Chapter XX: The Flight From Peking and the Court in Exile

The diarist, Ching Shan, has described in detail the flight of the Empress Dowager and Emperor from Peking, before dawn, on the morning of the 15th August. From an account of the Court’s journey, subsequently written by the Grand Secretary, Wang Wen-shao, to friends in Chekiang, and published in one of the vernacular papers of Shanghai, we obtain valuable corroboration of the diarist’s accuracy, together with much interesting information.

Wang Wen-shao overtook their Majesties at Huai-lai on the 18th August; for the past three days they had suffered dangers and hardships innumerable. On the evening of the 19th they had stopped at Kuanshih (seventy _li_ from Peking), where they slept in the Mosque. There the Mahommedan trading firm of “Tung Kuang yü” (the well-known contractors for the hire of pack animals for the northern caravan trade) had supplied them with the best of the poor food available—coarse flour, vegetables, and millet porridge—and had provided mule litters for the next stage of the journey. As the troops of the escort had been ordered to remain at some distance behind, so long as there was any risk of pursuit by the Allies’ cavalry, their Majesties’ arrival was unannounced, and their identity unsuspected. As they descended from their carts, travel-stained, weary, and distressed, they were surrounded by a large crowd of refugee idlers and villagers, eager for news from the capital. An eye-witness of the scene has reported that, looking nervously about him, the Emperor said, “We have to thank the Boxers for this,” whereupon the Old Buddha, undaunted even at the height of her misfortunes, bade him be silent.

Next day they travelled, by mule litter, ninety _li_ (thirty-two miles), and spent the night at Ch’a-Tao, just beyond the Great Wall. Here no preparations of any kind had been made for their reception, and they suffered much hardship, sleeping on the brick platform (_k’ang_) without any adequate bedding. But the Magistrate of Yen-Ch’ing chou had been able to find a blue sedan-chair for Her Majesty, who had thus travelled part of the day in greater comfort. Also at midday, stopping to eat at Chü-yung kuan, Li Lien-ying, the chief eunuch, had obtained a few tea cups from the villagers.

On the 16th they travelled from Ch’a-Tao to Huai-lai, a hard stage of fifty _li_. Some of the officials and Chamberlains of the Court now joined their Majesties, so that the party consisted of seventeen carts, in addition to the Old Buddha’s palanquin and the Emperor’s mule litter. As the _cortège_ advanced, and the news of their flight was spread abroad, rumours began to be circulated that they were pretenders, personating the Son of Heaven and the Old Buddha, rumours due, no doubt, to the fact that Her Majesty was still wearing her hair in the Chinese manner, and that her clothes were the common ones in which she had escaped from the Forbidden City. In spite of these rumours the Magistrate of Huai-lai, a Hupeh man (Wu Yung), had received no intimation of their Majesties’ coming, and, when the Imperial party, accompanied by an enormous crowd, entered his Yamên, he had no time to put on his official robes, but rushed down to receive them as he was. After prostrating himself, he wanted to clear out the noisy and inquisitive rabble, but the Old Buddha forbade him, saying, “Not so; let them crowd around us as much as they like. It amuses me to see these honest country folk.” Here, after three days of coarse fare, the Empress Dowager rejoiced once more in a meal of birds’-nest soup and sharks’ fins, presented by the Magistrate, who also furnished her with an outfit of woman’s clothing and suits for the Emperor and the Heir Apparent, for all of which he received Her Majesty’s repeated and grateful thanks.

It was here, at Huai-lai, while the Court was taking a day’s rest, that Wang Wen-shao came up with them. He was cordially, even affectionately, greeted by the Old Buddha, who condoled with him on the hardships to which he had been exposed, and insisted on his sharing her birds’-nest soup, which, she said, he would surely enjoy as much as she had done after so many and great privations. She rebuked the Emperor for not greeting the aged Councillor with warm thanks for his touching devotion to the Throne.

From Huai-lai, Prince Ch’ing was ordered to return to Peking to negotiate terms of peace with the Allies. Knowing the difficulties of this task, he went reluctantly; before leaving he had a long audience with Her Majesty, who assured him of her complete confidence in his ability to make terms, and bade him adopt a policy similar to that of Prince Kung in 1860.

Wang Wen-shao’s account of the first part of the Court’s journey is sufficiently interesting to justify textual reproduction.

“Their Majesties fled from the palace at the dawn of day in
common carts. It was only after their arrival at Kuanshih that
they were provided with litters. The Emperor and Prince P’u Lun
rode on one cart until their arrival at Huai-lai, where the
District Magistrate furnished a palanquin, and later on, at
Hsüan-hua, four large sedan chairs were found for the Imperial
party. It was at this point that the Emperor’s Consort overtook
their Majesties.

“So hurried was the flight that no spare clothes had been
taken; the Empress Dowager was very shabbily dressed, so as to
be almost unrecognisable, the Chinese mode of hair-dressing
producing a very remarkable alteration in her appearance.
On the first night after leaving Peking, they slept, like
travellers of the lowest class, on the raised brick platform
of the inn, where not even rice was obtainable for the evening
meal, so that they were compelled to eat common porridge made
of millet. In all the disasters recorded in history, never has
there been such a pitiful spectacle.

“It was only after reaching Huai-lai that their condition
improved somewhat, but even then the number of personal
attendants and eunuchs was very small, and not a single
concubine was there to wait upon the Old Buddha. For the first
few days’ flight, neither Prince Li, nor Jung Lu, nor Ch’i Hsiu
(all of them Grand Councillors), were in attendance so that
Her Majesty nominated Prince Tuan to serve on the Council. She
reviled him at the outset severely, reproaching him for the
misfortunes which had overtaken the Dynasty, but as time went
on, as he shared with her the privations and troubles of the
day’s journey, she became more gracious towards him. This was
to some extent due to the very great influence which Prince
Tuan’s wife exercised at Court.

“When I reached Huai-lai, the Court consisted of the Princes
Tuan, Ching, Na, Su, and P’u Lun, with a following of high
officials led by Kang Yi, and some twenty Secretaries. General
Ma’s troops and some of the Banner Corps of Prince Tuan formed
the Imperial escort; and they plundered every town and village
on their line of march. This, however, is hardly remarkable,
because all the shops had been closed and there were no
provisions to be purchased anywhere.

“To go back for a few days. Yü Lu (Viceroy of Chihli) shot
himself in a coffin shop at a place south of the Hunting Park,
and Li Ping-heng took poison after the defeat of his troops
at T’ungchow. The Court’s flight had already been discussed
after the first advance of the Allies from T’ungchow towards
Peking; but the difficulty in providing sufficient transport
was considered insuperable. On the 19th of the Moon a steady
cannonade began at about midnight, and, from my house in Magpie
Lane, one could note, by the volume of sound, that the attack
was steadily advancing closer to the city, and eventually
bullets came whistling as thick as hail. The bombardment
reached its height at about noon on the 20th, when news was
brought that two gates of the Imperial City had been taken
by storm. I was unable to verify this report. It was my turn
for night duty at the Palace, but after the last audience, I
was unable to enter the Forbidden City, as all its gates were
barred. It was only at 7 A.M. on the 21st inst. (August 15th)
that I was able to gain admittance to the Forbidden City, and
then I learned that their Majesties had hurriedly fled. On the
previous day five urgent audiences with the Grand Council had
been held; at the last of these only Kang Yi, Chao Shu ch’iao,
and myself were present. Sadly regarding us, the Old Buddha
said, ‘I see there are only three of you left. No doubt all the
rest have fled, leaving us, mother and son, to our fate. I want
you all to come with me on my journey.’ Turning to me she then
said, ‘You are too old. I would not wish you to share in all
this hardship. Follow us as best you can later on.’ The Emperor
expressed his wishes in the same sense.

“By this time it was nearly midnight, and they still hesitated
about leaving the city; judge then of my surprise to learn
that, at the first streak of dawn, their Majesties had left
the city in indescribable disorder and frantic haste. I could
not return to my house that day because all the gates of the
Imperial City were closed, but at 10 A.M. on the following day,
I made my way out of the Houmen.[104] On my way I came across
Jung Lu; he had fainted in his chair, and had been forsaken
by his cowardly bearers. He said: ‘This is the end. You and I
never believed in these Boxers; see now to what a pass they
have brought the Old Buddha. If you see Her Majesty, tell her
that I have gone to rally the troops, and that, if I live, I
will join her later on.’

“After leaving Jung Lu, I made my way to a little temple which
lies midway between the North and the North-West Gates of the
city, and there I rested a while. It was the opinion of the
Abbot in charge that the foreigners would burn every temple
of the city, as all of them had been used by the Boxers for
their magic rites, and he said that, in times of dire peril
such as this, it was really inconvenient for him to offer
any hospitality to visitors. Just at this moment news was
brought us that the foreign troops were on the wall of the
city, between the two gates nearest to us, and that they were
firing down upon the streets; the city was already invested,
but the foreigners were not molesting civilians, though
they were shooting all ‘braves’ and men in uniform. As the
priest declined to receive me, I sought refuge at the house
of a man named Han, retainer in the Imperial Household, who
lived close by. All my chair-bearers and servants had fled.
Shortly after noon I heard that one might still leave Peking
by the Hsi-chih Men; so leaving everything—carts, chairs, and
animals—where they were, I started off at dusk on foot with
such money and clothing as I had on my person. The road ahead
of me was blocked by a dense crowd of refugees. I took the
road by the Drum Tower, skirting the lakes to the north of the
Imperial City. Towards evening a dreadful thunderstorm came
on, so I took refuge for the night with the Ching family. The
bombardment had ceased by this time, but the whole northern
part of the Imperial City appeared to be in flames, which
broke out in fresh places all through the night. At three in
the morning we heard that the West Gates were opened, and that
the City Guards had fled, but that the foreigners had not yet
reached that part of the city.

“I had intended to travel by cart, but the disorganised troops
had by this time seized every available beast of burden. My
second son, however, was luckily able to persuade Captain Liu
to fetch one of my carts out from the city, and this was done
after several narrow escapes. I had left Peking on foot, but
at the bridge close to the North-West Gate I found this cart
awaiting me, and with it my second son, who was riding on a
mule, and the five servants who remained to us following on
foot. When we reached Hai-Tien (a town which lies close to the
Summer Palace) every restaurant was closed, but we managed to
get a little food, and then hurried on after their Majesties
to Kuanshih, where we passed the night. Next day, continuing
our journey, we learned that their Majesties were halting at
Huai-lai, where we overtook them on the 24th day of the Moon.
We expect to reach T’ai-yüan fu about the middle of next week.

“The dangers of our journey are indescribable. Every shop
on the road had been plundered by bands of routed troops,
who pretend to be part of the Imperial escort. These bandits
are ahead of us at every stage of the journey, and they have
stripped the country-side bare, so that when the Imperial party
reaches any place, and the escort endeavour to commandeer
supplies, the distress of the inhabitants and the confusion
which ensues are really terrible to witness. The districts
through which we have passed are literally devastated.”

From Huai-lai the Court moved on to Hsüan-hua fu, a three days’ march, and there remained for four days, resting and preparing for the journey into Shansi. The Border Warden at Sha-ho chên had provided their Majesties with green (official) sedan chairs, and the usual etiquette of the Court and Grand Council was being gradually restored. Her Majesty’s spirits were excellent, and she took a keen interest in everything. At Chi-ming yi, for instance, she was with difficulty dissuaded from stopping to visit a temple on the summit of an adjoining hill, in honour of which shrine the Emperor Kanghsi had left a tablet carved with a memorial inscription in verse.

At Hsüan-hua fu there was considerable disorder, but the Court enjoyed increased comforts; thanks to the zeal and energy of the local Magistrate (Ch’en Pen). Here the Old Buddha received Prince Ch’ing’s first despatch from Peking, which gave a deplorable account of the situation.

The Court left Hsüan-hua on the 25th August (its numbers being increased by the Emperor’s Consort with a few of her personal attendants) and spent the night at a garrison station called Tso-Wei. The deplorable state of the country was reflected in the accommodation they found there; for the guards had fled, and the official quarters had all been plundered and burnt, with the exception of two small rooms, evil-smelling and damp. There was no food to be had, except bread made of sodden flour. One of the two available rooms was occupied by the Old Buddha, the other by Kuang Hsü and his Consort, while all the officials of the Court, high and low, fared as best they might in the stuffy courtyard. For once the venerable mother’s composure deserted her. “This is abominable,” she complained; “the place swarms with insects, and I cannot sleep a wink. It is disgraceful that I should have come to such a pass at my time of life. My state is worse even than that of the Emperor Hsüan-Tsung of the T’ang Dynasty, who was forced to fly from his capital, and saw his favourite concubine murdered before his very eyes.” An unsubstantiated report that the Allies had plundered her palace treasure vaults was not calculated to calm Her Majesty, and for a while the suite went in fear of her wrath.

On August 27th the Court crossed the Shansi border, and spent the night at T’ien-chen hsien. The local Magistrate, a Manchu, had committed suicide after hearing of the fall of Moukden and other Manchurian cities; and the town was in a condition of ruinous disorder. Their Majesties supped off a meal hastily provided by the Gaol Warder. But their courage was restored by the arrival of Ts’en Ch’un-hsüan,[105] an official of high intelligence and courage, who greatly pleased the Old Buddha by bringing her a gift of eggs and a girdle and pouch for her pipe and purse.

On the 30th August the Court lay at Ta-t’ung fu, in the Yamên of the local Brigadier-General. They stayed here four days, enjoying the greatly improved accommodation which the General’s efforts had secured for them.

On September 4th, they reached the market town of T’ai-yüeh, having travelled thirty-five miles that day, and here again they found damp rooms and poor fare. But Her Majesty’s spirits had recovered. On the 16th, while crossing the hill-pass of the “Flighting Geese,” Her Majesty ordered a halt in order to enjoy the view. “It reminds me of the Jehol Country,” she said. Then, turning to the Emperor, “After all, it’s delightful to get away like this from Peking and to see the world, isn’t it?” “Under happier circumstances, it would be,” replied Kuang Hsü. At this point Ts’en Ch’un-hsüan brought Her Majesty a large bouquet of yellow flowers, a present which touched her deeply: in return she sent him a jar of butter-milk tea.

On the 7th, the only accommodation which the local officials had been able to prepare at Yüan-p’ing was a mud-house belonging to one of the common people, in which, by an oversight, several empty coffins had been left. Ts’en, arriving ahead of the party, was told of this, and galloped to make excuses to Her Majesty and take her orders. Happily, the “Motherly Countenance” was not moved to wrath, and “the divine condescension was manifested.” “If the coffins can be moved, move them,” she said; “but so long as they are not in the main room, I do not greatly mind their remaining.” They were all removed, however, and the Old Buddha was protected from possibly evil influences.

On the 8th September, at Hsin Chou, three Imperial (yellow) chairs had been provided by the local officials, so that their Majesties’ entrance into T’ai-yüan fu, on the 10th, was not unimposing. The Court took up its residence in the Governor’s Yamên (that same bloodstained building in which, six weeks before, Yü Hsien had massacred the missionaries). Yü Hsien, the Governor, met their Imperial Majesties outside the city walls, and knelt by the roadside as the Old Buddha’s palanquin came up. She bade her bearers stop, and called to him to approach. When he had done so, she said: “At your farewell audience, in the last Moon of the last year, you assured me that the Boxers were really invulnerable. Alas! You were wrong, and now Peking has fallen! But you did splendidly in carrying out my orders and in ridding Shansi of the whole brood of foreign devils. Everyone speaks well of you for this, and I know, besides, how high is your reputation for good and honest work. Nevertheless, and because the foreign devils are loudly calling for vengeance upon you, I may have to dismiss you from office, as I had to do with Li Ping-heng: but be not disturbed in mind, for, if I do this, it is only to throw dust in the eyes of the barbarians, for our own ends. We must just bide our time, and hope for better days.”

Yü Hsien kowtowed, as in duty bound, nine times, and replied: “Your Majesty’s slave caught them as in a net, and allowed neither chicken nor dog to escape: yet am I ready to accept punishment and dismissal from my post. As to the Boxers, they have been defeated because they failed to abide by the laws of the Order, and because they killed and plundered innocent people who were not Christians.”

This conversation was clearly heard by several bystanders, one of whom reported it in a letter to Shanghai. When Yü Hsien had finished speaking, the Old Buddha sighed, and told her bearers to proceed. A few days later she issued the first of the Expiatory Decrees by which Yü Hsien and other Boxer leaders were dismissed from office, but not before she had visited the courtyard where the hapless missionaries had met their fate, and cross-examined Yü Hsien on every detail of that butchery. And it is recorded, that, while she listened eagerly to this tale of unspeakable cowardice and cruelty, the Heir Apparent was swaggering noisily up and down the courtyard, brandishing the huge sword given him by Yü Hsien, with which his devil’s work had been done. No better example could be cited of this remarkable woman’s primitive instincts and elemental passion of vindictiveness.

Once more, during the Court’s residence at T’ai-yüan, did the Old Buddha and Yü Hsien meet. At this audience, realising the determination of the foreigners to exact the death penalty in this case, and realising also the Governor’s popularity with the inhabitants of T’ai-yüan, she told him, with unmistakable significance, that the price of coffins was rising, a plain but euphemistic hint that he would do well to commit suicide before a worse fate overtook him.

Her Majesty was much gratified at the splendid accommodation provided for her at T’ai-yüan, and particularly pleased to see all the gold and silver vessels and utensils that had been made in 1775 for Ch’ien Lung’s progress to the sacred shrines of Wu-T’ai shan; they had been polished up for the occasion and made a brave show, so that the “Benevolent Countenance” beamed with delight. “We have nothing like this in Peking,” she said.

_Photo, Betines, Peking._]

_Photo, Betines, Peking._]

Jung Lu joined the Court on the day after its arrival at T’ai-yüan, and was most affectionately welcomed by the Old Buddha, to whom he gave a full account of his journey through Chihli and of the widespread devastation wrought by the Boxers. He had previously sent in the following Memorial which clearly reflects those qualities which had endeared him to his Imperial Mistress, and which so honourably distinguished him from the sycophants and classical imbeciles of the Court:—

“At dawn, on the 21st day of the 7th Moon (15th August) your
Majesty’s servant proceeded to the Gate of Reverend Peace
(inside the Palace), and learned that your Majesties’ sacred
chariot had left for the West. While there I came across Ch’ung
Ch’i,[106] the President of the Board of Revenue, and we were
proposing to hurry after your Majesties, when we learned that
the North-Eastern and Northern Gates of the city had fallen. So
we left Peking by another gate, my first object being to try
and rally some of the troops. But after several conferences
with Generals Sung Ch’ing and Tung Fu-hsiang, I was forced to
the conclusion that our repeated defeats had been too severe,
and that, in the absence of large reinforcements, there was
no hope of our being able to take the field again. Our men
were in a state of complete panic and had lost all stomach for
fighting. I therefore left and came on to Pao-t’ing fu, and
lodged there with Ch’ung Ch’i in the “Water Lily” Garden. All
night long he and I discussed the situation, hoping to see
some way out of the misfortunes which had overtaken the State.
Ch’ung Ch’i could not conceal the bitterness of his grief,
and on the morning of the next day he hanged himself in one
of the outer courtyards, leaving a letter for me in which was
enclosed his valedictory Memorial to your Majesties, together
with a set of verses written just before his death. These I
now forward for your Majesty’s gracious perusal, because I
feel that his suicide deserves your pity, just as his high
sense of duty merits your praise. He was indeed a man of the
purest integrity, and had all the will, though, alas, not
the power, to avert the misfortunes which have befallen us.
He had always looked upon the magic arts of the Boxers with
profound contempt, unworthy even of the effort of a smile
from a wise man. At this critical juncture, the loss of my
trusted colleague is indeed a heavy blow, but I am compelled
to remember that the position which I hold, all unworthily, as
your Majesty’s Commander-in-Chief, necessitates my bearing the
burden of my heavy responsibilities so long as the breath of
life is in my body.

“Such makeshift arrangements as were feasible I made for the
temporary disposal of Ch’ung Ch’i’s remains, and I now forward
the present Memorial by special courier to your Majesty,
informing you of the manner of his decease, because I hold
it to be unfitting that his end should pass unnoticed and
unhonoured. Your Majesty will, no doubt, determine on the
posthumous honours to be accorded to him.

“It is now my intention to proceed, with what speed I may, to
T’ai-yüan fu, there to pay my reverent duty to your Majesty
and to await the punishment due for my failure to avert these
calamities.”

In reply to this Memorial, Tzŭ Hsi conferred high posthumous honours upon Ch’ung Ch’i, praising his loyalty and honesty.

Jung Lu proceeded on his journey, but at a town on the Chihli border his wife took ill and died. She had only joined him at Pao-t’ing fu. The Old Buddha welcomed him with sincere affection upon his arrival at T’ai-yüan and raised his secondary wife, the Lady Liu, to the rank of “Fu Jen” or legitimate consort. (This lady had always had great influence with the Empress Dowager, which increased during the exile of the Court, and became most noticeable after the return to Peking.)

Tzŭ Hsi asked Jung Lu for his advice as to her future policy. Bluntly, as was his wont, he replied “Old Buddha, there is only one way. You must behead Prince Tuan and all the rest of the Princes and Ministers who misled you and then you must return to Peking.”

An incident, vouched for by a high Manchu official attached to the Court, illustrates the relations at this time existing between the Emperor, the Empress Dowager, and Jung Lu. When the latter reached T’ai-yüan fu, Kuang-Hsü sent a special messenger to summon him. “I am glad you have come at last,” said His Majesty. “I desire that you will have Prince Tuan executed without delay.”

“How can I do so without the Empress Dowager’s orders?” he replied. “The days are past when no other Decree but your Majesty’s was needed.”[107]

Jung Lu’s position, but for the high favour of the Empress Dowager, would have been full of danger, for he was disliked by reactionaries and reformers alike; surrounded by extremists, his intuitive common sense, his doctrine of the “happy mean” had made him many enemies. Nor could he lay claim to a reputation for that “purest integrity” which he had so greatly admired in his colleague Ch’ung Ch’i. At T’ai-yüan fu, he was openly denounced to the Old Buddha for having connived in the embezzlements of a certain Ch’en Tsê-lin, who had been robbing the military Treasury on a grand scale. Jung Lu had ordered that his defalcations be made good, but subsequently informed the Throne that the money had been captured by the Allies, and the accusing Censor did not hesitate to say that the price of his conversion (brought to his quarters by the hands of a sergeant named Yao) had been forty thousand taels of silver, twenty pounds of best birdnests, and four cases of silk. The Empress Dowager shelved the Memorial, as was her wont, though no doubt she used the information for the ultimate benefit of her privy purse. Jung Lu also received vast sums of money and many valuable presents on his birthday, and at the condolence ceremonies for the death of his wife, so much so that he incurred the fierce jealousy of the chief eunuch Li Lien-ying, who was doing his best at this time to re-feather his own nest, despoiled by the troops of the Allies.

At T’ai-yüan fu, so many officials had joined the Court that intrigues became rife; there was much heartburning as to precedence and status. Those who had borne the burden and heat of the day, the dangers and the hardships of the flight from Peking, claimed special recognition and seniority at the hands of their Imperial Mistress. Each of these thought they should be privileged above those of equal rank who had only rejoined the Court when all danger was past, and still more so above those who were now hurrying up from the provinces in search of advancement.

The chief topic of discussion at audience, and at meetings of the Grand Council, was the question of the Court’s return to Peking, or of the removal of the Capital to one of the chief cities of the South or West. Chang Chih-tung had put in a Memorial, strongly recommending the city of Tang-Yang in Hupei, on account of its central position. One of the arguments gravely put forward by the “scholarly bungler” for this proposal was, that the characters “Tang-Yang” (which mean “facing south”) were in themselves of good augury, and an omen of better days to come, because the Emperor always sits with his face to the south. Chang’s enemies at Court saw in this idea a veiled hint that the Emperor should be restored to power.

But Jung Lu was now _facile princeps_ in the Old Buddha’s counsels, and at audience his colleagues of the Grand Council (Lu Ch’uan-lin and Wang Wen-shao) followed his lead implicitly. He never ceased to advise the Empress to return forthwith to Peking, and, when at a later date she decided on this step, it was rather because of her faith in his sound judgment than because of the many Memorials sent in from other high officials. During the Court’s stay at T’ai-yüan fu, argument on this subject was continual, but towards the end of September rumours reached Her Majesty that the Allies were sending a swift punitive expedition to avenge the murdered missionaries; this decided her to leave at once for Hsi-an fu, where she would feel safe from further pursuit. The Court left accordingly on the 30th September; but as the preservation of “face” before the world is a fundamental principle, with Empresses as with slave-girls, in China, her departure was announced in the following brief Edict:—

“As Shansi province is suffering from famine, which makes it
very difficult to provide for our needs, and as the absence
of telegraphic communication there causes all manner of
inconvenient delays, we are compelled to continue our progress
westwards to Hsi-an.”

The journey into Shensi was made with all due provision for the dignity and comfort of their Majesties, but the Empress was overcome by grief _en route_ at the death of Kang Yi, chief patron of the Boxers, and the most bigoted and violent of all the reactionaries near the Throne. He fell ill at a place called Hou Ma, and died in three days, although the Vice-President of the Board of Censors, Ho Nai-ying, obtained leave to remain behind and nurse him. The Old Buddha was most reluctant to leave the invalid, and showed unusual emotion. After his death she took a kindly interest in his son (who followed the Court to Hsi-an) and would frequently speak to him of his father’s patriotism and loyalty.

At Hsi-an fu the Court occupied the Governor’s official residence, into which Her Majesty removed after residing for a while in the buildings formerly set apart for the temporary accommodation of the Viceroy of Kansuh and Shensi on visits of inspection. Both Yamêns had been prepared for Their Majesties’ use; the walls had been painted Imperial red, and the outer Court surrounded with a palisade, beyond which were the quarters of the Imperial Guards, and the makeshift lodgings of the Metropolitan Boards and the officials of the nine Ministries on Palace duty. The arrangements of the Court, though restricted in the matter of space, were on much the same lines as in Peking. The main hall of the “Travelling Palace” was left empty, the side halls being used as ante-chambers for officials awaiting audience. Behind the main hall was a room to which access was given by a door with six panels, two of which were left open, showing the Throne in the centre of the room, upholstered in yellow silk. It was here that Court ceremonies took place. On the left of this room was the apartment where audiences were held daily, and behind this again were the Empress Dowager’s bedroom and private sitting-room. The Emperor and his Consort occupied a small apartment communicating with the Old Buddha’s bedroom, and to the west of these again were three small rooms, occupied by the Heir Apparent. The chief eunuch occupied the room next to that of the Old Buddha on the east side. The general arrangements for the comfort and convenience of the Court were necessarily of a makeshift and provisional character and the Privy Purse was for a time at a low ebb, so that Her Majesty was much exercised over the receipt and safe custody of the tribute, in money and in kind, which came flowing in from the provinces. So long as the administration of her household was under the supervision of Governor Ts’en, the strictest economy was practised; for instance, the amount allowed by him for the upkeep of their Majesties’ table was two hundred taels (about £25) per day, which, as the Old Buddha remarked on one occasion, was about one-tenth of the ordinary expenditure under the same heading at Peking. “We are living cheaply now,” she said; to which the Governor replied, “The amount could still be reduced with advantage.”

Her Majesty’s custom, in selecting the menus for the day, was to have a list of about one hundred dishes brought in every evening by the eunuch on duty. After the privations of the flight from Peking, the liberal supply of swallows’ nests and _bêche-de-mer_ which came in from the South was very much appreciated, and her rough fare of chickens and eggs gave way to recherché menus; but the Emperor, as usual, limited himself to a diet of vegetables. She gave orders that no more than half a dozen dishes should be served at one meal, and she took personal pains with the supply of milk, of which she always consumed a considerable quantity. Six cows were kept in the immediate vicinity of the Imperial apartments, for the feeding of which Her Majesty was charged two hundred taels a month. Her health was good on the whole, but she suffered from indigestion, which she attributed to the change of climate and the fatigues of her journey. For occasional attacks of insomnia she had recourse to massage, in which several of the eunuchs were well-skilled. After the Court had settled down at Hsi-an fu, Her Majesty was again persuaded to permit the presentation of plays, which she seemed generally to enjoy as much as those in Peking. But her mind was for ever filled with anxiety as to the progress of the negotiations with the foreign Powers at the Capital, and all telegrams received were brought to her at once. The news of the desecration of her Summer Palace had filled her with wrath and distress, especially when, in letters from the eunuch Sun (who had remained in charge at Peking), she learned that her Throne had been thrown into the lake, and that the soldiers had made “lewd and ribald drawings and writings” even on the walls of her bedroom. It was with the greatest relief that she heard of the settlement of the terms of peace, subsequently recorded in the Protocol of 7th of September, and so soon as these terms had been irrevocably arranged, she issued a Decree (June, 1901) fixing the date for the Court’s return in September. This Decree, issued in the name of the Emperor, was as follows:

“Our Sacred Mother’s advanced age renders it necessary that we
should take the greatest care of her health, so that she may
attain to peaceful longevity; a long journey in the heat being
evidently undesirable, we have fixed on the 19th day of the 7th
Moon to commence our return journey, and are now preparing to
escort Her Majesty, viâ Honan.”

One of the most notorious Boxer leaders, namely, Duke Kung, the younger brother of Prince Chuang, had accompanied the Court, with his family, to Hsi-an. The Old Buddha, realising that his presence would undoubtedly compromise her, now decided to send him away. His family fell from one state of misery to another; no assistance was rendered to them by any officials on the journey, and eventually, after much wandering, the Duke was compelled to earn a bare living by serving as a subordinate in a small Yamên, while his wife, who was young and comely, was sold into slavery. It was clear that the Old Buddha had now realised the error of her ways and the folly that had been committed in encouraging the Boxers. After the executions and suicides of the proscribed leaders of the movement she was heard on one occasion to remark: “These Princes and Ministers were wont to bluster and boast, relying upon their near kinship to ourselves, and we foolishly believed them when they assured us that the foreign devils would never get the better of China. In their folly they came within an ace of overthrowing our Dynasty. The only one whose fate I regret is Chao Shu-ch’iao. For him I am truly sorry.”

The fate of Prince Chuang’s brother showed clearly that both officials and people had realised the genuine change in the Empress Dowager’s feelings towards the Boxers, for there was none so poor to do him honour.

Both on the journey to Hsi-an fu and on the return to the Capital, Her Majesty displayed the greatest interest in the lives of the peasantry and the condition of the people generally. She subscribed liberally to the famine fund in Shansi, professing the greatest sympathy for the stricken people. She told the Emperor that she had never appreciated their sufferings in the seclusion of her Palace.

During the Court’s stay at Hsi-an fu the Emperor came to take more interest in State affairs than he had done at any time since the _coup d’état_, but although the Old Buddha discussed matters with him freely, and took his opinion, he had no real voice in the decision of any important matter. His temper continued to be uncertain and occasionally violent, so that many high officials of the Court preferred always to take their business to the Empress Dowager. One important appointment was made at this time by the Old Buddha at the Emperor’s personal request, viz., that of Sun Chia-nai (ex-Imperial tutor) to the Grand Secretariat. This official had resigned office in January 1900 upon the selection of the Heir Apparent, which he regarded as equivalent to the deposition of the Emperor.[108] Subsequently, throughout the Boxer troubles, he had remained in his house at Peking, which was plundered, and he himself would undoubtedly have been killed, but for the protection given him by Jung Lu. At this time also, Lu Ch’uan-lin joined the Grand Council. When the siege of the Legations began, he had left his post as Governor of Kiangsu, and marched north with some three thousand men to defend Peking against the foreigners. Before he reached the Capital, however, it had fallen, so that, after disbanding his troops, he went for a few weeks to his native place in Chihli, and thence proceeded to join the Court at T’ai-yüan fu, where the Old Buddha received him most cordially. His case is particularly interesting in that he was until his death a member of the Grand Council,[109] and that, like many other high officials at Peking, his ideas of the art of government and the relative position of China in the world, remained exactly as they were before the Boxer movement. His action in proceeding to Peking with his troops from his post in the south is also interesting, as showing the semi-independent position of provincial officials, and the free hand which any man of strong views may claim and enjoy. The Viceroys of Nanking and Wuch’ang might dare to oppose the wishes of the Empress Dowager, and to exercise their own judgment as regards declaring war upon foreigners, but it was equally open to any of their subordinates to differ from them, and to take such steps as they might personally consider proper, even to the movement of troops.

An official, one of the many provincial deputies charged with the carrying of tribute to the Court at Hsi-an, returning thence to his post at Soochow, sent to a friend at Peking a detailed description of the life of the Court in exile, from which the following extracts are taken. The document, being at that time confidential and not intended for publication, throws some light on the Court and its doings which is lacking in official documents:—

“The Empress Dowager is still in sole charge of affairs, and
controls everything in and around the Court; those who exercise
the most influence with her are Jung Lu and Lu Ch’uan-lin.
Governor Ts’en, has fallen into disfavour of late. His
Majesty’s advisers are most anxious that she should return to
Peking. She looks very young and well; one would not put her
age at more than forty, whereas she is really sixty-four. The
Emperor appears to be generally depressed, but he has been
putting on flesh lately. The Heir Apparent is fifteen years
of age; fat, coarse-featured, and of rude manners. He favours
military habits of deportment and dress, and to see him when
he goes to the play, wearing a felt cap with gold braid, a
leather jerkin, and a red military overcoat, one would take him
for a prize-fighter. He knows all the young actors and rowdies,
and associates generally with the very lowest classes. He is
a good rider, however, and a very fair musician. If, at the
play-houses, the music goes wrong, he will frequently get up
in his place and rebuke the performer, and at times he even
jumps on to the stage, possesses himself of the instrument, and
plays the piece himself. All this brings the boy into disrepute
with respectable people, and some of his pranks have come to
the ears of the Old Buddha, who they say has had him severely
whipped. His last offence was to commence an intrigue with one
of the ladies-in-waiting on Her Majesty, for which he got into
serious trouble. He is much in the company of Li Lien-ying (the
chief eunuch), who leads him into the wildest dissipation.[110]
My friend Kao, speaking of him the other day, wittily said,
that ‘from being an expectant Emperor, he would soon become
a deposed Heir Apparent’; which is quite true, for he never
reads, all his tastes are vicious, and his manners rude and
overbearing. To give you an instance of his doings: on the 18th
of the 10th Moon, accompanied by his brother and by his uncle,
the Boxer Duke Lan, and followed by a crowd of eunuchs, he got
mixed up in a fight with some Kansu braves at a theatre in the
temple of the City God. The eunuchs got the worst of it, and
some minor officials who were in the audience were mauled by
the crowd. The trouble arose, in the first instance, because of
the eunuchs attempting to claim the best seats in the house,
and the sequel shows to what lengths of villainy these fellows
will descend, and how great is their influence with the highest
officials. The eunuchs were afraid to seek revenge on the Kansu
troops direct, but they attained their end by denouncing the
manager of the theatre to Governor Ts’en, and by inducing him
to close every theatre in Hsi-an. Besides which, the theatre
manager was put in a wooden collar, and thus ignominiously
paraded through the streets of the city. The Governor was
induced to take this action on the ground that Her Majesty,
sore distressed at the famine in Shansi and the calamities
which have overtaken China, was offended at these exhibitions
of unseemly gaiety; and the proclamation which closed the
play-houses, ordered also that restaurants and other places of
public entertainment should suspend business. Everybody in the
city knew that this was the work of the eunuchs. Eventually Chi
Lu, Chamberlain of the Household, was able to induce the chief
eunuch to ask the Old Buddha to give orders that the theatres
be reopened. This was accordingly done, but of course the real
reason was not given, and the Proclamation stated that, since
the recent fall of snow justified hopes of a prosperous year
and good harvests, as a mark of the people’s gratitude to
Providence, the theatres would be reopened as usual, ‘but no
more disturbances must occur.’

“The chief eunuch does not seem to be abusing his authority as
much as usual at Hsi-an, most of his time and attention being
given to the collection and safe keeping of tribute. If the
quality and quantity received is not up to his expectations, he
will decline to accept it, and thus infinite trouble is caused
to the officials of the province concerned.

“A few days before the Old Buddha’s sixty-fifth birthday in
the 10th Moon, Governor Ts’en proposed that the city should
be decorated, and the usual costly gifts should be presented
to Her Majesty, but to this proposal Prince P’u Tung took the
strongest exception; ‘China is in desperate straits,’ he said,
‘and even the ancestral shrines and birthplaces of the Dynasty
are in the hands of foreign troops. How then could the Old
Buddha possibly desire to celebrate her birthday? The thing is
impossible.’ The matter was therefore allowed to drop. But the
Governor is certainly most anxious to make a name for himself,
and, in spite of his blustering professions of an independent
attitude, he does not disdain to curry favour with the chief
eunuch and others who can serve him. They say that he has
recently sworn ‘blood brotherhood’ with Hsin, the eunuch whose
duty it is to announce officials at audiences. No doubt it is
due to this distinguished connection that he has recently been
raised to the rank of a Board President, and therefore entitled
to ride in a sedan chair within the precincts of the Court,
which, no doubt, he considers more dignified than riding in a
cart.[111]

“Tung Fu-hsiang has returned to his home in Kansu, but his
troops remain still at Hsi-an under the command of General
Teng, who so greatly distinguished himself in the Mahomedan
rebellion.

“It would seem that the Old Buddha still cherishes hopes of
defeating the foreigners, for she is particularly delighted by
a Memorial which has been sent in lately by Hsia Chen-wu, in
which he recommends a certain aboriginal tribesman (‘Man-tzu’)
as a man of remarkable strategic ability. He offers to lose his
own head and those of all his family, should this Heaven-sent
warrior fail to defeat all the troops of the Allies in one
final engagement, and he begs that the Emperor may permit this
man to display his powers and thus save the Empire.”