Chapter VIII: Part 8

The child-naming ceremony is a very important one. Five swords with limes fixed to their edges are set in a line with equi-distant spaces between them. By each sword are placed two plantain fruits, a cocoanut, four dried dates, two cocoanut cups, pan-supari, and karamani (Vigna Catiang) cakes. In front of the swords are also placed rice-balls mixed with turmeric powder, various kinds of vegetables and fruits, curds and milk. Opposite each sword five leaves are spread out, and in front of each leaf a near relation of the family sits. The chief woman of the house then brings five pots full of water, and gives to each man a potful for the worship of the jangama linga which he wears. She also brings consecrated cow-dung ashes. The men pour the water over the linga, holding it in the left hand, and smear both the linga and their faces with the ashes. The woman then retires, and the guests partake of a hearty meal, at the conclusion of which the woman reappears with five vessels full of water, with which they wash their hands. The vessels are then broken, and thrown on a dung-heap. After partaking of pan-supari and chunam (lime), each of the men ties up some of the food in a towel, takes one of the swords in his hand, and leaves the house without turning back. The headman of the family then removes the limes from the swords, and puts them back in their scabbards. The same evening the child is named. Sometimes this ceremony, which is costly, is held even after the child is a year old.

When a death takes place, information is sent round to the relations and castemen by two boys carrying little sticks in their hands. Under the instructions of a priest, the inmates of the house begin to make arrangements for the funeral. The corpse is washed, and the priest's feet are also washed, and the refuse-water on the ground is poured over the corpse or into its mouth. Among certain sections of Lingayats it is customary, contrary to the usual Hindu practice, to invite the friends and relations, who have come for the funeral, to a banquet, at which the priest is a guest. It is said that the priest, after partaking of food, vomits a portion of it, which is shared by the members of the family. These practices do not seem to be followed by the Chingleput Lingayats. A second bath is given to the corpse, and then the nine orifices of the body are closed with cotton or cloth. The corpse is then dressed as in life, and, if it be that of a priest, is robed in the characteristic orange tawny dress. Before clothing it, the consecrated cow-dung ashes are smeared over the forehead, arms, chest, and abdomen. The bier is made like a car, such as is seen in temple processions on the occasion of car festivals. To each of its four bamboo posts are attached a plantain tree and a cocoanut, and it is decorated with bright flowers. In the middle of the bier is a wooden plank, on which the corpse is set in a sitting position. The priest touches the dead body three or four times with his right leg, and the funeral cortège, accompanied by weird village music, proceeds to the burial-ground. The corpse, after removal from the bier, is placed in the grave in a sitting posture, facing south, with the linga, which the man had worn during life, in the mouth. Salt, according to the means of the family, is thrown into the grave by friends and relations, and it is considered that a man's life would be wasted if he did not do this small service for a dead fellow-casteman. They quote the proverb "Did he go unserviceable even for a handful of mud?" The grave is filled in, and four lights are placed at the corners. The priest, standing over the head of the corpse, faces the lamps, with branches of Leucas aspera and Vitex Negundo at his feet. A cocoanut is broken and camphor burnt, and the priest says "Lingannah (or whatever the name of the dead man may be), leaving Nara Loka, you have gone to Bhu Loka," which is a little incongruous, for Nara Loka and Bhu Loka are identical. Perhaps the latter is a mistake for Swarga Loka, the abode of bliss of Brahmanical theology. Possibly, Swarga Loka is not mentioned, because it signifies the abode of Vishnu. Then the priest calls out Oogay! Oogay! and the funeral ceremony is at an end. On their return home the corpse-bearers, priest, and sons of the deceased, take buttermilk, and apply it with the right hand to the left side of the back. A Nandi (the sacred bull) is made of mud, or bricks and mortar, and set up over the grave. Unmarried girls and boys are buried in a lying position. From enquiries made among the Lingayats of Chembarambakam, it appears that, when a death has occurred, pollution is observed by the near relatives; and, even if they are living at such distant places as Bellary or Bangalore, pollution must be observed, and dissolved by a bath.

Basava attached no importance to pilgrimages. The Chingleput Lingayats, however, perform what they call Jatray (i.e., pilgrimage), of which the principal celebration takes place in Chittra-Vyasi (April-May), and is called Virabhadra Jatray. The bamboo Lingayats of Chembarambakam send word, with some raw rice, to the rattan Lingayats of Kadaperi to come to the festival on a fixed day with the image of their god Virabhadra. The Gauliyars of Kadaperi and other villages accordingly proceed to a tank on the confines of the village of Chembrambakam, and send word that they have responded to the call of their brethren. The chief men of the village, accompanied by a crowd, and the village musicians, start for the tank, and bring in the Kadaperi guests. After a feast all retire for the night, and get up at 3 A.M. for the celebration of the festival. Swords are unsheathed from their scabbards, and there is a deafening noise from trumpets and pipes. The images of Virabhadra are taken in procession to a tank, and, on the way thither, the idol bearers and others pretend that they are inspired, and bawl out the various names of the god. Sometimes they become so frenzied that the people break cocoanuts on their foreheads, or pierce their neck and wrists with a big needle, such as is used in stitching gunny bags. Under this treatment the inspired ones calm down. All along the route cocoanuts are broken, and may amount to as many as four hundred, which become the perquisite of the village washerman. When the tank is reached, pan-supari and kadalai (Cicer arietinum) are distributed among the crowd. On the return journey, the village washerman has to spread dupatis (cloths) for the procession to walk over. At about noon a hearty meal is partaken of, and the ceremony is at an end. After a few days, a return celebration takes place at Kadaperi. The Virabhadra images of the two sections, it may be noted, are regarded as brothers. Other ceremonial pilgrimages are also made to Tirutani, Tiruvallur and Mylapore, and they go to Tiruvallur on new moon days, bathe in the tank, and make offerings to Vira Raghava, a Vaishnava deity. They do not observe the feast of Pongal, which is so widely celebrated throughout Southern India. It is said that the celebration thereof was stopped, because, on one occasion, the cattle bolted, and the men who went in pursuit of them never returned. The Ugadi, or new year feast, is observed by them as a day of general mourning. They also observe the Kama festival with great éclat, and one of their national songs relates to the burning of Kama. When singing it during their journeys with the curd-pots, they are said to lose themselves, and arrive at their destination without knowing the distance that they have marched.

In addition to the grand Virabhadra festival, which is celebrated annually, the Ariservai festival is also observed as a great occasion. This is no doubt a Tamil rendering of the Sanskrit Hariservai, which means the service of Hari or worship of Vishnu. It is strange that Lingayats should have this formal worship of Vishnu, and it must be a result of their environment, as they are surrounded on all sides by Vaishnavite temples. More than six months before the festival a meeting of elders is convened, and it is decided that an assessment of three pies per basket shall be levied, and the Saudri is made honorary treasurer of the fund. If a house has two or more baskets, i.e., persons using baskets in their trade, it must contribute a corresponding number of three pies. In other words, the basket, and not the family, is the unit in their communal finance. An invitation, accompanied by pan-supari, is sent to the Thadans (Vaishnavite dramatists) near Conjeeveram, asking them to attend the festival on the last Saturday of Paratasi, the four Saturdays of which month are consecrated to Vishnu. The Thadans arrive in due course at Chembrambakam, the centre of the bamboo section of the Lingayats, and make arrangements for the festival. Invitations are sent to five persons of the Lingayat community, who fast from morning till evening. About 8 or 9 P.M., these five guests, who perhaps represent priests for the occasion, arrive at the pandal (booth), and leaves are spread out before them, and a meal of rice, dhal (Cajanus indicus) water, cakes, broken cocoanuts, etc., is served to them. But, instead of partaking thereof, they sit looking towards a lighted lamp, and close their eyes in meditation. They then quietly retire to their homes, where they take the evening meal. After a torchlight procession with torches fed with ghi (clarified butter) the village washermen come to the pandal, and collect together the leaves and food, which have been left there. About 11 P.M. the villagers repair to the spot where a dramatic performance of Hiranya Kasyapa Natakam, or the Prahallada Charitram, is held during five alternate nights. The latter play is based on a favourite story in the Bhagavatha, and it is strange that it should be got up and witnessed by a community of Saivites, some of whom (Vira Saivas) are such extremists that they would not tolerate the sight of a Vaishnavite at a distance.

The Chembrambakam Lingayats appear to join the other villagers in the performance of the annual puja (worship) to the village deity, Namamdamma, who is worshipped in order to ward off cholera and cattle disease. One mode of propitiating her is by sacrificing a goat, collecting its entrails and placing them in a pot, with its mouth covered with goat skin, which is taken round the village, and buried in a corner. The pot is called Bali Setti, and he who comes in front of it while it is being carried through the streets, is supposed to be sure to suffer from serious illness, or even die. The sacrifice, filling of the pot, and its carriage through the streets, are all performed by low class Occhans and Vettiyans. The Chembrambakam Lingayats assert that the cholera goddess has given a promise that she will not attack any of their community, and keeps it faithfully, and none of them die even during the worst cholera epidemics.

Kanni (rope).--A gotra of Kurni.

Kapata.--A name for rag-wearing Koragas.

Kappala (frog).--An exogamous sept of Madiga, and sub-division of Yanadis, who are said to be frog-eaters. It is also a gotra of Janappans, who have a legend that, when some of their family were fishing, they caught a haul of big frogs instead of fish. Consequently, members of this gotra will not injure frogs. I have seen frogs hanging up for sale in the Cochin bazar.

Kappiliyan.--The Kappiliyans, or Karumpuraththals, as they are sometimes called, are Canarese-speaking farmers, who are found chiefly in Madura and Tinnevelly. It is noted, in the Manual of the Madura district, that "a few of the original Poligars were Canarese; and it is to be presumed that the Kappiliyans immigrated under their auspices. They are a decent and respectable class of farmers. Their most common agnomen is Koundan (or Kavandan)."

Some Kappiliyans say that they came south six or seven generations ago, along with the Urumikkarans, from the banks of the Tungabhadra river, because the Tottiyans tried to ravish their women. According to another tradition, similar to that current among the Tottiyans, "the caste was oppressed by the Musalmans of the north, fled across the Tungabhadra, and was saved by two pongu (Pongamia glabra) trees bridging an unfordable stream, which blocked their escape. They travelled, says the legend, through Mysore to Conjeeveram, thence to Coimbatore, and thence to the Madura district. The stay at Conjeeveram is always emphasised, and is supported by the fact that the caste has shrines dedicated to Kanchi Varadaraja Perumal." [103]

The Kappiliyans are one of the nine Kambalam castes, who are so called because, at their caste council meetings, a kambli (blanket) is spread, on which is placed a kalasam (brass vessel) filled with water, and decorated with flowers. Its mouth is closed by mango leaves and a cocoanut. According to the Gazetteer of the Madura district, they are "split into two endogamous sub-divisions, namely the Dharmakattu, so called because, out of charity, they allow widows to marry one more husband, and the Munukattu, who permit a woman to have three husbands in succession." They are also said to recognise, among themselves, four sub-divisions, Vokkiliyan (cultivator), Muru Balayanoru (three bangle people), Bottu Kattoru (bottu tying people), Vokkulothoru, to the last of which the following notes mainly refer.

They have a large number of exogamous septs, which are further divided into exogamous sub-septs, of which the following are examples:--

Sept. Sub-sept.

Basiriyoru { Hennu (female) Basiri.
{ Gandu (male) Basiri.

{ Loddu.
{ Palingi Loddu.
{ Kolingi Loddu.
Lodduvoru { Uddudhoru (Phaseolus Mungo, var.
{ radiatus).
{ Huniseyoru (tamarind people).
{ Mottuguni.
{ Manaloru, sand people.

One exogamous sept is called Ane (elephant), and as names of sub-septs, named after animate or inanimate objects, I may mention Hatti (hamlet), Arane (lizard) and Puli (tiger).

The affairs of the caste are regulated by a headman called Gauda, assisted by the Saundari. In some places, the assistance of a Pallan or Maravan called Jadipillai, is sought.

Marriage is, as a rule, adult, and the common emblem of married life--the tali or bottu--is dispensed with. On the first day of the marriage ceremonies, the bride and bridegroom are conducted, towards evening, to the houses of their maternal uncles. There the nalagu ceremony, or smearing the body with Phaseolus Mungo, sandal and turmeric paste, is performed, and the uncles place toe-rings on the feet of the contracting couple. On the following day, the bride's price is paid, and betel is distributed, in the presence of a Kummara, Urumikkaran, and washerman, to the villagers in a special order of precedence. On the third day, the bridegroom goes in procession to the house of the bride, and their fingers are linked together by the maternal uncle or uncles. For this reason, the day is called Kai Kudukahodina, or hand-locking day.

It is noted, in the Gazetteer of the Madura district, that "the binding portions of the marriage ceremony are the donning by the bride of a turmeric-coloured cloth sent her by bridegroom, and of black glass bangles (unmarried girls may only wear bangles made of lac), and the linking of the couple's little fingers. A man's right to marry his paternal aunt's daughter is so rigorously insisted upon that, as among the Tottiyans, ill-assorted matches are common. A woman, whose husband is too young to fulfil the duties of his position, is allowed to consort with his near relations, and the children so begotten are treated as his. [It is said that a woman does not suffer in reputation, if she cohabits with her brothers-in-law.] Adultery outside the caste is punished by expulsion, and, to show that the woman is thenceforward as good as dead, funeral ceremonies are solemnly performed to some trinket of hers, and this is afterwards burnt."

At the first menstrual period, a girl remains under pollution for thirteen days, in a corner of the house or outside it in the village common land (mandai). If she remains within, her maternal uncle makes a screen, and, if outside, a temporary hut, and, in return for his services, receives a hearty meal. On the thirteenth day the girl bathes in a tank (pond), and, as she enters the house, has to pass over a pestle and a cake. Near the entrance, some food is placed, which a dog is allowed to eat. While so doing, it receives a severe beating. The more noise it makes, the better is the omen for a large family of children. If the poor brute does not howl, it is supposed that the girl will bear no children. A cotton thread, dyed with turmeric, is tied round her neck by a married woman, and, if she herself is married, she puts on glass bangles. The hut is burnt down and the pots she used are broken to atoms.

The caste deities are said to be Lakkamma and Vira Lakkamma, but they also worship other deities, such as Chenraya, Thimmappa, and Siranga Perumal. Certain septs seem to have particular deities, whom they worship. Thus Thimmaraya is reverenced by the Dasiriyoru, and Malamma by the Hattiyoru.

The dead are as a rule cremated, but children, those who have died of cholera, and pregnant women, are buried. In the case of the last, the child is, before burial, removed from the mother's body. The funeral ceremonies are carried out very much on the lines of those of the Tottiyans. Fire is carried to the burning ground by a Chakkiliyan. On the last day of the death ceremonies (karmandiram) cooked food, fruits of Solanum xanthocarpum, and leaves of Leucas aspera are placed on a tray, by the side of which a bit of a culm of Saccharum arundinaceum, with leaves of Cynodon Dactylon twined round it, is deposited. The tray is taken to a stream, on the bank of which an effigy is made, to which the various articles are offered. A small quantity thereof is placed on arka (Calotropis gigantea) leaves, to be eaten by crows. On the return journey to the house, three men, the brother-in-law or father-in-law of the deceased, and two sapindas (agnates) stand in a row at a certain spot. A cloth is stretched before them as a screen, over which they place their right hands. These a washerman touches thrice with Cynodon leaves dipped in milk, cow's urine, and turmeric water. The washerman then washes the hands with water. All the agnates place new turbans on their heads, and go back in procession to the village, accompanied by a Urimikkaran and washerman, who must be present throughout the ceremony.

For the following note on the Kappiliyans of the Kambam valley, in the Madura district, I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. According to a tradition which is current among them, they migrated from their original home in search of new grazing ground for their cattle. The herd, which they brought with them, still lives in its descendants in the valley, which are small, active animals, well known for their trotting powers. It is about a hundred and fifty strong, and is called devaru avu in Canarese, and thambiran madu in Tamil, both meaning the sacred herd. The cows are never milked, and their calves, when they grow up, are not used for any purpose, except breeding. When the cattle die, they are buried deep in the ground, and not handed over to Chakkiliyans (leather-workers). One of the bulls goes by the name of pattada avu, or the king bull. It is selected from the herd by a quaint ceremonial. On an auspicious day, the castemen assemble, and offer incense, camphor, cocoanuts, plantains, and betel to the herd. Meanwhile, a bundle of sugar-cane is placed in front thereof, and the spectators eagerly watch to see which of the bulls will reach it first. The animal which does so is caught hold of, daubed with turmeric, and decorated with flowers, and installed as the king bull. It is styled Nanda Gopala, or Venugopalaswami, after Krishna, the divine cattle-grazer, and is an object of adoration by the caste. To meet the expenses of the ceremony, which amount to about two hundred rupees, a subscription is raised among them. The king bull has a special attendant, or driver, whose duties are to graze and worship it. He belongs to the Maragala section of the Endar sub-division of the caste. When he dies, a successor is appointed in the following manner. Before the assembled castemen, puja (worship) is offered to the sacred herd, and a young boy, "upon whom the god comes," points out a man from among the Maragalas, who becomes the next driver. He enjoys the inams, and is the custodian of the jewels presented to the king bull in former days, and of the copper plates, whereon grants made in its name are engraved. As many as nine of these copper grants were entrusted to the keeping of a youthful driver, about sixteen years old, in 1905. Most of them record grants from unknown kings. One Ponnum Pandyan, a king of Gudalur, is recorded as having made grants of land, and other presents to the bull. Others record gifts of land from Ballala Raya and Rama Rayar. Only the names of the years are recorded. None of the plates contain the saka dates. Before the annual migration of the herd to the hills during the summer, a ceremony is carried out, to determine whether the king bull is in favour of its going. Two plates, one containing milk, and the other sugar, are placed before the herd. Unless, or until the bull has come up to them, and gone back, the migration does not take place. The driver, or some one deputed to represent him, goes with the herd, which is accompanied by most of the cattle of the neighbouring villages. The driver is said to carry a pot of fresh-drawn milk within a kavadi (shrine). On the day on which the return journey to the valley is commenced, the pot is opened, and the milk is said to be found in a hardened state. A slice thereof is cut off, and given to each person who accompanied the herd to the hills. It is believed that the milk would not remain in good condition, if the sacred herd had been in any way injuriously affected during its sojourn there. The sacred herd is recruited by certain calves dedicated as members thereof by people of other castes in the neighbourhood of the valley. These calves, born on the 1st of the month Thai (January-February), are dedicated to the god Nandagopala, and are known as sanni pasuvu. They are branded on the legs or buttocks, and their ears are slightly torn. They are not used for ploughing or milking, and cannot be sold. They are added to the sacred herd, but the male calves are kept distinct from the male calves thereof. Many miracles are attributed to the successive king bulls. During the fight between the Tottiyans and Kappiliyans at Dindigul, a king bull left on the rock the permanent imprint of its hoof, which is still believed to be visible. At a subsequent quarrel between the same castes, at Dombacheri, a king bull made the sun turn back in its course, and the shadow is still pointed under a tamarind tree beneath which arbitration took place. For the assistance rendered by the bull on this occasion, the Maragalas will not use the wood of the tamarind tree, or of the vela tree, to which the bull was tied, either for fuel or for house-building. The Kappiliyans have recently (1906) raised Rs. 11,000 by taxing all members of the caste in the Periyakulam taluk for three years, and have spent this sum in building roomy masonry quarters at Kambam for the sacred herd. Their chief grievance at present is that the same grazing fees are levied on their animals as on mere ordinary cattle, which, they urge, is equivalent to treating gods as equals of men. In the settlement of caste affairs, oaths are taken within the enclosure for the sacred herd.

"Local tradition at Kambam (where a large proportion of the people are Kappiliyans) says that the Anuppans, another Canarese caste, were in great strength here in olden days, and that quarrels arose between the two bodies, in the course of which the chief of the Kappiliyans, Ramachcha Kavundan, was killed. With his dying breath he cursed the Anuppans, and thenceforth they never prospered, and now not one of them is left in the town. A fig tree to the east of the village is shown as marking the place where Ramachcha's body was burned; near it is the tank, the Ramachchankulam; and under the bank of this is his math, where his ashes were deposited." [104]

Kapu.--The Kapus or Reddis are the largest caste in the Madras Presidency, numbering more than two millions, and are the great caste of cultivators, farmers, and squireens in the Telugu country. In the Gazetteer of Anantapur they are described as being the great land-holding body in the Telugu districts, who are held in much respect as substantial, steady-going yeomen, and next to the Brahmans are the leaders of Hindu Society. In the Salem Manual it is stated that "the Reddis are provident. They spend their money on the land, but are not parsimonious. They are always well dressed, if they can afford it. The gold ornaments worn by the women or the men are of the finest kind of gold. Their houses are always neat and well built, and the Reddis give the idea of good substantial ryots. They live chiefly on ragi (grain: Eleusine Coracana), and are a fine, powerful race." Of proverbs relating to the hereditary occupation of the Reddis, the following may be quoted. "Only a Reddi can cultivate the land, even though he has to drink for every clod turned over." "Those are Reddis who get their living by cultivating the earth." "The Reddi who grows arika (Paspalum strobiculatum) can have but one cloth for man and wife."

"The term Kapu," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [105] "means a watchman, and Reddi means a king. The Kapus or Reddis (Ratti) appear to have been a powerful Dravidian tribe in the early centuries of the Christian era, for they have left traces of their presence at various places in almost every part of India. Though their power has been put down from time to time by the Chalukyas, the Pallavas, and the Bellalas, several families of zamindars came into existence after the captivity of Pratapa Rudra of Warrangal in A.D. 1323 by the Muhammadan emperor Ghiyas-ud-din Toghluk."

Writing in the Manual of the Salem district concerning the Kongu kingdom, the Rev. T. Foulkes states that "the Kongu kingdom claims to have existed from about the commencement of the Christian era, and to have continued under its own independent kings down to nearly the end of the ninth century A.D., when it was conquered by the Chola kings of Tanjore, and annexed to their dominions. The earliest portion of the Kongu Chronicle (one of the manuscripts of the Mackenzie collection) gives a series of short notices of the reigns of twenty-eight kings who ruled the country previous to its conquest by the Cholas. These kings belonged to two distinct dynasties: the earlier line was of the solar race, and the later line of the Ganga race. The earlier dynasty had a succession of seven kings of the Ratti tribe, a tribe very extensively distributed, which has at various periods left its mark throughout almost every part of India. This is probably the earliest reference to them as a ruling power, and it is the most southern situation in which they ever held dominion. They disappear in these parts about the end of the second century A.D.; and, in the next historical references to them, we find them high up in the Northern Dakkan, amongst the kingdoms conquered by the Chalukyas about the fourth century A.D. soon after they first crossed the Nerbudda. In the Kongu Chronicle they are stated to be of the solar race: and the genealogies of this tribe accordingly trace them up to Kusha, the second son of Rama, the hero of the great solar epic of the Hindus; but their claim to this descent is not undisputed. They are, however, sometimes said to be of the lunar race, and of the Yadava tribe, though this latter statement is sometimes confined to the later Rathors." According to the Rev. T. Foulkes, the name Ratti is found under various forms, e.g., Irattu, Iretti, Radda, Rahtor, Rathaur, Rashtra-kuta, Ratta, Reddi, etc.

In a note on the Rashtrakutas, Mr. J. F. Fleet writes [106] that "we find that, from the first appearance of the Chalukyas in this part of the country, in the fifth century A.D., the Kanarese districts of the Bombay Presidency were held by them, with short periods of interruption of their power caused by the invasions of the Pallavas and other kings, down to about the early part or the middle of the eighth century A.D. Their sway over this part of the country then ceased entirely for a time. This was due to an invasion by the Rashtrakuta kings, who, like their predecessors, came from the north.... It is difficult to say when there was first a Rashtrakuta kingdom. The earliest notices that we have of the family are contained in the western Chalukya inscriptions. Thus, the Miraj plates tell us that Jayasimha I, restored the fortunes of the Chalukya dynasty by defeating, among others, one Indra of the Rashtrakuta family, who was the son of Krishna, and who possessed an army of eight hundred elephants; and there is little doubt that Appayika-Govinda, who, as we are told in the Aihole Meguti inscription, came from the north and invaded the Chalukya kingdom with his troops of elephants, and was repulsed by Pulikesi II, also belonged to this same dynasty. It is plain, therefore, that in the fifth and sixth centuries A.D. the Rashtrakuta dynasty was one of considerable importance in central or in northern India. The later inscriptions state that the Rashtrakutas were of the Somavamsa or lunar race, and were descendants of Yadu. Dr. Burnell seems inclined to look upon the family as of Dravidian origin, as he gives 'Rashtra' as an instance of the Sanskritising of Dravidian names, and considers it to be a mythological perversion for 'Ratta,' which is the same as the Kanarese and Telugu 'Reddi.' Dr. Bühler is unable to record any opinion as to 'whether the Rashtrakutas were an Aryan Kshatriya, i.e., Rajput race, which immigrated into the Dekkan from the north like the Chalukyas, or a Dravidian family which was received into the Aryan community after the conquest of the Dekkan.' The earliest inscriptions, at any rate, show them as coming from the north, and, whatever may be their origin, as the word Rashtrakuta is used in many inscriptions of other dynasties as the equivalent of Rashtrapati, i.e., as an official word meaning 'the headman or governor of a country or district,' it appears to me that the selection of it as a dynastic name implies that, prior to attaining independent sovereignty, the Rashtrakutas were feudal chiefs under some previous dynasty, of which they have not preserved any record."

It is a common saying among the Kapus that they can easily enumerate all the varieties of rice, but it is impossible to give the names of all the sections into which the caste is split up. Some say that there are only fourteen of these, and use the phrase Panta padnalagu kulalu, or Panta and fourteen sections.

The following sub-divisions are recorded by Mr. Stuart [107] as being the most important:--

Ayodhya, or Oudh, where Rama is reputed to have lived. The sub-division is found in Madura and Tinnevelly. They are very proud of their supposed connection with Oudh. At the commencement of the marriage ceremony, the bride's party asks the bridegroom's who they are, and the answer is that they are Ayodhya Reddis. A similar question is then asked by the bridegroom's party, and the bride's friends reply that they are Mithila Reddis.

Balija. The chief Telugu trading caste. Many of the Balijas are now engaged in cultivation, and this accounts for so many having returned Kapu as their main caste, for Kapu is a common Telugu word for a ryot or cultivator. It is not improbable that there was once a closer connection than now between the Kapus and Balijas.

Bhumanchi (good earth).

Desur. Possibly residents originally of a place called Desur, though some derive the word from deha, body, and sura, valour, saying that they were renowned for their courage.

Gandi Kottai. Found in Madura and Tinnevelly. Named after Gandi Kota in the Ceded districts, whence they are said to have emigrated southward.

Gazula (glass bangle makers). A sub-division of the Balijas. They are said to have two sections, called Naga (cobra) and Tabelu (tortoise), and, in some places, to keep their women gosha.

Kammapuri. These seem to be Kammas, who, in some places, pass as Kapus. Some Kammas, for example, who have settled in the city of Madras, call themselves Kapu or Reddi.

Morasa. A sub-division of the Vakkaligas. The Verala icche Kapulu, or Kapus who give the fingers, have a custom which requires that, when a grandchild is born in a family, the wife of the eldest son of the grandfather must have the last two joints of the third and fourth fingers of her right hand amputated at a temple of Bhairava.

Nerati, Nervati, or Neradu. Most numerous in Kurnool, and the Ceded districts.

Oraganti. Said to have formerly worked in the salt-pans. The name is possibly a corruption of Warangal, capital of the Pratapa Rudra.

Pakanati. Those who come from the eastern country (prak nadu).

Palle. In some places, the Pallis who have settled in the Telugu country call themselves Palle Kapulu, and give as their gotra Jambumaha Rishi, which is the gotra of the Pallis. Though they do not intermarry with the Kapus, the Palle Kapulu may interdine with them.

Panta (Panta, a crop). The largest sub-division of all.

Pedaganti or Pedakanti. By some said to be named after a place called Pedagallu. By others the word is said to be derived from peda, turned aside, and kamma eye, indicating one who turns his eyes away from the person who speaks to him. Another suggestion is that it means stiff-necked. The Pedakantis are said to be known by their arrogance.

The following legend is narrated in the Baramahal Records. [108] "On a time, the Guru or Patriarch came near a village, and put up in a neighbouring grove until he sent in a Dasari to apprize his sectaries of his approach. The Dasari called at the house of one of them, and announced the arrival of the Guru, but the master of the house took no notice of him, and, to avoid the Guru, he ran away through the back door of the house, which is called peradu, and by chance came to the grove, and was obliged to pay his respects to the Guru, who asked if he had seen his Dasari, and he answered that he had been all day from home. On which, the Guru sent for the Dasari, and demanded the reason of his staying away so long, when he saw the master of the house was not in it. The Dasari replied that the person was at home when he went there, but that, on seeing him, he fled through the back door, which the Guru finding true, he surnamed him the Peratiguntavaru or the runaway through the back door, now corruptly called Perdagantuwaru, and said that he would never honour him with another visit, and that he and his descendants should henceforth have no Guru or Patriarch."

Pokanadu (poka, areca palm: Areca Catechu).

Velanati. Kapus from a foreign (veli) country.

Yerlam.

"The last division," Mr. Stuart writes, "are the most peculiar of all, and are partly of Brahmanical descent. The story goes that a Brahman girl named Yerlamma, not having been married by her parents in childhood, as she should have been, was for that reason turned out of her caste. A Kapu, or some say a Besta man, took compassion on her, and to him she bore many children, the ancestors of the Yerlam Kapu caste. In consequence of the harsh treatment of Yerlamma by her parents and caste people, all her descendants hate Brahmans with a deadly hatred, and look down upon them, affecting also to be superior to every other caste. They are most exclusive, refusing to eat with any caste whatever, or even to take chunam (lime for chewing with betel) from any but their own people, whereas Brahmans will take lime from a Sudra, provided a little curd be mixed with it. The Yerlam Kapus do not employ priests of the Brahman or other religious classes even for their marriages. At these no homam (sacred fire) ceremony is performed, and no worship offered to Vigneswara, but they simply ascertain a fortunate day and hour, and get an old matron (sumangali) to tie the tali to the bride's neck, after which there is feasting and merry-making."

The Panta Kapus are said to be divided into two tegas or endogamous divisions, viz., Perama Reddi or Muduru Kapu (ripe or old Kapu); and Katama Reddi or Letha Kapu (young or unripe Kapus). A sub-division called Konda (hill) Kapus is mentioned by the Rev. J. Cain [109] as being engaged in cultivation and the timber trade in the eastern ghats near the Godavari river (see Konda Dora). Akula (betel-leaf seller) was returned at the census, 1901, as a sub-caste of Kapus.

In the Census Report, 1891, Kapu (indicating cultivator), is given as a sub-division of Chakkiliyans, Dommaras, Gadabas, Savaras and Telis. It further occurs as a sub-division of Mangala. Some Maratha cultivators in the Telugu country are known as Are Kapu. The Konda Doras are also called Konda Kapus. In the Census Report, 1901, Pandu is returned as a Tamil synonym, and Kampo as an Oriya form of Kapu.

Reddi is the usual title of the Kapus, and is the title by which the village munsiff is called in the Telugu country, regardless of the caste to which he may belong. Reddi also occurs as a sub-division of cultivating Linga Balijas, Telugu Vadukans or Vadugans in the Tamil country, Velamas, and Yanadis. It is further given as a name for Kavarais engaged in agriculture, and as a title of the Kallangi sub-division of Pallis, and Sadars. The name Sambuni Reddi is adopted by some Palles engaged as fishermen.

As examples of exogamous septs among the Kapus, the following may be cited:--

Avula, cow.
Alla, grain.
Bandi, cart.
Barrelu, buffaloes.
Dandu, army.
Gorre, sheep.
Gudise, hut.
Guntaka, harrow.
Kodla, fowl.
Mekala, goats.
Kanugala, Pongamia glabra.
Mungaru, woman's skirt.
Nagali, plough.
Tangedu, Cassia auriculata.
Udumala, Varanus bengalensis.
Varige, Setaria italica.
Yeddulu, bulls.
Yenuga, elephant.

At Conjeeveram, some Panta Reddis have true totemistic septs, of which the following are examples:--

Magili (Pandanus fascicularis). Women do not, like women of
other castes, use the flower-bracts for the purpose of adorning
themselves. A man has been known to refuse to purchase some bamboo
mats, because they were tied with the fibre of this tree.

Ippi (Bassia longifolia). The tree, and its products, must not
be touched.

Mancham (cot). They avoid sleeping on cots.

Arigala (Paspalum scrobiculatum). The grain is not used as food.

Chintaginjalu (tamarind seeds). The seeds may not be touched,
or used.

Puccha (Citrullus vulgaris; water melon). The fruit may not
be eaten.

The Pichigunta vandlu, a class of mendicants who beg chiefly from Kapus and Gollas, manufacture pedigrees and gotras for these castes and the Kammas.

Concerning the origin of the Kapus, the following legend is current. During the reign of Pratapa Rudra, the wife of one Belthi Reddi secured by severe penance a brilliant ear ornament (kamma) from the sun. This was stolen by the King's minister, as the King was very anxious to secure it for his wife. Belthi Reddi's wife told her sons to recover it, but her eldest son refused to have anything to do with the matter, as the King was involved in it. The second son likewise refused, and used foul language. The third son promised to secure it, and, hearing this, one of his brothers ran away. Finally the ornament was recovered by the youngest son. The Panta Kapus are said to be descended from the eldest son, the Pakanatis from the second, the Velamas from the son who ran away, and the Kammas from the son who secured the jewel.

The Kapus are said to have originally dwelt in Ayodhya. During the reign of Bharata, one Pillala Mari Belthi Reddi and his sons deceived the King by appropriating all the grain to themselves, and giving him the straw. The fraud was detected by Rama when he assumed charge of the kingdom, and, as a punishment, he ordered the Kapus to bring Cucurbita (pumpkin) fruits for the sradh (death ceremony) of Dasaratha. They accordingly cultivated the plant, but, before the ceremony took place, all the plants were uprooted by Hanuman, and no fruits were forthcoming. In lieu thereof, they promised to offer gold equal in weight to that of the pumpkin, and brought all of which they were possessed. This they placed in the scales, but it was not sufficient to counterbalance a pumpkin against which it was weighed. To make up the deficiency in weight, the Kapu women removed their bottus (marriage badges), and placed them in the scales. Since that time women of the Motati and Pedakanti sections have substituted a cotton string dyed with turmeric for the bottu. It is worthy of notice that a similar legend is current among the Vakkaligas (cultivators) of Mysore, who, instead of giving up the bottu, seem to have abandoned the cultivation of the Cucurbita plant. The exposure of the fraud led Belthi Reddi to leave Ayodhya with one of his wives and seventy-seven children, leaving behind thirteen wives. In the course of their journey, they had to cross the Silanadi (petrifying river), and, if they passed through the water, they would have become petrified. So they went to a place called Dhonakonda, and, after worshipping Ganga, the head of the idol was cut off, and brought to the river bank. The waters, like those of the Red Sea in the time of Pharaoh, were divided, and the Kapus crossed on dry ground. In commemoration of this event, the Kapus still worship Ganga during their marriage ceremonies. After crossing the river, the travellers came to the temple of Mallikarjuna, and helped the Jangams in the duties of looking after it. Some time afterwards the Jangams left the place for a time, and placed the temple in charge of the Kapus. On their return, the Kapus refused to hand over charge to them, and it was decided that whoever should go to Nagalokam (the abode of snakes), and bring back Naga Malligai (jasmine from snake-land), should be considered the rightful owner of the temple. The Jangams, who were skilled in the art of transformation, leaving their mortal frames, went in search of the flower in the guise of spirits. Taking advantage of this, the Kapus burnt the bodies of the Jangams, and, when the spirits returned, there were no bodies for them to enter. Thereon the god of the temple became angry, and transformed the Jangams into crows, which attacked the Kapus, who fled to the country of Oraganti Pratapa Rudra. As this King was a Sakti worshipper, the crows ceased to harass the Kapus, who settled down as cultivators. Of the produce of the land, nine-tenths were to be given to the King, and the Kapus were to keep a tithe. At this time the wife of Belthi Reddi was pregnant, and she asked her sons what they would give to the son who was about to be born. They all promised to give him half their earnings. The child grew into a learned man and poet, and one day carried water to the field where his brothers were at work. The vessel containing the water was only a small one, and there was not enough water for all. But he prayed to Sarasvati, with whose aid the vessel was always filled up. Towards evening, the grain collected during the day was heaped together, with a view to setting apart the share for the King. But a dispute arose among the brothers, and it was decided that only a tithe should be given to him. The King, being annoyed with the Kapus for not giving him his proper share, waited for an opportunity to bring disgrace on Belthi Reddi, and sought the assistance of a Jangam, who managed to become the servant of Belthi Reddi's wife. After some time, he picked up her kamma when it fell off while she was asleep, and handed it over to Pratapa Rudra, who caused it to be proclaimed that he had secured the ornament as a preliminary to securing the person of its owner. The eldest son of Belthi Reddi, however, recovered the kamma in a fight with the King, during which he carried his youngest brother on his back. From him the Kammas are descended. The Velamas are descended from the sons who ran away, and the Kapus from those who would neither fight nor run away.

Pollution at the first menstrual ceremony lasts, I am informed, for sixteen days. Every day, both morning and evening, a dose of gingelly (Sesamum) oil is administered to the girl, and, if it produces much purging, she is treated with buffalo ghi (clarified butter). On alternate days water is poured over her head, and from the neck downwards. The cloth which she wears, whether new or old, becomes the property of the washerwoman. On the first day the meals consist of milk and dhal (Cajanus indicus), but on subsequent days cakes, etc., are allowed.