Chapter IV: Part 4

In the Gazetteer, of the Madura district, it is recorded that "the organization of the Kilnad Kallans differs from that of their brethren beyond the hills. Among the former, an hereditary headman, called the Ambalakaran, rules in almost every village. He receives small fees at domestic ceremonies, is entitled to the first betel and nut, and settles caste disputes. Fines inflicted are credited to the caste fund. The western Kallans are under a more monarchial rule, an hereditary headman called Tirumala Pinnai Tevan deciding most caste matters. He is said to get this hereditary name from the fact that his ancestor was appointed (with three co-adjutors) by King Tirumala Nayakkan, and given many insignia of office including a state palanquin. If any one declines to abide by his decision, excommunication is pronounced by the ceremony of 'placing the thorn,' which consists in laying a thorny branch across the threshold of the recalcitrant party's house, to signify that, for his contumacy, his property will go to ruin and be overrun with jungle. The removal of the thorn, and the restitution of the sinner to Kallan society can only be procured by abject apologies to Pinnai Tevan."

The usual title of the Kallans is Ambalakaran (president of an assembly), but some, like the Maravans and Agamudaiyans, style themselves Tevan (god) or Servaikkaran (commander). [60]

Kallankanadoru (stone).--A sub-division of Komati, said to be descended from those who sat on the stone (kallu) mantapa outside the Penukonda Kanyakamma temple, when the question whether to enter the fire-pits or not was being discussed by the caste elders.

Kallan Muppan.--In the Madras Census Report, 1901, Kallan Muppan is returned as "a sub-caste of the Malabar Kammalans, the members of which are stone-workers." A correspondent writes to me that, "while the Kammalans are a polluting and polyandrous class, the Kallan Muppans are allowed to enter the outside enclosure of temples. They do not remarry their widows, and are strictly monogamous. Their purohits are Tamil barbers, who officiate at their marriages. The barber shaves the bridegroom before the wedding ceremony. The purohit has also to blow the conch-shell all the way from the bridegroom's house to that of the bride."

The names Kallan and Kalkotti are also those by which the Malabar stone-masons are known.

Kallangi.--Kallangi and Kallaveli (Kallan's fence) are fanciful names, returned by Pallis at times of census.

Kallasari (stone-workers).--The occupational name of a sub-division of Malayalam Kammalans.

Kallatakurup.--A sub-division of Ambalavasis, who sing in Bhagavati temples. They play on a stringed instrument, called nandurini, with two strings and a number of wooden stops glued on to the long handle, and a wooden plectrum.

Kallu (stone).--A sub-division of Ganiga and Odde. Kallukoti (stone-mason) is a sub-division of Malabar Kammalans, who work in stone.

Kallukatti.--It is noted, in the Gazetteer of the South Canara district, that "a grinding stone made of granite is an article peculiar to South Canara. It is a semicircular, oval-shaped block with a flat bottom, and a round hole in the middle of the surface. It has another oval-shaped block, thin and long, with one end so shaped as to fit into the hole in the larger block. These two together make what is known as the grinding-stone of the district, which is used for grinding curry-stuff, rice, wheat, etc. Mill-stones for pounding grain are also made of granite. Formerly, a class of people called Kallukattis used to make such articles, but the industry is now taken up by other castes as well. Mile-stones, slabs for temple door-frames, idols and other figures for temple purposes are also made of granite."

Kallur.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a name for the Pulikkappanikkan sub-division of Nayar.

Kalluri (stone village).--An exogamous sept of Medara.

Kal Tacchan (stone-mason).--A sub-division of Kammalan.

Kalti (expunged).--A degraded Paraiyan is known as a Kalti. Amongst the Paraiyans of Madras, Chingleput and North Arcot, the rule is that a man who does not abide by the customs of the caste is formally excommunicated by a caste council. He then joins "those at Vinnamangalam" near Vellore, i.e., those who have, like himself, been driven out of the caste.

Kalugunadu (eagle's country).--An exogamous sept of Tamil goldsmiths in the Madura district.

Kaluthai (possessors of donkeys).--A sub-division of Odde.

Kalyanakulam (marriage people).--A fanciful name returned by some Mangalas at times of census, as they officiate as musicians at marriages.

Kamadi (tortoise).--A gotra of Kurni.

Kamakshiamma.--Recorded, in the North Arcot Manual, as a sub-division of Vaniyan. Kamakshiamma is the chief goddess worshipped at Conjeeveram. She and Minakshi Amma of Madura are two well-known goddesses worshipped by Saivites. Both names are synonyms of Parvati, the wife of Siva.

Kamati (foolish).--A name sometimes applied to carpenters, and also of a sub-division of Okkiliyans, who are said to have abandoned their original occupation of cultivating land, and become bricklayers.

Kambalam.--The name Kambalam is applied to a group of nine castes (Tottiyan, Annappan, Kappiliyan, Chakkiliyan, etc.), because at their council meetings a blanket (kambli) is spread, on which is placed a brass vessel (kalasam) filled with water, and decorated with flowers. (See Tottiyan.)

Kambalattan.--A synonym of Tottiyan.

Kamban.--A title of the Occhans, to which caste the great Tamil epic poet Kamban is reputed to have belonged.

Kambha.--Kambha or Kambhapu, meaning a pillar or post, has been recorded as an exogamous sept of Madiga and Komati.

Kamma.--Writing collectively concerning the Kammas, Kapus or Reddis, Velamas, and Telagas, Mr. W. Francis states [61] that "all four of these large castes closely resemble one another in appearance and customs, and seem to have branched off from one and the same Dravidian stock. Originally soldiers by profession, they are now mainly agriculturists and traders, and some of them in the north are zamindars (land-owners). The Razus, who now claim to be Kshatriyas, were probably descended from Kapus, Kammas, and Velamas. The Kammas and Kapus of the Madura and Tinnevelly districts seem to have followed the Vijayanagar army south, and settled in these districts when the Nayak Governors were established there. Their women are less strict in their deportment than those of the same castes further north, the latter of whom are very careful of their reputations, and, in the case of one section of the Kammas, are actually gosha (kept in seclusion) like Musalmanis."

Various stories are current, which point to the common ancestry of the Kammas, Kapus, and Velamas. The word Kamma in Telugu means the ear-ornament, such as is worn by women. According to one legend "the Rishis, being troubled by Rakshasas, applied to Vishnu for protection, and he referred them to Lakshmi. The goddess gave them a casket containing one of her ear ornaments (kamma), and enjoined them to worship it for a hundred years. At the expiry of that period, a band of five hundred armed warriors sprang up from the casket, who, at the request of the Rishis, attacked and destroyed the giants. After this they were directed to engage in agriculture, being promised extensive estates, and the consideration paid to Kshatriyas. They accordingly became possessed of large territories, such as Amravati and others in the Kistna, Nellore and other districts, and have always been most successful agriculturists." [62]

Some Kammas, when questioned by Mr. F. R. Hemingway in the Godavari district, stated that they were originally Kshatriyas, but were long ago persecuted by a king of the family of Parikshat, because one of them called him a bastard. They sought refuge with the Kapus, who took them in, and they adopted the customs of their protectors. According to another legend, a valuable ear ornament, belonging to Raja Pratapa Rudra, fell into the hands of an enemy, whom a section of the Kapus boldly attacked, and recovered the jewel. This feat earned for them and their descendants the title Kamma. Some of the Kapus ran away, and they are reputed to be the ancestors of the Velamas (veli, away). At the time when the Kammas and Velamas formed a single caste, they observed the Muhammadan gosha system, whereby the women are kept in seclusion. This was, however, found to be very inconvenient for their agricultural pursuits. They accordingly determined to abandon it, and an agreement was drawn up on a palm-leaf scroll. Those who signed it are said to have become Kammas, and those who declined to do so Velamas, or outsiders. One meaning of the word kamma is the palm-leaf roll, such as is used to produce dilatation of the lobes of the ears. According to another story, there once lived a king, Belthi Reddi by name, who had a large number of wives, the favourite among whom he appointed Rani. The other wives, being jealous, induced their sons to steal all the jewels of the Rani, but they were caught in the act by the king, who on the following day asked his wife for her jewels, which she could not produce. Some of the sons ran away, and gave origin to the Velamas; others restored the kamma, and became Kammas. Yet one more story. Pratapa Rudra's wife lost her ear ornament, and four of the king's captains were sent in search of it. Of these, one restored the jewel, and his descendants became Kammas; the second attacked the thieves, and gave origin to the Velamas; the third ran away, and so his children became the ancestors of the Pakanatis; and the fourth disappeared.

According to the Census Report, 1891, the main sub-divisions of the Kammas are Gampa, Illuvellani, Godajati, Kavali, Vaduga, Pedda, and Bangaru. It would seem that there are two main endogamous sections, Gampa (basket) Chatu, and Goda (wall) Chatu. Chatu is said to mean a screen or hiding place. Concerning the origin of these sections, the following story is told. Two sisters were bathing in a tank (pond), when a king happened to pass by. To hide themselves, one of the girls hid behind a basket, and the other behind a wall. The descendants of the two sisters became the Gampa and Goda Chatu Kammas, who may not intermarry by reason of their original close relationship. According to another legend, after a desperate battle, some members of the caste escaped by hiding behind baskets, others behind a wall. The terms Illuvellani and Pedda seem to be synonymous with Godachatu. The women of this section were gosha, and not allowed to appear in public, and even at the present day they do not go out and work freely in the fields. The name Illuvellani indicates those who do not go (vellani) out of the house (illu). The name Pedda (great) refers to the superiority of the section. Vaduga simply means Telugu, and is probably a name given by Tamilians to the Kammas who live amongst them. The name Bangaru is said to refer to the custom of the women of this sub-division wearing only gold nose ornaments (bangaramu). The Godajati sub-division is said to be most numerously represented in North Arcot and Chingleput, the Illuvellani in Kistna, Nellore and Anantapur. The Kavali sub-division is practically confined to the Godavari, and the Pedda to the Kistna district. The Vaduga Kammas are found chiefly in Coimbatore.

In his note on the Kammas of the Godavari district, Mr. Hemingway writes that "in this district they are divided into Kavitis, Eredis, Gampas or Gudas, Uggams, and Rachas. These names are, according to local accounts, derived from curious household customs, generally from traditional methods of carrying water. Thus, the Kavitis will not ordinarily carry water except in pots on a kavidi, the Eredis except on a pack-bullock, the Uggams except in pots held in the hand, and not on the hip or head, the Rachas except in a pot carried by two persons. The Gampa women, when they first go to their husbands' houses, take the customary presents in a basket. It is said that these practices are generally observed at the present day."

Writing concerning the Iluvedalani (Illuvellani) Kammas, the editor of the Kurnool Manual (1886) states that "a few families only exist in the district. The women are kept in strict gosha. They consider it beneath them to spin thread, or to do other work. A sub-division of this caste lives in Pullalcheruvu, whose families, also gosha, work at the spindles, like other women of the country. Another class of indoor Kammas resides about Owk. They are apparently descendants of the Kammas, who followed the Naiks from Guntur to Gandikota in the sixteenth century. They are now reduced, and the females work, like Kapus, in the field. The Gampas are distinguished from the indoor Kammas by their women wearing the cloth over the right, instead of the left shoulder."

As with other Telugu castes, there are, among the Kammas, a number of exogamous septs or intiperu, of which the following are examples:--

Anumollu, Dolichos Lablab.
Tsanda, tax or subscription.
Jasthi, too much.
Mallela, jasmine.
Lanka, island.
Thota kura, Amarantus gangetícus.
Komma, horn, or branch of a tree.
Cheni, dry field.
Palakala, planks.
Kasturi, musk.
Baththala, rice.
Karnam, accountant.
Irpina, combs.
Gali, wind.
Dhaniala, coriander.

The Kammas also have gotras such as Chittipoola, Kurunollu, Kulakala, Uppala, Cheruku (sugar-cane), Vallotla, and Yenamalla.

When matters affecting the community have to be decided, a council of the leading members thereof assembles. But, in some places, there is a permanent headman, called Mannemantri or Chaudri.

The Kammas will work as coolies in the fields, but will, on no account, engage themselves as domestic servants. "They are," the Rev. J. Cain writes, [63] "as a rule a fine well-built class of cultivators, very proud and exclusive, and have a great aversion to town life. Many of them never allow their wives to leave their compounds, and it is said that many never do field work on Sundays, but confine themselves on that day to their house-work." "If," a correspondent writes from the Kistna district, "you ask in a village whether so-and-so is a Brahman, and they say 'No. He is an asami (ordinary man),' he will be a Kamma or Kapu. If you ask how many pay income-tax in a village, they may tell you two Baniyas (merchants), and two Samsari-vallu, i.e., two prosperous Kamma ryots."

The Kammas are stated by Mr. H. A. Stuart [64] to be "most industrious and intelligent cultivators, who, now that gosha has been generally abandoned, beat all rivals out of the field--a fact which is recognised by several proverbs, such as Kamma vani chetulu kattina nilavadu (though you tie a Kamma's hands, he will not be quiet); Kamma vandlu cherite kadama jatula vellunu (if Kammas come in, other castes go out); Kamma variki bhumi bhayapadu tunnadi (the earth fears the Kammas), and many others to the same effect. In addition to being industrious and well-to-do they are very proud, an instance of which occurred in the Kistna district, when the Revenue Settlement Officer offered them pattas, in which they were simply called Naidu without the honorific ending garu. They refused on this account to accept them, and finally the desired alteration was made, as they proved that all of their caste were considered entitled to the distinction. In North Arcot, however, they are not so particular, though some refuse to have their head shaved, because they scruple to bow down before a barber. Besides Vishnu the Kammas worship Ganga, because they say that long ago they fled from Northern India, to avoid the anger of a certain Raja, who had been refused a bride from among them. They were pursued, but their women, on reaching the Mahanadi, prayed for a passage to Ganga, who opened a dry path for them through the river. Crossing, they all hid themselves in a dholl (Cajanus indicus) field, and thus escaped from their pursuers. For this reason, at their marriages, they tie a bunch of dholl leaves to the north-eastern post of the wedding booth, and worship Ganga before tying the tali."

Among the Kammas of the Tamil country, the bridegroom is said to be sometimes much younger than the bride, and a case is on record of a wife of twenty-two years of age, who used to carry her boy-husband on her hip, as a mother carries her child. [65] A parallel is to be found in Russia, where not very long ago grown-up women were to be seen carrying about boys of six, to whom they were betrothed. [66] Widow remarriage is not permitted. Widows of the Goda chatu section wear white, and those of the Gampa chatu section coloured cloths.

Prior to the betrothal ceremony, female ancestors, Vigneswara, and the Grama Devata (village deities) are worshipped. A near relation of the future bridegroom proceeds, with a party, to the home of the future bride. On their way thither, they look for omens, such as the crossing of birds in an auspicious direction. Immediately on the occurrence of a favourable omen, they burn camphor, and break a cocoanut, which must split in two with clean edges. One half is sent to the would-be bridegroom, and the other taken to the bride's house. If the first cocoanut does not split properly, others are broken till the wished-for result is obtained. When the girl's house is reached, she demands the sagunam (omen) cocoanut. Her lap is filled with flowers, cocoanuts, turmeric, plantains, betel leaves and areca nuts, combs, sandal paste, and coloured powder (kunkumam). The wedding day is then fixed. Marriage is generally celebrated at the house of the bridegroom, but, if it is a case of kannikadhanam (presenting the girl without claiming the bride's price), at the house of the bride. The bride-price is highest in the Gampa section. On the first day of the marriage rites, the petta mugada sangyam, or box-lid ceremony is performed. The new cloths for the bridal couple, five plantains, nuts, and pieces of turmeric, one or two combs, four rupees, and the bride-price in money or jewels, are placed in a box, which is placed near the parents of the contracting couple. The contents of the box are then laid out on the lid, and examined by the sammandhis (new relations by marriage). The bride's father gives betel leaves and areca nuts to the father of the bridegroom, saying "The girl is yours, and the money mine." The bridegroom's father hands them back, saying "The girl is mine, and the money yours." This is repeated three times. The officiating purohit (priest) then announces that the man's daughter is to be given in marriage to so-and-so, and the promise is made before the assembled Deva Brahmanas, and in the presence of light, Agni, and the Devatas. This ceremony is binding, and, should the bridegroom perchance die before the bottu (marriage badge) is tied, she becomes, and remains a widow. The milk-post is next set up, the marriage pots are arranged, and the nalagu ceremony is performed. This consists of the anointing of the bridal couple with oil, and smearing the shoulders with turmeric flour, or Acacia Concinna paste. A barber pares the nails of the bridegroom, and simply touches those of the bride with a mango leaf dipped in milk. In some places this rite is omitted by the Gampa section. A small wooden framework, called dhornam, with cotton threads wound round it, is generally tied to the marriage pandal (booth) by a Tsakali (washerman) not only at a marriage among the Kammas, but also among the Balijas, Kapus, and Velamas. After the return of the bridal couple from bathing, the bridegroom is decorated, and taken to a specially prepared place within or outside the house, to perform Vira-gudimokkadam, or worship of heroes in their temple. At the spot selected a pandal has been erected, and beneath it three or five bricks, representing the heroes (viralu), are set up. The bricks are smeared with turmeric paste, and painted with red dots. In front of the bricks an equal number of pots are placed, and they are worshipped by breaking a cocoanut, and burning camphor and incense. The bridegroom then prostrates himself before the bricks, and, taking up a sword, cuts some lime fruits, and touches the pots three times. In former days, a goat or sheep was sacrificed. The hero worship, as performed by the Goda section, differs from the above rite as practiced by the Gampa section. Instead of erecting a pandal, the Godas go to a pipal (Ficus religiosa) tree, near which one or more daggers are placed. A yellow cotton thread is wound three or five times round the tree, which is worshipped. As a substitute for animal sacrifice, lime fruits are cut. The hero worship concluded, the wrist-threads of cotton and wool (kankanam) are tied on the bride and bridegroom, who is taken to the temple after he has bathed and dressed himself in new clothes. On his return to the booth, the purohit lights the sacred fire, and the contracting couple sit side by side on a plank. They then stand, with a screen spread between them, and the bridegroom, with his right big toe on that of the bride, ties the bottu round her neck. They then go three times round the dais, with the ends of their cloths knotted together. The bottu of the Gampas is a concave disc of gold, that of the Godas a larger flat disc. On the following day, the usual nagavali, or sacrifice to the Devas is offered, and a nagavali bottu (small gold disc) tied. All the relations make presents to the bridal pair, who indulge in a mock representation of domestic life. On the third day, pongal (rice) is offered to the pots, and the wrist-threads are removed. Like the Palli bridegroom, the Kamma bridegroom performs a mimic ploughing ceremony, but at the house instead of at a tank (pond). He goes to a basket filled with earth, carrying the iron bar of a ploughshare, an ox-goad, and rope, accompanied by the bride carrying in her lap seeds or seedlings. While he pretends to be ploughing, his sister stops him, and will not let him continue till he has promised to give his first-born daughter to her son in marriage. The marriage pots are presented to the sisters of the bridegroom. During the marriage celebration, meat must not be cooked.

Among the Kammas, consummation does not take place till three months after the marriage ceremony, as it is considered unlucky to have three heads of a family in a household during the first year of marriage. By the delay, the birth of a child should take place only in the second year, so that, during the first year, there will be only two heads, husband and wife. In like manner, it is noted by Mr. Francis [67] that, among the Gangimakkalu and Madigas, the marriage is not consummated till three months after its celebration.

When a pregnant woman is delivered, twigs of Balanites Roxburghii are placed round the house.

The dead are usually cremated. As the moment of death approaches, a cocoanut is broken, and camphor burnt. The thumbs and great toes of the corpse are tied together. A woman, who is left a widow, exchanges betel with her dead husband, and the women put rice into his mouth. The corpse is carried to the burning-ground on a bier, with the head towards the house. When it approaches a spot called Arichandra's temple, the bier is placed on the ground, and food is placed at the four corners. Then a Paraiyan or Mala repeats the formula "I am the first born (i.e., the representative of the oldest caste). I wore the sacred thread at the outset. I am Sangu Paraiyan (or Reddi Mala). I was the patron of Arichandra. Lift the corpse, and turn it round with its head towards the smasanam (burning-ground), and feet towards the house." When the corpse has been laid on the pyre, the relations throw rice over it, and the chief mourner goes three times round the pyre, carrying on his shoulder a pot of water, in which a barber makes holes. During the third turn he lights the pyre, and throwing down the pot, goes off to bathe. On the following day, a stone is placed on the spot where the deceased breathed his last, and his clothes are put close to it. The women pour milk over the stone, and offer milk, cocoanuts, cooked rice, betel, etc., to it. These are taken by the males to the burning-ground. When Arichandra's temple is reached, they place there a small quantity of food on a leaf. At the burning-ground, the fire is extinguished, and the charred bones are collected, and placed on a plantain leaf. Out of the ashes they make an effigy on the ground, to which food is offered on four leaves, one of which is placed on the abdomen of the figure, and the other three are set by the side of it. The first of these is taken by the Paraiyan, and the others are given to a barber, washerman, and Panisavan (a mendicant caste). The final death ceremonies (karmandhiram) are performed on the sixteenth day. They commence with the punyaham, or purificatory ceremony, and the giving of presents to Brahmans. Inside the house, the dead person's clothes are worshipped by the women. The widow is taken to a tank or well, where her nagavali bottu is removed. This usually wears out in a very short time, so a new one is worn for the purpose of the death ceremony. The males proceed to a tank, and make an effigy on the ground, near which three small stones are set up. On these libations of water are poured, and cooked rice, vegetables, etc., are offered. The chief mourner then goes into the water, carrying the effigy, which is thrown in, and dives as many times as there have been days between the funeral and the karmandhiram. The ceremony closes with the making of presents to the Brahmans and agnates. Towards evening, the widow sits on a small quantity of rice on the ground, and her marriage bottu is removed. The Kammas perform a first annual ceremony, but not a regular sradh afterwards. [68]

As regards their religion, some Kammas are Saivites, others Vaishnavites. Most of the Saivites are disciples of Aradhya Brahmans, and the Vaishnavites of Vaishnava Brahmans or Satanis. The Gampas reverence Draupadi, Mannarsami, Gangamma, Ankamma, and Padavetiamma; the Godas Poleramma, Veikandla Thalli (the thousand-eyed goddess) and Padavetiamma.

Kamma (ear ornament).--An exogamous sept of Motati Kapu.

Kammalan (Tamil).--The original form of the name Kammalan appears to have been Kannalan or Kannalar, both of which occur in Tamil poems, e.g., Thondamandala Satakam and Er Ezhuvathu, attributed to the celebrated poet Kamban. Kannalan denotes one who rules the eye, or one who gives the eye. When an image is made, its consecration takes place at the temple. Towards the close of the ceremonial, the Kammalan who made it comes forward, and carves out the eyes of the image. The name is said also to refer to those who make articles, and open the eyes of the people, i.e., who make articles pleasing to the eyes.

A very interesting account of the netra mangalya, or ceremony of painting the eyes of images, as performed by craftsmen in Ceylon, has been published by Mr. A. K. Coomaraswamy. [69] Therein he writes that "by far the most important ceremony connected with the building and decoration of a vihara (temple), or with its renovation, was the actual netra mangalya or eye ceremonial. The ceremony had to be performed in the case of any image, whether set up in a vihara or not. Even in the case of flat paintings it was necessary. D. S. Muhandiram, when making for me a book of drawings of gods according to the Rupavaliya, left the eyes to be subsequently inserted on a suitable auspicious occasion, with some simpler form of the ceremony described.

"Knox has a reference to the subject as follows. 'Some, being devoutly disposed, will make the image of this god (Buddha) at their own charge. For the making whereof they must bountifully reward the Founder. Before the eyes are made, it is not accounted a god, but a lump of ordinary metal, and thrown about the shop with no more regard than anything else. But, when the eyes are to be made, the artificer is to have a good gratification, besides the first agreed upon reward. The eyes being formed, it is thenceforward a god. And then, being brought with honour from the workman's shop, it is dedicated by solemnities and sacrifices, and carried with great state into its shrine or little house, which is before built and prepared for it.'" The pupils of the eyes of a series of clay votive offerings, which were specially made for me, were not painted at the potter's house, but in the verandah of the traveller's bungalow where I was staying.

The Tamil Kammalans are divided into three endogamous territorial groups, Pandya, Sozia (or Chola), and Kongan. The Pandyas live principally in the Madura and Tinnevelly districts, and the Sozias in the Trichinopoly, Tanjore, Chingleput, North and South Arcot districts, and Madras. The Kongas are found chiefly in the Salem and Coimbatore districts. In some places, there are still further sub-divisions of territorial origin. Thus, the Pandya Tattans are divided into Karakattar, Vambanattar, Pennaikku-akkarayar (those on the other side of the Pennaiyar river), Munnuru-vittukarar (those of the three hundred families), and so forth. They are further divided into exogamous septs, the names of which are derived from places, e.g., Perugumani, Musiri, Oryanadu, Thiruchendurai, and Kalagunadu.

The Kammalans are made up of five occupational sections, viz., Tattan (goldsmith), Kannan (brass-smith), Tac'chan (carpenter), Kal-Tac'chan (stone-mason), and Kollan or Karuman (blacksmith). The name Panchala, which is sometimes used by the Tamil as well as the Canarese artisan classes, has reference to the fivefold occupations. The various sections intermarry, but the goldsmiths have, especially in towns, ceased to intermarry with the blacksmiths. The Kammalans, claiming, as will be seen later on, to be Brahmans, have adopted Brahmanical gotras, and the five sections have five gotras called Visvagu, Janagha, Ahima, Janardana, and Ubhendra, after certain Rishis (sages). Each of these gotras, it is said, has twenty-five subordinate gotras attached to it. The names of these, however, are not forthcoming, and indeed, except some individuals who act as priests for the Kammalans, few seem to have any knowledge of them. In their marriages the Kammalans closely imitate the Brahmanical ceremonial, and the ceremonies last for three or five days according to the means of the parties. The parisam, or bride's money, is paid, as among other non-Brahmanical castes. Widows are allowed the use of ordinary jewelry and betel, which is not the case among Brahmans, and they are not compelled to make the usual fasts, or observe the feasts commonly observed by Brahmans.

The Kammalan caste is highly organised, and its organisation is one of its most interesting features. Each of the five divisions has at its head a Nattamaikkaran or headman, and a Karyasthan, or chief executive officer, under him, who are elected by members of the particular division. Over them is the Anjivittu Nattamaikkaran (also known as Ainduvittu Periyathanakkaran or Anjijati Nattamaikkaran), who is elected by lot by representatives chosen from among the five sub-divisions. Each of these chooses ten persons to represent it at the election. These ten again select one of their number, who is the local Nattamaikkaran, or one who is likely to become so. The five men thus selected meet on an appointed day, with the castemen, at the temple of the caste goddess Kamakshi Amman. The names of the five men are written on five slips of paper, which, together with some blank slips, are thrown before the shrine of the goddess. A child, taken at random from the assembled crowd, is made to pick up the slips, and he whose name first turns up is proclaimed as Anjivittu Nattamaikkaran, and a big turban is tied on his head by the caste priest. This is called Uruma Kattaradu, and is symbolic of his having been appointed the general head of the caste. Lots are then drawn, to decide which of the remaining four shall be the Anjivittu Karyasthan of the newly-elected chief. At the conclusion of the ceremony, betel leaf and areca nut are given first to the new officers, then to the local officers, and finally to the assembled spectators. With this, the installation ceremony, which is called pattam-kattaradu, comes to an end. The money for the expenses thereof is, if necessary, taken from the funds of the temple, but a special collection is generally made for the occasion, and is, it is said, responded to with alacrity. The Anjivittu Nattamaikkaran is theoretically invested with full powers over the caste, and all members thereof are expected to obey his orders. He is the final adjudicator of civil and matrimonial causes. The divisional heads have power to decide such causes, and they report their decisions to the Anjivittu Nattamaikkaran, who generally confirms them. If, for any reason, the parties concerned do not agree to abide by the decision, they are advised to take their cause to one of the established courts. The Anjivittu Nattamaikkaran has at times to nominate, and always the right to confirm or not, the selection of the divisional heads. In conjunction with the Karyasthan and the local heads, he may appoint Nattamaikkarans and Karyasthans to particular places, and delegate his powers to them. This is done in places where the caste is represented in considerable numbers, as at Sholavandan and Vattalagundu in the Madura district. In this connection, a quaint custom may be noted. The Pallans, who are known as "the sons of the caste" in villages of the Madura and Tinnevelly districts, are called together, and informed that a particular village is about to be converted into a local Anjivittu Nattanmai, and that they must possess a Nattamaikkaran and Karyasthan for themselves. These are nominated in practice by the Pallans, and the nomination is confirmed by the Anjivittu Nattamaikkaran. From that day, they have a right to get new ploughs from the Kallans free of charge, and give them in return a portion of the produce of the land. The local Nattamaikkarans are practically under the control of the Karyasthan of the Anjivittu Nattamaikkaran, and, as the phrase goes, they are "bound down to" the words of this official, who possesses great power and influence with the community. The local officials may be removed from office by the Anjivittu Nattamaikkaran or his Karyasthan, but this is rarely done, and only when, for any valid reason, the sub-divisions insist on it. The mode of resigning office is for the Nattamaikkaran or Karyasthan to bring betel leaf and areca nut, lay them before the Anjivittu Nattamaikkaran, or his Karyasthan, and prostrate himself in front of him. There is a tendency for the various offices to become hereditary, provided those succeeding to them are rich and respected by the community. The Anjivittu Nattamaikkaran is entitled to the first betel at caste weddings, even outside his own jurisdiction. His powers are in striking contrast with those of the caste Guru, who resides in Tinnevelly, and occasionally travels northwards. He purifies, it is said, those who are charged with drinking intoxicating liquor, eating flesh, or crossing the sea, if such persons subject themselves to his jurisdiction. If they do not, he does not even exercise the power of excommunication, which he nominally possesses. He is not a Sanyasi, but a Grihastha or householder. He marries his daughters to castemen, though he refrains from eating in their houses.

The dead are, as a rule, buried in a sitting posture, but, at the present day, cremation is sometimes resorted to. Death pollution, as among some other non-Brahmanical castes, lasts for sixteen days. It is usual for a Pandaram to officiate at the death ceremonies. On the first day, the corpse is anointed with oil, and given a soap-nut bath. On the third day, five lingams are made with mud, of which four are placed in the four corners at the spot where the corpse was buried, and the fifth is placed in the centre. Food is distributed on the fifth day to Pandarams and the castemen. Sradh (annual death ceremony) is not as a rule performed, except in some of the larger towns.

The Kammalans profess the Saiva form of the Brahman religion, and reverence greatly Pillaiyar, the favourite son of Siva. A few have come under the Lingayat influence. The caste, however, has its own special goddess Kamakshi Amma, who is commonly spoken of as Vriththi Daivam. She is worshipped by all the sub-divisions, and female children are frequently named after her. She is represented by the firepot and bellows-fire at which the castemen work, and presides over them. On all auspicious occasions, the first betel and dakshina (present of money) are set apart in her name, and sent to the pujari (priest) of the local temple dedicated to her. Oaths are taken in her name, and disputes affecting the caste are settled before her temple. There also elections to caste offices are held. The exact connection of the goddess Kamakshi with the caste is not known. There is, however, a vague tradition that she was one of the virgins who committed suicide by throwing herself into a fire, and was in consequence deified. Various village goddesses (grama devata) are also worshipped, and, though the Kammalans profess to be vegetarians, animal sacrifices are offered to them. Among these deities are the Saptha Kannimar or seven virgins, Kochade Periyandavan, and Periya Nayanar. Those who worship the Saptha Kannimar are known by the name of Madavaguppu, or the division that worships the mothers. Those who revere the other two deities mentioned are called Nadika Vamsathal, or those descended from men who, through the seven virgins, attained eternal bliss. Kochade Periyandavan is said to be a corruption of Or Jate Periya Pandyan, meaning the great Pandya with the single lock. He is regarded as Vishnu, and Periya Nayanar is held to be a manifestation of Siva. The former is said to have been the person who invited the Tattans (who called themselves Pandya Tattans) to settle in his kingdom. It is traditionally stated that they emigrated from the north, and settled in the Madura and Tinnevelly districts. An annual festival in honour of Kochade Periyandavan is held in these districts, for the expenses in connection with which a subscription is raised among the five sub-divisions. The festival lasts over three days. On the first day, the image of the deified king is anointed with water, and a mixture of the juices of the mango, jak (Artocarpus integrifolia), and plantain, called muppala pujai. On the second day, rice is boiled, and offered to the god, and, on the last day, a healthy ram is sacrificed to him. This festival is said to be held, in order to secure the caste as a whole against evils that might overtake it. Tac'chans (carpenters) usually kill, or cut the ear of a ram or sheep, whenever they commence the woodwork of a new house, and smear the blood of the animal on a pillar or wall of the house.

The Kammalans claim to be descended from Visvakarma, the architect of the gods, and, in some places, claim to be superior to Brahmans, calling the latter Go-Brahmans, and themselves Visva Brahmans. Visvakarma is said to have had five sons, named Manu, Maya, Silpa, Tvashtra, and Daivagna. These five sons were the originators of the five crafts, which their descendants severally follow. Accordingly, some engage in smithy work, and are called Manus; others, in their turn, devote their attention to carpentry. These are named Mayas. Others again, who work at stone-carving, are known as Silpis. Those who do metal work are Tvashtras, and those who are engaged in making jewelry are known as Visvagnas or Daivagnas. According to one story of the origin of the Kammalans, they are the descendants of the issue of a Brahman and a Beri Chetti woman. Hence the proverb that the Kammalans and the Beri Chettis are one. Another story, recorded in the Mackenzie manuscripts, which is current all over the Tamil country, is briefly as follows. In the town of Mandapuri, the Kammalans of the five divisions formerly lived closely united together. They were employed by all sorts of people, as there were no other artificers in the country, and charged very high rates for their wares. They feared and respected no king. This offended the kings of the country, who combined against them. As the fort in which the Kammalans concealed themselves, called Kantakkottai, was entirely constructed of loadstone, all the weapons were drawn away by it. The king then promised a big reward to anyone who would burn down the fort, and at length the Deva-dasis (courtesans) of a temple undertook to do this, and took betel and nut in signification of their promise. The king built a fort for them opposite Kantakkottai, and they attracted the Kammalans by their singing, and had children by them. One of the Deva-dasis at length succeeded in extracting from a young Kammalan the secret that, if the fort was surrounded with varaghu straw and set on fire, it would be destroyed. The king ordered that this should be done, and, in attempting to escape from the sudden conflagration, some of the Kammalans lost their lives. Others reached the ships, and escaped by sea, or were captured and put to death. In consequence of this, artificers ceased to exist in the country. One pregnant Kammalan woman, however, took refuge in the house of a Beri Chetti, and escaped decapitation by being passed off as his daughter. The country was sorely troubled owing to the want of artificers, and agriculture, manufactures, and weaving suffered a great deal. One of the kings wanted to know if any Kammalan escaped the general destruction, and sent round his kingdom a piece of coral possessing a tortuous aperture running through it, and a piece of thread. A big reward was promised to anyone who should succeed in passing the thread through the coral. At last, the boy born of the Kammalan woman in the Chetti's house undertook to do it. He placed the coral over the mouth of an ant-hole, and, having steeped the thread in sugar, laid it down at some distance from the hole. The ants took the thread, and drew it through the coral. The king, being pleased with the boy, sent him presents, and gave him more work to do. This he performed with the assistance of his mother, and satisfied the king. The king, however, grew suspicious, and, having sent for the Chetti, enquired concerning the boy's parentage. The Chetti thereon detailed the story of his birth. The king provided him with the means for making ploughshares on a large scale, and got him married to the daughter of a Chetti, and made gifts of land for the maintenance of the couple. The Chetti woman bore him five sons, who followed the five branches of work now carried out by the Kammalan caste. The king gave them the title of Panchayudhattar, or those of the five kinds of weapons. They now intermarry with each other, and, as children of the Chetti caste, wear the sacred thread. The members of the caste who fled by sea are said to have gone to China, or, according to another version, to Chingaladvipam, or Ceylon, where Kammalans are found at the present day. In connection with the above story, it may be noted that, though ordinarily two different castes do not live in the same house, yet Beri Chettis and Kammalans so live together. There is a close connection between the Kammalans and Acharapakam Chettis, who are a section of the Beri Chetti caste. Kammalans and Acharapakam Chettis interdine; both bury their dead in a sitting posture; and the tali (marriage badge) used by both is alike in size and make, and unlike that used by the generality of the Beri Chetti caste. The Acharapakam Chettis are known as Malighe Chettis, and are considered to be the descendants of those Beri Chettis who brought up the Kammalan children, and intermarried with them. Even now, in the city of Madras, when the Beri Chettis assemble for the transaction of caste business, the notice summoning the meeting excludes the Malighe Chettis, who can neither vote nor receive votes at elections, meetings, etc., of the Kandasami temple, which every other Beri Chetti has a right to.

It may be noted that the Deva-dasis, whose treachery is said to have led to the destruction of the Kammalan caste, were Kaikolans by caste, and that their illegitimate children, like their progenitors, became weavers. The weavers of South India, according to old Tamil poems, were formerly included in the Kammiyan or Kammalan caste. [70] Several inscriptions show that, as late as 1013 A.D., the Kammalans were treated as an inferior caste, and, in consequence, were confined to particular parts of villages. [71] A later inscription gives an order of one of the Chola kings that they should be permitted to blow conches, and beat drums at their weddings and funerals, wear sandals, and plaster their houses. [72] "It is not difficult," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [73] "to account for the low position held by the Kammalans, for it must be remembered that, in those early times, the military castes in India, as elsewhere, looked down upon all engaged in labour, whether skilled or otherwise. With the decline of the military power, however, it was natural that a useful caste like the Kammalans should generally improve its position, and the reaction from their long oppression has led them to make the exaggerated claims described above, which are ridiculed by every other caste, high or low." The claims here referred to are that they are descended from Visvakarma, the architect of the gods, and are Brahmans.

From a note by Mr. F. R. Hemingway, I gather that the friendship between the Muhammadans and Kammalans, who call each other mani (paternal uncle) "originated in the fact that a holy Muhammadan, named Ibrahim Nabi, was brought up in the house of a Kammalan, because his father was afraid that he would be killed by a Hindu king named Namaduta, who had been advised by his soothsayers that he would thus avoid a disaster, which was about to befall his kingdom. The Kammalan gave his daughter to the father of Ibrahim in exchange. Another story (only told by Kammalans) is to the effect that the Kammalans were once living in a magnetic castle, called Kanda Kottai, which could only be destroyed by burning it with varagu straw; and that the Musalmans captured it by sending Musalman prostitutes into the town, to wheedle the secret out of the Kammalans. The friendship, according to the story, sprang up because the Kammalans consorted with the Musalman women."

The Kammalans belong to the left hand, as opposed to the right hand faction. The origin of this distinction of castes is lost in obscurity, but, according to one version, it arose out of a dispute between the Kammalans and Vellalas. The latter claimed the former as their Jatipillaigal or caste dependents, while the former claimed the latter as their own dependents. The fight grew so fierce that the Chola king of Conjeeveram ranged these two castes and their followers on opposite sides, and enquired into their claims. The Kammalans, and those who sided with them, stood on the left of the king, and the Vellalas and their allies on the right. The king is said to have decided the case against the Kammalans, who then dispersed in different directions. According to another legend, a Kammalan who had two sons, one by a Balija woman, and the other by his Kammalan wife, was unjustly slain by a king of Conjeeveram, and was avenged by his two sons, who killed the king and divided his body. The Kammalan son took his head and used it as a weighing pan, while the Balija son made a pedler's carpet out of the skin, and threads out of the sinews for stringing bangles. A quarrel arose, because each thought the other had got the best of the division, and all the other castes joined in, and took the side of either the Kammalan or the Balija. Right and left hand dancing-girls, temples, and mandapams, are still in existence at Conjeeveram, and elsewhere in the Tamil country. Thus, at Tanjore, there are the Kammala Tevadiyals, or dancing-girls. As the Kammalans belong to the left-hand section, dancing-girls of the right-hand section will not perform before them, or at their houses. Similarly, musicians of the right-hand section will not play in Kammalan houses. In olden days, Kammalans were not allowed to ride in palanquins through the streets of the right hands. If they did, a riot was the result. Such riots were common during the eighteenth century. Thus, Fryer refers to one of these which occurred at Masulipatam, when the contumacy of the Kamsalas (Telugu artisans) led to their being put down by the other castes with the aid of the Moors.

The Kammalans call themselves Achari and Paththar, which are equivalent to the Brahman titles Acharya and Bhatta, and claim a knowledge of the Vedas. Their own priests officiate at marriages, funerals, and on other ceremonial occasions. They wear the sacred thread, which they usually don on the Upakarmam day, though some observe the regular thread investiture ceremony. Most of them claim to be vegetarians. Non-Brahmans do not treat them as Brahmans, and do not salute them with the namaskaram (obeisance). Their women, unlike those of other castes, throw the end of their body-cloth over the right shoulder, and are conspicuous by the nose ornament known as the nattu.

In connection with the professional calling of the Kammalans, Surgeon-Major W. R. Cornish writes as follows. [74] "The artisans, who are smiths or carpenters, usually bring up their children to the same pursuits. It might have been supposed that the hereditary influence in the course of generations would have tended to excellence in the several pursuits, but it has not been so. Ordinary native work in metal, stone, and wood, is coarse and rough, and the designs are of the stereotyped form. The improvement in handicraft work of late years has been entirely due to European influence. The constructors of railways have been great educators of artisans. The quality of stone-masonry, brick-work, carpentry, and smith-work has vastly improved within the last twenty years, and especially in districts where railway works have been in progress. The gold and silver smiths of Southern India are a numerous body. Their chief employment consists in setting and making native jewellery. Some of their designs are ingenious, but here again the ordinary work for native customers is often noticeable for a want of finish, and, with the exception of a few articles made for the European markets, there is no evidence of progressive improvement in design or execution. That the native artists are capable of improvement as a class is evident from their skill and ingenuity in copying designs set before them, and from the excellent finish of their work under European supervision; but there must be a demand for highly finished work before the goldsmiths will have generally improved. The wearers of jewellery in India look more to the intrinsic value of an article, than to the excellence of the design or workmanship. So that there is very little encouragement for artistic display." The collection of silver jewelry at the Madras Museum, which was made in connection with the Colonial and Indian Exhibition, London, 1886, bears testimony to the artistic skill of the silversmiths. Recently, Colonel Townshend, Superintendent of the Madras Gun Carriage Factory, has expressed his opinion [75] that "good as the Bombay smiths are, the blacksmiths of Southern India are the best in Hindustan, and the pick of them run English smiths very close, not only in skill, but in speed of outturn."