibus
Rerum_.—See the London edition of 1535, pp. 109-110.

[358] _Testament of Cresseid_, as previously quoted.

[359] Lord Coke’s _First Institutes of the Laws of England_
(Thomas’ edit.) vol. ii. p. 193, and vol. i. p. 162.

[360] Lindenborg’s _Codex Legum Antiquarum_ (1613), p. 609.

[361] _Observations sur l’Histoire de S. Louys_ (in edit. of
Joinville’s _Life of St. Louis_, 1668. Appendix, p. 34.)

[362] Delamarré’s _Traité de la Police_ (Paris, 1722), vol. ii.
p. 636.

[363] Lobineau’s _Histoire de Bretagne_, vol. i. p. 204;
Mezeray’s _Histoire de France_, tom. ii. pp. 168-69.

[364] _Dictionnaire Historique et Geographique de la Bretagne_
(1778), p. 176.

[365] _Essai Historique sur la ville de Bayeux_ (1829), p. 254,
_seqq._

[366] The other variety of Lycium, described by Dioscorides as
procured in Asia-Minor (Lycia, Cappadocia, etc.), is now
generally supposed to be an extract from the _Rhamnus
infectorius_, or other species of _Rhamnus_. (See Professor
Royle, in _Linnæan Transactions_, vol. xvii. p. 87; Dr. Adams,
in his admirable edition of _Paulus Ægineta_, vol. iii. p.
234.)

[367] _The Manners and Customs of the Romans_, p. 287.

[368] _Scriptores Historiæ Romanæ_, tom. ii. p. 402.
(Heidelberg edition of 1743.)

[369] _Corpus Juris Civilis Digestorum_, lib. iv. tit. vi. leg.
33, sec. 2, p. 142. (Leyden Edit. 1652.)

[370] “Cum te Medicum Legionis secundæ adjutricis esse dicas,
munera civilia quandiu reipublicæ causa abfueris, suspicere non
cogeris. Cum autem abesse desieris, post finitam eo jure
vacationem, si in eorum numero es, qui ad beneficia medicis
concessa pertinent, ea immunitate uteris.”—(_Ibid._ lib. x.
tit. 52, p. 855.)

[371] The whole chapter of Vegetius “Quemadmodum sanitas
gubernetur exercitus,” etc., is so interesting that I will take
the liberty of here quoting it in full:—“Now (what is to be
most specially attended to), I will give directions how the
health of an army is to be preserved, in as far as regards
places for encampment, waters, temperature, medicine, and
exercise. With respect to places, the soldiers should not
remain long near unhealthy marshes, nor in arid situations that
are destitute of the shades of trees; nor on hills without
tents in summer. They ought not to be late in the day in
commencing their march, lest they contract disease from the
heat of the sun and the fatigue of their journey; and, indeed,
in summer, they had better arrive at their destination before
the morning is advanced. In severe weather they should not
pursue their journey through snow and ice at night; nor be
allowed to suffer from scarcity of fuel, or a deficient supply
of clothing. For the soldier who is obliged to endure cold is
neither in a fit state for enjoying health, nor for marching.
Nor should he make use of unwholesome nor of marsh waters. For
a draught of bad water induces, like a poison, disease in those
who drink it. And, moreover, in this case, the unremitting
diligence of the generals, tribunes, and their assistants, as
wielding the highest authority, will be required, so that their
sick comrades may be restored by seasonable articles of food,
and be cured by the skill of the physicians (_arte medicorum_).
For it is difficult to manage with those who are at one and the
same time oppressed with the evils of disease and of war. But
those who are skilled in military affairs have held that daily
exercise contributes more to the health of the soldiers than
the physicians do. Wherefore, they have advised that the foot
soldiers should be regularly exercised during seasons of rain
and snow under cover, and at other seasons openly. In like
manner, they have ordered that the horsemen should assiduously
exercise themselves and their horses, not only on level ground,
but also in steep places, and in parts rendered difficult by
wide ditches, so that nothing new or strange may occur to them
in this respect during the casualties of battle. From all this
may be inferred how much the more diligently an army ought to
be trained in the exercise of arms, seeing, as we do, that the
habit of labour procures alike health in the camp and victory
in the battle-field. If (Vegetius adds) a multitude of soldiers
be permitted during the summer or autumn seasons to remain long
in the same locality, from the corruption of the water, and the
stench of their filth, the atmosphere is rendered insalubrious,
their respiration becomes vitiated, and most dangerous disease
is engendered; and this cannot be remedied by any other means
than by a change of encampment.”—(_De Re Militari_, III. 2.)

[372] _Galeni Omnia Opera_, Ed. Kühn, vol. xiii. p. 604. Celsus
speaks of the possibility of studying human internal anatomy by
looking at the wounds of soldiers, etc. “Interdum enim
gladiatorem in arena, vel _militem in acie_, vel viatorem a
latronibus exceptum sic vulnerari, ut ejus interior aliqua pars
aperiatur.”—_De Medicina_, lib. i. p. 8.

[373] See _Odyssey_, lib. iv. v. 229, etc.

[374] _Euterpe_, II. § 84; _Thalia_, III. §§ 1 and 132.

[375] _Historia Naturalis_, lib. xxvi. c. 1. Pliny states that
the Egyptians even prosecuted the study of morbid anatomy by
dissection:—“In Ægypto, regibus corpora mortuorum ad
scrutandos morbos insecantibus.”—(Lib. xix. c. 5.) Galen
advised those who desired, in his day, to become acquainted
with human osteology, to repair for that purpose to Alexandria,
for this potent reason, that there were two actual human
skeletons preserved in that city.—See Kühn’s edit. of Galen,
vol. ii. p. 220.

[376] _De Vitis, etc., Clarorum Philosophorum_, lib. iii. v. 8.

[377] “In expeditione bellica absque mercede curantur; medici
enim annonam ex publico accipiunt.”—_Bibliothecæ Historicæ_
(Amsterdam edition of 1746), vol. i. p. 92. Lib. i. § 82.

[378] It has been suggested by some authorities, but without
sufficient grounds, that in practice Machaon exercised only the
art of surgery, while Podalirius followed the art of medicine.
Hence, it is argued, Agamemnon, when Menelaus was wounded, did
not send for Podalirius, but Machaon. Arctinus, one of the
early cyclic poets, takes this view.—See Welcker’s _Cyclus
Epicus_: “Ilii Excidium Arctini,” xiii. 2.

[379] See Eustathius’ _Commentarii in Homeri Iliadem_, _loc.
cit._; and Dr. Adams’ _Paulus Ægineta_, vol. ii. p. 426.
Plato, in his _Republic_, discourses as to whether the potion
of Pramnian wine, etc., given to Machaon (whom by mistake he
names Eurypylus), was not too inflammatory in its
character.—(Lib. iii. c. 14.)

[380] The treatise in question, though usually printed amongst
the Hippocratic works, is not admitted to be genuine by any of
the translators or commentators upon Hippocrates, with the
exception of Foes.—See Dr. Adams’ _Works of Hippocrates_, vol.
i. p. 121.

[381] Xenophon’s expression (ιατροὺς κατέστησαν ὀκτω) has been
supposed by some commentators to indicate that eight soldiers,
perhaps previously experienced to some extent in tending the
wounded, were selected and improvised into medical officers,
rather than that eight were chosen out of a greater number of
medical attendants present with the army. But, in all
probability, there were present among the ten thousand Greeks
more than eight men who professed the imperfect medical
knowledge pertaining to the surgeons of that day. In a later
part of the _Anabasis_ (v. 8), Xenophon, in defending himself
against accusations of alleged severity on his part, in the
course of the retreat, to some of the soldiers under his
command, argues for its necessity on the principle that
“physicians also use incisions and caustics for the good of
their patients.” He owns to having urged some, when themselves
unwilling, to continue their march towards the shores of the
Black Sea, through the cold and snows of Armenia, “because,”
says he, “sitting down and rest made the blood to congeal, and
the toes to rot off, which was the case of a great many,”—a
result that lately happened only too frequently to the soldiers
of our own armies on the opposite or Crimean shores of the
Euxine.

[382] _De Rebus Gestis Alexandri Magni_, lib. ix. cap. 18. In
lib. iv. cap. 25, an account is given of the extraction of an
arrow from the king’s shoulder, by the surgeon Philip of
Acarnania, who had previously cured Alexander of the attack of
fever which followed on his bathing, when overheated, in the
cold waters of the Cydnus. Curtius speaks (iii. 13) of Philip
as one “inter nobiles medicos,” who were present with the army.
When describing the well-known incident of the fever draught
given by this physician Philip to Alexander, Arrian speaks of
him, not as a medical attendant upon the king, but as one “in
whose extraordinary skill in physic Alexander had great
confidence, because of his success in the camp,” or in
attending upon other members of the army.—(Lib. ii. cap. 4.)
Alexander himself affected some knowledge of medicine. At
least, when Craterus was invalided, and Pausanias, the
physician in attendance upon him, proposed to give him a dose
of hellebore, Alexander (as we are informed by Plutarch) wrote
a letter to Pausanias, expressing his great anxiety about the
case, and desiring him to be cautious in the use of this
medicine. In Alexander’s own chest-wound, as detailed in the
text above, the head of the arrow possibly did not enter the
cavity of the thorax, as its point was, according to Plutarch’s
account, fixed in the bone (the scapula or a rib?). When Julius
Cæsar fell under the daggers of his assassins, out of the
twenty-three wounds which he received, there was none that was
mortal, in the opinion of the surgeon Antistisius, except the
second, a penetrating wound of the breast. (See Suetonius’
_Julius_, c. 82.) After Epaminondas was fatally wounded at the
battle of Mantinea, he refused to allow the iron of the spear
with which he was struck to be extracted till the victory was
decided—aware that, from its site, death from bleeding would
immediately follow—an event which the result
confirmed.—(_Cornel. Nepos_, lib. xv. c. 9.)

[383] At the famous battle at the Lake Regillus, fought 497
years before the commencement of the Christian era, Livy tells
us that after Titus Herminius slew Mamilius, he was himself
struck with a javelin while stripping the body of his enemy;
and on being brought back to the camp victorious, he died on
the first dressing of his wound (inter primam _curationem_
expiraverit).—_Livii Historiarum Libri_, lib. ii. cap. xx. It
is not, however, stated whether this cure of the wound was
attempted by the hand of a military comrade, or by that of a
surgeon. The same historian mentions that a few years later
(B.C. 483), after the battle in which the Romans defeated the
Hetrurians, the surviving consul, M. Fabius, distributed his
wounded soldiers, for the purpose of cure, among the senators
residing in Rome (saucios milites _curandos_ dividit
patribus).—See _Livy_, lib. ii. cap. xlvii. And Tacitus, when
describing the catastrophe resulting from the fall of the
amphitheatre at Fidena, in the reign of Tiberius, states that
those injured and wounded by the accident were received into
the houses of the citizens, and there carefully attended to, as
(he adds) was the custom in former times after great battles
(veterum institutis similis, qui magna post proelia saucios
largitione et cura sustentabant).—_Annal._, lib. iv. c. 63.

[384] See lib. vii. cap. v. “Telorum ejectio.”

[385] Dr. Adams’ Translation, book vi. § lxxxviii. vol. ii. p.
418.

[386] Xiphilin gives the following account from Dion Cassius of
the various difficulties and disasters encountered by Severus,
from the rivers, marshes, woods, stratagems, etc., of the
Caledonians:—“Severus, wishing to reduce the whole island
under his power, entered into Caledonia, and, in marching
through it, encountered the greatest difficulties; for he had
to cut down woods, make roads over mountains, mounds across the
marshes, and bridges over the rivers. He fought no battle, nor
did he ever meet with the forces of the enemy in array; but
they advisedly placed sheep and oxen in the way of our troops,
so that when our soldiers attempted to seize the booty, and
were thus drawn far from the line of march, they were easily
cut off. The waters and lakes, likewise, were destructive to
our men, as by dividing them they fell into the ambuscades
prepared for them; and when they could not be brought off, they
were slain by their comrades, that they might not fall into the
hands of the enemy. Owing to these causes there died not less
than fifty thousand of our troops.”—Xiphilin’s _Excerpta_, p.
305. Severus himself seems to have suffered in his health
during this Scottish campaign; for during the most of it, he
required, says Dion, to be carried, on account of his weakness,
in a closed litter (nam plurimum propter _imbecilitatem_ operta
lectica vehebatur—p. 305). Both Dion (p. 307) and Herodian (p.
153) mention that he was disabled by gout.

[387] Herodian’s account of the labours and difficulties of
Severus in this campaign sufficiently indicates the sources of
malaria and disease to which his army was subjected, and, at
the same time, affords a curious statement regarding the
condition and habits of the ancient Caledonians:—“Severus’
first care (says Herodian) was to throw bridges across the
morasses, that his soldiers might be able to pursue the enemy
over the dangerous places, and have the opportunity of fighting
on firm ground; for as the greater part of the island is
frequently overflowed by the tides, these constant inundations
make the country full of lakes and marshes. In these the
barbarians swim, or wade through them up to their middle,
regardless of mud or dirt, as they always go almost naked; for
they are ignorant of the use of clothes, and only cover their
necks and bellies with fine plates of iron, which they esteem
as an ornament and sign of wealth, and are as proud of it as
other barbarians are of gold. They likewise dye their skins
with the pictures of various kinds of animals, which is one
principal reason for their wearing no clothes, because they are
loath to hide the fine paintings on their bodies. But they are
a very warlike and fierce people, and arm only with a narrow
shield and spear, and a sword hanging by their naked bodies;
unacquainted with the use of habergeons and helmets, which they
think would be an obstruction to their wading through the ponds
and marshes of their country, which, perpetually sending up
thick gross vapours, condense the air and make it always
foggy.”—Hart’s _Herodian_, pp. 153, 154. Dion Cassius, who
lived at the date of Severus’ expedition, gives, when
describing the expedition, an account of our Caledonian
ancestors that is in no degree more flattering. “The
Caledonians,” says he, “both possess rugged and dry mountains,
and desert plains full of marshes. They have neither castles
nor towns; nor do they cultivate the ground; but live on their
flocks and hunting, and the fruits of some trees; not eating
fish, though extremely plenteous. They live in tents, naked,
and without buskins. Wives they have in common, and breed up
their children in common. The general form of government is
democratic. They are addicted to robbery; fight in cars; have
small and swift horses. Their infantry are remarkable for speed
in running, and for firmness in standing. Their armour consists
of a shield, and a short spear, in the lower end of which is a
brazen apple, whose sound when struck may terrify the enemy.
They have also daggers. Famine, cold, and all sorts of labour
they can bear, for they will even stand in their marshes, for
many days, up to the neck in water, and, in the woods, will
live on the bark and roots of trees. They prepare a certain
kind of food on all occasions, of which taking only a bit the
size of a bean, they feel neither hunger nor
thirst.”—Xiphilin’s _Excerpta_, p. 304; and Pinkerton’s
_Inquiry into the Early History of Scotland_, vol. i. p. 438.

[388] See Gordon’s _Journey through Scotland_, p. 75. Bruce, in
his work on _The Roman Wall_, p. 214, speaks of the ancient
city of Borcovicus as likely, when excavated, to prove “the
Pompeii of Britain.” Stukeley, in a similar spirit, declared it
the “Tadmor of Britain.”

[389] It is possible the word may be a contraction for
_ordinatus_ (appointed), and not for _ordinarius_.

[390] _The Roman Wall_: a Historical, etc., Account of the
Barrier of the Lower Isthmus, extending from the Tyne to the
Solway, p. 228.

[391] _Vita Agricolæ_, cap. 36 (Orelli’s edit. vol. ii. p.
441).

[392] Stuart, in his _Caledonia Romana_, p. 340, gives a copy
of a legionary tablet found at Castlecary, which states that
the first Tungrian Cohort had erected 1000 paces (mille passus)
of the wall.

[393] Horsley’s _Britannia Romana_, p. 205. Stuart’s _Caledonia
Romana_, p. 164.

[394] According to Horsley, it was probably under the reign of
Marcus Aurelius that the Tungrian Cohort became stationed at
Castle-steeds, in Cumberland, where they erected an altar to
Jupiter. Lastly (he adds), this Cohort settled at Housesteads,
where we have six or seven of their inscriptions under four or
five different commanders. Here they seem to have continued
till the lowest time of the empire. The _Notitia_ places this
Cohort at Borcovicus (Housesteads).—_Britannia Romana_, p. 89.

[395] _United Service Journal_ for 1841, vol. iii. p. 124.

[396] See Eckhel’s _Doctrina Nummorum Veterum_, vol. i. p. 8,
and vol. vi. p. 495.

[397] _Inscriptiones Romanæ_, p. 68, Fig. 1 and Fig. 2; and p.
269, Fig. 3.

[398] The name of Domitian (see the plate) is erased from the
inscription—a practice which has been followed sometimes in
relation to the names of other Roman tyrants besides him; but
the name of the consul on the stone fixes the date and reign.

[399] _Syntagma Inscriptionum Antiquarum_ (1682), p. 611, 7.
See also Spon’s _Miscellanea Eruditæ Antiquitatis_, 145, 16;
and Dr. Middleton’s Dissertation “De Medicorum apud veteres
Romanos conditione,” in his Works, vol. iv. p. 103.

[400] _Novus Thesaurus Vet. Inscriptionum_, 1046, 5.

[401] In the text I have given the reading of this puzzling
inscription suggested by Hultmann, in his _Miscellanea
Epigraphi_, p. 415, the letters referring to the corps to which
SPORUS was attached being very indistinct—namely, “Medico alar
indianae etheriae astorum.” The inscription, if Hultmann’s
suggestion be correct, indicates the third wing or cohort of
the Asturian or Spanish auxiliaries. The first and second wings
of the Astures (_Astorum_), and the first cohort of them, are
mentioned in the celebrated “Notitia imperii” as located at the
time at which that army-list was made out, at three different
military stations along the line of Hadrian’s wall from the
Tyne to the Solway; and various inscriptions raised by these
troops have been dug up in Northumberland and Cumberland. See
Dr. Bruce’s work, p. 47, 110 and 154. These English slabs all
read _Asturum_, instead of the _Astorum_ of the Notitia, and of
the Italian inscription referred to in the text. Let me add
that inscriptions referring to soldiers of the Ala Indiana or
Indian wing of auxiliary horsemen, have also been found in
England.—See an example in Mr. Akerman’s Archæological Index,
p. 67, and Messrs Buckmann and Newmarch’s Corinium, p. 115.

[402] “In Legione sunt Cohortes decem.”—_Cincius in Aulus
Gellius_, xvi. 4.

[403] _Museum Veronense_, p. 120, 4. See also Gruter’s
_Inscriptiones Romanæ_, tom. i. p. 633, fig. 5. The exact age
of the dead, not as to years only, but as to months, as in the
above tablet, and sometimes even as to days, is a feature
peculiar to Roman monumental inscriptions. And nothing appears
to us more strange and interesting in relation to Roman
monumental tablets, than their total or almost total silence as
to a future state, and the possibility of meeting beyond the
grave. Out of the almost innumerable Roman monumental
inscriptions that have now been copied and published, not one,
as far as I am aware, ventures to refer to the hope of a future
life. They seem to have looked upon the idea of a future state
of existence as poetical imagery only, and not reality; all
doubting, like Tacitus, “si quis piorum manibus locus; si, ut
sapientibus placet, non cum corpore extinguuntur magnæ
animæ.”—_Vita Agricolæ_, cap. 46.

[404] There is, at the end of the third line, an evident
ellipsis of the word _Uxoris_. It is scarcely necessary to add
that, as is well known, these old Roman inscriptions abound in
errors of orthography and grammar.

[405] _De Re Militari_, lib. ii. cap. 10.

[406] Grævius’ _Thesaurus_, vol. x. p. 1021.

[407] _Annal._ lib. i. cap. 71.

[408] _Scriptores Historiæ Romanæ_, tom. ii. p. 355.

[409] _Annal._ lib. i. cap. 65.

[410] _Ibid._ cap. 69.

[411] Livy, lib. iv. cap. 39.

[412] _De Bello Africano_, cap. xxi. The exigencies of war
sometimes converted the stronger soldiers into the only
available transport corps for the sick and wounded. Xenophon
speaks in the _Anabasis_ (lib. iii. cap. iv.), of the number of
Greeks capable of fighting being diminished, because some
soldiers were employed in carrying the wounded, and others in
carrying the arms of the latter. One anecdote subsequently told
by Xenophon seems to show that, occasionally at least, if not
as the common rule, one soldier was deemed capable of carrying
a sick or wounded companion. For he informs us, that towards
the end of the expedition, when publicly accused of being
sometimes too severe to the soldiers during the long retreat of
the Greeks, the only person who came forward to substantiate
the charge, was a soldier whom he had compelled to carry a sick
comrade, and who, it turned out, had subsequently dug a pit to
bury the invalid before he was completely dead. The army held
that Xenophon had not beaten the complainant so much as he
actually deserved for this conduct.—_Anabasis_, lib. v. cap.
8.

[413] _Inscriptiones Regni Neapolitani Latinæ_, No. 2701.

[414] _Atti e Monumenti de fratelli Arvali_, vol. ii. p. 826.

[415] In the fragmentary list of the two old Roman fleets
stationed at Misenum and Ravenna, collected from various
inscriptions by Mommsen (p. 477), it is not uninteresting to
find the ships—sixteen or eighteen centuries ago—bearing
names exactly the same as those borne by our modern royal and
commercial navies; as The Cupid, The Diana, Mars, Neptune,
Ceres, The Fortune (_Fortuna_), The Victory (_Victoria_), The
Hope (_Spes_), The Faith (_Fides_), The Triumph (_Triumphus_),
Providence (_Providentia_), The Peace (_Pax_), The Tiber
(_Tiberis_), The Nile (_Nilus_), etc.

[416] Thus when Cato the younger, after the battle of Thapsus,
committed suicide at Utica, by stabbing himself in the abdomen,
his friends rushed into his room, on hearing him fall, and
among them his attendant physician, Cleanthes, who replaced the
uninjured bowels, and began to staunch and sew up the gash. But
on recovering from his state of syncope, Cato thrust aside the
surgeon, tore asunder the wound, pulled out the entrails, and
speedily expired.—(See Plutarch’s Life of him, and Hirtius’
_Commentar. De Bell. Africano_, cap. 88.) Cicero and Seneca
have written applaudingly of Cato’s suicide. Lucan invests him
with all godlike virtues; and various modern writers have
spoken in enthusiastic terms of his unbending moral dignity and
magnanimity of character. But one anecdote, mentioned by
Plutarch, seems calculated to detract not a little from our
modern estimate of the mental character of this “the last and
greatest of the Romans.” In stabbing himself, Cato could not,
according to Plutarch, strike sufficiently hard to produce an
immediately fatal wound, in consequence of inflammation in his
hand, which had required to be dressed by Cleanthes; for a few
hours before death, Cato,—that alleged “paragon of Roman
virtue,”—had severely injured his fist by striking one of his
slaves in the mouth with it.

[417] The death of Pansa, the consul, at the battle of Mutina,
in the year B.C. 48, is detailed by Suetonius and Tacitus in
such a way as proves that Glycon attended the army as surgeon
to Pansa, and took professional care of the consul when he was
wounded. In fact, Glycon was thrown into prison, after Pansa’s
death, upon a suspicion of having poisoned his wounds.—(See
Tacitus’ _Annal._ lib. i. cap. 10; Suetonius’ _Octavius_, cap.
11.) M. Brutus, in a letter to Cicero, begs the interference of
Cicero in favour of Glycon, and pleads his innocence of the
deed imputed to him.—(Cicer. ad Brut. 6.)

[418] Kühn’s Edit. of Galen, vol. xiv. pp. 649, 650.

[419] _Histoire de la Médicine_, vol. ii. p. 54 (Jourdan’s
Translation). “Scribonius Largus vivait sous le règne de
l’Empereur Claude, qu’il suivit dans ses campagnes
d’Angleterre.”

[420] Wilkins’ Edition of Browne’s Works, vol. iii. p. 467.

[421] “_Medicis_ ministrisque conaretur persuadere, senem ut e
medio quam primum quoquo modo tollerent.”—Lib. iii. p. 412. The
Emperor Marcus Aurelius died in Pannonia, when prosecuting a
war against the German tribes. Dion Cassius alludes to the
physicians who were in attendance upon Aurelius during this
long campaign, when adverting to the report that the emperor’s
death was caused by them, in order to promote his son and
successor Commodus (“peremptus a _Medicis_ qui Commodo
gratificabantur.”—_Excerpta_, p. 252). But Capitolinus, the
principal authority regarding the biography of Aurelius, does
not even advert to the report. On the other hand, he describes
Aurelius’ fatal illness as one of seven days’ duration, and
states that the emperor only dismissed Commodus from his
presence on the last day, lest he should communicate the
disease to him. (“Septimo die gravatus est; et solum filium
admisit; quem statim dimisit, _ne in eum morbus
transiret._”—_Scriptores Historiæ Romanæ_, vol. ii. p. 298.)

[422] Lib. iii. p. 413. “Nam et _Medicos_ supplicio affecit,
quod sibi parum obtemperaverant, jubenti senis maturare necem.”
This, as stated in the text, was one of the first, if not the
first, act of cruelty which Caracalla committed after Severus’
death. Dion affirms that, after murdering his brother Geta, he
ordered about 20,000 of Geta’s supposed friends to be put to
death; and amongst others he condemned to death, according to
Spartian, a class which is medically not uninteresting—namely,
all those who wore amulets or charms about their necks for the
cure of agues, a custom which would appear to have been much in
use both among the Greeks and Romans.—See Hart’s Herodian, p.
177.

[423] As a further not uninteresting record of the habits of
these times, as contrasted with our own, let me add (though the
topic is not altogether medical), that after Severus died at
York, worn out, according to Herodian, more by grief than by
disease (moerore magis quam morbo consumptus), his body was
burned, and the ashes left by the corpse inclosed in an urn of
alabaster with perfumes (odoribus).—Herodian, p. 413. His
sons, with their own hands, lighted the funeral pile. Dion
states that, shortly before his death, Severus sent for the urn
that was destined to contain his ashes, and addressed it in
terms too truly significant of the vanity and emptiness of the
highest earthly ambition and the greatest earthly success: “_Tu
virum capies quem totus orbis terrarum non cepit._”—Dion, p.
307.

[424] _Antiquitates Neomagenses, sive Notitia rarissimarum
rerum Antiquariarum_, etc. (1678), pp. 97, 99. When describing
these two medicine-stamps (which are interesting as having been
the first rediscovered in modern times), Schmidt ingenuously
states:—“De illis quid sentiam, non facile dixerim, sæpe mecum
cogito, quid sibi illa velint. Ego tamen _nihil_ adhuc
affirmare audeo.”—P. 98. Hugo Grotius, in his _Respublica
Hollandiæ_ (1630), speaks of Schmidt as “antiquitatum omnium
cultor summus, cujus commentarium de Noviomagi oppidi
(_Nymegen_) antiquitate avidissime expectamus.”—P. 123.

[425] _Miscellanea Eruditæ Antiquitatis_ (1685), pp. 236-238.

[426] “Smetius vir eruditus nobis exhibet lapides duos virides
quadratos, in margine scriptos, quarum usum se ignorare
fatetur. Ego vero puto fuisse opercula pyxidum in quibus
unguenta, olea, atque collyria reservabant
Pharmacopolae.”—Spon, in his _Miscellanea Eruditæ
Antiquitatis_, p. 236.

[427] Haym’s _Tesoro-Brittanico_ (1720), vol. ii. Letter in
Preface.

[428] Caylus’ _Recueil Antiquites_ (1761), vol. i. p. 225.
Count Caylus states (p. 226) that the Abbé Le Bœuf, in 1729,
expressed the following opinion in relation to one of these
Roman stones that was shown him:—“La regarda comme un moule
qui servoit à marquer sur la cire les drogues d’un Médecin
Romain, on comme une formule de recette pour la confection d’un
médicament.” See also vol. vii. (1767), p. 261.

[429] _Antiquitatis Medicæ Selectæ._ Jena, 1772.

[430] _Christophori Saxii Epistola de Veteris Medici Ocularii
Gemma Sphragide, prope Trajectum ad Mosam eruta._ 1774.

[431] _Archæologia; or Miscellaneous Tracts relating to
Antiquity_, vol. ix. (1789), p. 227.

[432] _Dissertation sur l’Inscription Grecque_ ΙΑϹΟΝΟϹ ΛΥΚΙΟΝ.
Paris, 1826.

[433] _Cinq Cachets Inedits de Médecins-Oculistes Romains._
Paris, 1845. To M. Sichel, one of the most learned of living
physicians, I am indebted for various valuable suggestions in
collecting the materials for the present essay.

[434] _Observations sur les Cachets des Médecins-Oculistes
Anciens, à-propos de Cinq Pierres Sigillaires inedites._ Paris,
1846.

[435] _Mémoires de la Société des Antiquaires de Picardie_,
tom. viii. p. 575. (1846). Notice sur un Cachet d’Oculiste
Romain trouvé à Amiens.

[436] The three found in Italy have all been discovered in the
more northern parts of that kingdom,—viz. the first at Genoa,
the second at Sienna, and the third at Verona. See notices of
them in Spon’s _Miscellanea Eruditæ Antiquitatis_, p. 237;
Muratori’s _Thesaurus Inscriptionum_, D. viii. 4; and Maffei’s
_Museum Veronense_, p. 135.

[437] Kühn’s Edit. of Galen, vol. xiv. pp. 766-777.

[438] Some of the ancient collyria were gravely averred to
possess properties that were optical, rather than medical. Thus
Alexander Trallianus gives a receipt for a very complex
collyrium, which, when anointed upon the eyes, enabled those
who used it to gaze upon the sun even without harm (Possis
etiam solem citra noxam intueri).—_De Arte Medica_, lib. ii.
p. 174.

[439] “Etiam Asclepiades plurimam et optimam tum aridorum tum
liquidorum collyriorum conscripsit silvam.” See Kühn’s edit. of
_Galen_, vol. xii. p. 226. Asclepiades, who enjoyed during his
life high professional popularity at Rome, seems to have
flourished in the century preceding the commencement of the
Christian era; and the expression of Galen (_sylva
collyriorum_) consequently shows us the great number and extent
of the collyria known and used even at that early period. For
notices of the time and character of Asclepiades, see Pliny’s
_Historia Naturalis_, lib. xxv. cap. 7; Grumpert’s _Asclepiades
Bithyni Fragmenta_, Vinar. 1794; Burdach’s _Scriptorum de
Asclepiade Index_, Leipzig, 1800.

[440] In the following passage Galen tersely enumerates the
very varied general ingredients, and general therapeutic
effects, of the numerous collyria used by the Roman
practitioners of his day:—“Nam et liquores, et succi, et
semina, et fructus, et plantarum particulæ, ocularibus
compositionibus induntur, veluti etiam non pauca ex iis, quæ
metallica appellantur; aliqua quidem extreme austera, et
acerba, atque aeria; aliqua vero his moderatiora et tamen
fortia; quemadmodum item aliqua omnia mordacitatis expertia, ac
lenissima per lotionem reddita.”—_De Compositione Medicam.
secundum Locos_, cap. i.; Kühn’s edition, vol. xii. p. 699.

[441] Celsus, in the same way, enumerates and describes the
collyria of Philon, of Dionysius, of Cleon, of Theodotius, of
Euelpides (_qui ætate nostra maximus fuit ocularius medicus_),
of Nileus, of Hermon, etc. See his _Medicinæ Libri_, lib. vi.

[442] Appellantur talia a medicis collyria _libiana_ et
_cygni_, ob colorem quidem album.—Galen, _de Compos. Med.
secundum Locos_, cap. i. Kühn’s edition, vol. xii. p. 708.

[443] See Stuart’s _Caledonia Romana_, p. 154; _New Statistical
Account of Edinburghshire_, p. 254, etc., for descriptions of
the Roman remains at Inveresk.

[444] _Medicæ Artis Principes: De Medicamentis Liber_, p. 273.

[445] _Medicæ Artis Principes: De Compositione Medicamentorum
Liber Comp._ xxvi. p. 198.

[446] Kühn’s Edit. of _Galen_, vol. xii. pp. 753 and 774.

[447] Cornarius’ Latin Translation in _Medicæ Artis Principes_,
p. 432.

[448] Kühn’s Edit. of _Galen_, vol. xii. p. 699.

[449] _P. Dioscoridis Opera quæ extant Omnia._ (Edit. Saraceni,
1698) p. 21, lib. i. cap. xxv.

[450] _Naturalis Historia._ Leyden edit. of 1635, vol. ii. p.
474.

[451] Kühn’s Edit. of _Galen_, vol. xii. p. 770.

[452] _Ibid._ pp. 785 and 773.

[453] Kühn’s edit. of _Galen_, vol. xii. p. 715.

[454] See Milligan’s _Celsus_, p. 296.

[455] _Medicæ Artis Principes_, lib. ii. p. 170.

[456] _Ibid._ lib. iii. p. 432. Our own Pharmacopœias long
retained similar terms. The London Pharmacopœia, for
example, for 1662, contains an electuary termed _Diacrocuma_,
an _Emplastrum Oxycrocum_, etc.

[457] Cornarius’ Latin edition of _Aetius_, 1549, p. 371; and
Venice Greek edit. p. 126.

[458] Dr. Adams’ Sydenham Society edition, vol. i. p. 419; and
the Basle Greek edition of 1538, p. 76.

[459] See Dr. Adams’ edition, vol. iii. p. 551, as compared
with the Basle edition, p. 78.

[460] The central figure shows the size of the stone, and the
intagliate inscription on one side. The other figures show its
three inscriptions as they read from left to right when stamped
on wax.

[461] See Scribonius Largus in _Medicæ Artis Principes_, p.
209; Marcellus Empiricus, in _ibid._ p. 326.

[462] Kühn’s edit. of _Galen_, vol. xii. p. 751.

[463] _Ibid._ p. 772.

[464] _Ibid._ p. 760.

[465] _Ibid._ vol. xi. p. 715.

[466] _Medicæ Artis Principes: De Medicamentis Lib._, p. 280.

[467] Spon also (see his _Miscellanea Eruditæ Antiquitatis_, p.
236) supposed the Nymegen and Genoa medicine-stamps (the only
specimens known to exist at the time at which he wrote) to have
belonged to some of those practitioners (_Myropolæ_ or
_Unguentarii_) who professed to cure diseases principally by
the external application of oils, ointment, and friction,—a
form of charlatanry not altogether unknown in this, the
nineteenth century. According to Pliny, Prodicus, a disciple of
Hippocrates, founded the mode of cure termed “Iatraleptice.” By
this means (adds Pliny) he opened a road to riches to the
slaves and rubbers themselves employed by the physicians
(reunctoribus quoque medicorum ac mediastinis vectigal
invenit). See his _Historia Naturalis_, lib. xxiv. cap. i. in
Leyden edition of 1695, vol. iii. p. 187.

[468] Kühn’s _Galen_, vol. xii. p. 787, 786, and 769. Actuarius
gives a formula for a collyrium _melinum_, but it is a copy of
the last of Galen. See _Medicæ Artis Principes_, p. 309.

[469] _Antiquitates Medicæ Selectæ_, p. 55.

[470] _Historia Naturalis_, lib. xiii. tom. ii. p. 37. Dr.
Adams’ edition of _Paulus Ægineta_, vol. iii. p. 592.

[471] _Historia Naturalis_, vol. iii. lib. xxxv. p. 423.
Scribonius Largus gives (cap. 90, p. 231) a formula, with the
_alumen melinum_ as one of its ingredients. See the same _Oleum
Melinum_ described by Dioscorides, lib. i. cap. 55, p. 31.

[472] Quemadmodum viridium emplastrorum plurima propter
æruginem præpollentem talia fiunt, præsertim quæ sunt ex ipsis
coloratiora; ita quoque Melina. Sed viridia æruginem incoctam
habent, Melina vero coctam quidem sed mediocriter; nam si
amplius coquas, bicolora emplastra quibusdam appellata,
quibusdam gilva, efficies. Solent Medici viridia, simpliciter,
Melina, et rufa, nominare, etc.—Galen _de Compositione
Medicamentorum per Genera_, cap. vi.—Kühn’s edit. vol. xiii.
p. 503.

[473] See _Archæologia_, vol. ix. p. 228.

[474] Aetius’ _Tetrabiblos_, Cornarius’ edit. p. 359.

[475] De Medicam. Liber.: _Med. Artis Principes_, p. 281.

[476] De Compos. Med.: _Ibid._ p. 660.

[477] Paulus Ægineta’s _Works_. Dr. Adams’ Translation, vol.
iii. p. 551.

[478] Cornarius’ Translation, p. 435.

[479] Opobalsam, the “succus a plaga” of the Syrian balsam
tree. See _Pliny._ lib. xii. c. 25.—Dioscorides, in describing
its origin, effects, etc., specially recommends it as a
detergent application in dimness of sight (quæ pupillis
tenebras offundunt, exterget).—Lib. i. cap. xviii. p. 18.

[480] The inscription on the Daspich stone is “Q. VALLERI SEXTI
STACTUM AD CALIGINES OPOBALSAMATUM.” Paulus Ægineta gives a
special collyrium under the designation of “Collyrium from
opobalsam”—_Collyrium ex opobalsamo._ See Dr. Adams’
Translation in the Sydenham Society Edition, vol. iii. p. 554.
The opobalsam is a frequent ingredient in the various collyria
described by Galen, Aetius, etc.

[481] _Catalogue of Antiquities, Coins, etc., in the possession
of the Society of Antiquaries of London_, by Albert Way, Esq.
1847, p. 12.

[482] _Archæologia_, vol. ix. p. 227.

[483] For the purpose of explanation, I have changed the order
of the sides, bringing forward as the second what Mr. Gough
gives as the fourth side.

[484] Kühn’s _Galen_, vol. xii. p. 781.

[485] Sectio xxiv. De Collyriis, p. 662.

[486] _Tetrabiblos_, Sermo iii. cap. 110, p. 434.

[487] _De Arte Medica_, lib. ii. cap. v. p. 175.

[488] Dr. Adams’ Translation, vol. iii. p. 554; and vol. i. p.
421.

[489] Thus, for example, the ingredients in the collyrium
Thalasseros, as given by Paulus Ægineta, are “calamine, 8
ounces; verdigris, 2 ounces; Indian ink, 8 ounces; white
pepper, 4 ounces; median juice, 1 ounce; opobalsam, 2 ounces;
and gum, 6 ounces.”—_Ibid._ vol. iii. p. 554.

[490] Kühn’s edit. of _Galen_, vol. xii. pp. 786 and 787.

[491] _Commentar. in App._ vi. 31. _De Simplic. Med._ ix. 39.
Dr. Adams’ _Paulus Ægineta_, vol. iii. p. 420. Plautus, in his
_Mostellaria_ (Act i. scene iii. v. 106), enumerates in the
same line the _Cerussa_ and _Melinum_ as among the number of
the cosmetic paints used at the toilets of the Roman ladies:—

Non isthanc aetatem oportet pigmentum ullum attingere
Neque _cerussam_, neque _melinum_, neque ullam aliam offuciam.

[492] See Duchelais’ _Observations_, p. 75; Tochon’s
_Dissertation_, pp. 26 and 64; Maffer’s _Museum Veronense_, p.
135; Johanneau in _Melanges d’Archeologie_, p. 177; for
accounts of stamps inscribed with the legend _Diamysus ad
Veteres Cicatrices_.

[493] _Medicinalium Collectorum_, lib. xiii. p. 499.

[494] _Tetrabiblos_, Sermo iii. cap. 37, p. 382.

[495] Galen defines Cicatrices and Albugo of the eye as
follows:—“_Cicatrix_ appellatur ubi nigro oculi ex alto ulcere
membranae crassities supervenit, ut color _albior_ apparet.
_Albugo_ nihil a cicatrice differt, nisi quod ex ulcere major
cicatrix simul et crassior in iride nascitur.”—Kühn’s Edit.
vol. xiii. p. 775.

[496] See _Tetrabiblos_, Sermo iii. cap. 40, 37.

[497] _Medicæ Artis Principes._ De Collyriis, cap. 72 and 73,
p. 665.

[498] Dr. Adams’ Translation, vol. i. p. 418.

[499] _De Arta Medica_, lib. ii. cap. vi. p. 175. Perhaps the
medical idea of staining the cicatrices of the eyes was
suggested by the circumstance, that the Romans, like the
ancient Egyptians, occasionally had recourse to dyeing or
staining their eyebrows in the decorations of the toilet. On
the substances (_calliblephara_) used for this purpose, see
Pliny, lib. xxiii. cap. 4, and lib. xxxv. cap. 16. Juvenal
alludes to the practice in his Second Satire, v. 93:—

Ille supercilium madida fuligine tactum
Obliqua producit acu, pingitque trementes
Attollens oculos.

[500] See _Medicæ Artis Principes_. De Medicam. p. 280.

[501] In the Minutes of the Society of Antiquaries for 17th
November 1757, the word is copied as DELICATA.

[502] Thus Nicolaus Myrepsus describes the “Collyrium nominatum
_Sol_;” the “Collyrium _Aster_, hoc est stella;” the “Collyrium
dictum _Lumen_.” See his _Opus de Compositione Medicamentorum_,
sect. xxiv. cap. 2, 22, 3, etc. Trallianus describes the
collyrium _Phos_, etc., p. 174. Aetius gives, p. 352, a formula
for the collyrium _Uranium_. See also Oribasius, p. 50. Perhaps
I ought to have stated earlier, that in quoting the works of
Oribasius, Aetius, Myrepsus, Trallianus, Scribonius Largus, and
Marcellus, I always refer, except when it is otherwise
specified, to the writings of these authors as contained in
Stephen’s collated edition of the “_Medicæ Artis Principes post
Hippocratem et Galenum_” (Paris, 1567).

[503] _De Simplic. Medicam._ Kühn’s Edit. vol. xii. p. 152.