Chapter V: Tseng Kuo-Fan and the Taiping Rebellion (1864)

The first years of Yehonala’s Co-Regency, during which she was steadily acquiring the arts and crafts of Government, and gradually relegating her easy-going colleague to the background, were joyfully associated in the minds of her subjects with the decline and final collapse of the great rebellion which had devastated the best part of the Empire since 1850. Chinese historians (a body of writers who depend largely on each others’ writings for material) agree in attributing the final deliverance from this scourge to the ability and courage of the famous Viceroy Tseng Kuo-fan,[12] and for once their praises are well-deserved, for this military scholar like his fellow provincial and colleague, Tso Tsung-t’ang,[13] was a man of the heroic breed of philosophers which, with all its faults, the Confucian system has always produced, and continues to produce, to the great benefit of the Chinese people, a man whose name ranks high among China’s worthies, a household word for honesty and intelligent patriotism.

It was one of the secrets of Tzŭ Hsi’s success as a ruler that she recognised and appreciated merit whenever she found it, and especially the merit of a military commander: it was only when she allowed her superstitious tendencies to outweigh her judgment that she failed. For the character and talents of Tseng Kuo-fan she had the highest respect, due, no doubt, in the first instance to the effect of his military despatches, stirring tales of camp and siege, on her imaginative mind, but later to personal acquaintance with his sterling qualities. With the single exception of Jung Lu, probably no high official ever stood so high in her affectionate esteem, and Jung Lu was a Manchu kinsman, while Tseng came from one of the proverbially independent gentry families of Hunan. From a Chinese narrative of the Taiping rebellion, we are able to obtain a very clear impression, not only of Tseng’s character and of his conception of patriotism but also of the remarkable and undisputed position of autocratic power already at that time enjoyed by the youthful Empress Tzŭ Hsi. Before turning to this narrative, however, certain points in connection with the final defeat of the Taipings deserve to be noted, events with which Englishmen were prominently identified, but which, as recorded by British eye-witnesses, confirm our doubts as to the historical value of Imperial Edicts and Chinese official despatches.

The Emperor Hsien-Feng had died in exile and defeat at Jehol in August 1861. The Summer Palace had been destroyed by the British and French forces, peace had been restored, and the Co-Regency of the Empresses Dowager had commenced. One of the first acts of Prince Kung, in his capacity as “Adviser to the Government” after the conclusion of the Peace Convention of October 1860, was to invoke the aid of his country’s conquering invaders against the Chinese rebels, whose strong position on the Yangtsze was causing the Court ever increasing anxiety. It is an illuminating example of Chinese methods of government, not without parallels and value to-day, that even while the British and French forces were concentrating at Shanghai for their invasion of north China, high Chinese officials in the Yangtsze provinces had not hesitated to invoke their aid against the rebels, and had been chagrined at a refusal which appeared to them unwise since it ignored the interests of British trade at its most important centre. The history of the “Ever-Victorious Army” need not be referred to here. It kept the rebels in check in the province of Kiangsu throughout the year 1862, and in February 1863 the British Government sanctioned the lending of “Chinese Gordon” to take command of that force, which was speedily to turn the tide of war in favour of the Imperialists and effectively to pave the way for Tseng Kuo-fan’s final restoration of law and order. Soochow, the provincial capital, was regained in December 1863, and in the following July the fall of the rebel capital (Nanking) and the death of the rebel “King” practically ended the insurrection. A considerable number of Europeans, including a French Admiral, had given their lives to win back China for the Manchu Dynasty, although at the outset public opinion was in favour of strict neutrality and there were many, even then, who thought China would be well rid of her degenerate rulers: nevertheless, the triumphant Edict in which is recorded Tseng Kuo-fan’s capture of Nanking contains no word of reference to Gordon and the invaluable help which he rendered, and, as will be seen, Tseng’s only reference to the British Commander is to accuse him of having recommended the inhuman treatment of a defenceless prisoner. In accordance with the invariable classical tradition, he ascribes his success to “the consummate virtue and wisdom” of the late Emperor Hsien-Feng; the tradition represents, in conventional phraseology, the Oriental conception of the divine right of kings, and their infallibility (a conception which we find reproduced almost verbatim in the modern Japanese Generals’ modest reports of their greatest victories), and it is incompatible in China with any reference to the existence, much less the services, of foreign barbarians. The fact is worth noting, for Tseng was an exceptionally intelligent and courageous man who could, sooner than most men, have ventured on a new departure; and he knew full well that this same Gordon, who had steadily driven the rebels before him, cane in hand for over a year, had come hot-foot to the task from the sacking of the Manchu sovereigns’ Summer Palace!

But Yehonala’s joy at the fall of Nanking was unfeignedly great, and the Decree in which, in the name of the boy Emperor, she records the event and rewards the victors, is a brilliant example of her literary style. We take the following extracts from this document, as of permanent interest and throwing light on the character of Tzŭ Hsi.

_Decree on the Fall of Nanking._

“An express courier from Tseng Kuo-fan, travelling two hundred
miles a day, has just arrived, bearing the red banner of
decisive victory and a Memorial describing the capture of
Nanking, the suicide by burning of the rebel Prince, the
complete destruction of the Taiping host and the capture of
two of their leading commanders. Perusal of this Memorial
fills us with the deepest joy and gratitude, which all our
people will share. The leader of the long haired rebels[14]
Hung Hsiu-ch’uan first raised his standard of revolt in the
thirtieth year of Tao-Kuang (1850); from Kuangsi the movement
spread gradually through Hunan, Hupei and the Yangtsze
provinces to Chihli itself and Shantung, until scarcely a
spot in the whole Empire but bore the footprints of the rebel
armies. In the third year of Hsien-Feng (1853) they took
Nanking and there established the seat of their Government.
Uncounted thousands of our subjects have fallen victims to
their savage crimes. The cup of their guilt has indeed
overflowed. Gods and men alike hold them in abhorrence.

“Our Imperial father, in the majesty of his wrath, and in all
reverence to Heaven, began a punitive campaign against them and
named Kuan Wen, the Viceroy of Wu-Ch’ang, to be his Imperial
Commissioner for the war. This officer successfully cleared
the Hupei region of rebels and then marched eastwards towards
Kiangsu in order to extirpate them there also. Later, Tseng
Kuo-fan was made Viceroy of Nanking and Imperial Commissioner
for the campaign in Kiangsu and Anhui, and he achieved great
results, proportionate to his high responsibility.

“On the death of our late father (1861), half the cities of
Kiangsu and Chekiang had been retaken by our forces, and it was
a source of grief to His Majesty, recorded in his valedictory
Decree, that he could not have lived to see the end of the
rebellion. Upon our succeeding to the goodly heritage of the
Throne, obeying our late father’s commands and listening to the
sage counsel of the Empresses Regent, we promoted Tseng Kuo-fan
to be an Assistant Grand Secretary and gave him full powers as
Commander-in-Chief over the four provinces of Kiangsu, Kiangsi,
Anhui and Chekiang, so as to secure an undivided plan of
campaign.

“Ever since his appointment he has adopted a policy of
masterful strategy in combination with the forces of P’eng
Yu-lin and Tseng Kuo-ch’uan,[15] attacking the rebels both by
land and by water. Over a hundred cities have been recaptured
and over a hundred thousand rebels, who were advancing to the
relief of Nanking, have been slain and ‘their left ears cut
off.’[16] Nanking was thus completely invested and its relief
became impossible. Early this month the outer defences of the
city were taken and some thirty thousand rebels put to the
sword, but their so-called King and his desperate followers
were still at bay in the inner city, fighting fiercely to the
end.

“Tseng Kuo-fan now reports that after the capture by our troops
of the outer city ramparts, the rebels greatly strengthened
the inner defences. Our men succeeded in taking the ‘Dragon’s
Elbow’ hill and a general bombardment followed. Mining and
counter-mining went on furiously in the vicinity of the chief
forts amidst desperate encounters. At dawn on the 16th all our
forces were collected, and by springing a mine under the wall
of the city a breach was made some sixty yards in width. Our
men rushed the gap, burst into the city and were advancing on
all sides when the rebels from the wall exploded a magazine,
and many of our men were slain. A panic was only averted by our
leaders cutting down a number of those who were attempting to
fly.

[_Here follows a detailed description of the fighting, which we omit._]

“By 1 A.M. flames were bursting from the Palace of the
‘Heavenly King’ and the residences of other rebel leaders. One
of them rushed from the main Palace Hall with one thousand
followers and sought refuge in some houses near the south
gate of the city. After some seven hundred of his men had
been slain, he was captured, and on his person were found two
Imperial seals of jade and one official seal of gold. At 3 A.M.
about a thousand of the rebels, disguised in our uniforms,
escaped through the tunnel at the Gate of Heavenly Peace
but our cavalry pursued them and captured or destroyed the
whole force at Hu-Shu chen, where their leader, the ‘Glorious
Prince,’ was taken alive. On being examined, this leader whose
name was Li Wan-ts’ai, admitted that seven of the so-called
Princes of the Taipings had been slain by our forces, while
seeking to escape under cover of darkness, on the night of our
entrance into the city.

“According to the evidence of other rebels, the arch-leader
Hung Hsiu-ch’uan, had committed suicide by taking poison a
month before. He had been buried in the court-yard of his
Palace, and his son, the so-called Boy-Prince, had succeeded
to the usurped title. He also had committed suicide by burning
when the city fell. Another of their chiefs, one Li Hsiu-cheng,
had been wounded and was in hiding at a spot near by, where our
men found him together with the elder brother of the ‘Heavenly
King.’ During these three days, over a hundred thousand rebels
were killed, of whom some three thousand were their so-called
Princes, generals, and high officers.

“This glorious victory is entirely due to the bountiful
protection of Heaven, to the ever-present help of our
Ancestors, and to the foresight and wisdom of the Empresses
Regent, who, by employing and promoting efficient leaders for
their armies, have thus secured co-operation of all our forces
and the accomplishment of this great achievement, whereby the
soul of our late father in Heaven must be comforted, and the
desire of all people fulfilled. For ourselves we feel utterly
unworthy of this crowning triumph, and we are truly distressed
at the thought that our late father could not live to witness
this consummation of his unfinished plans. This rebellion has
now lasted fifteen years, during twelve of which Nanking has
been held by the rebels. They have devastated about a dozen
provinces, and have captured some hundreds of cities. Their
final defeat we owe to our Generals, ‘who have been combed by
the wind and bathed in the rain,’ and who have undergone every
conceivable hardship in bringing about the destruction of these
unspeakable traitors. We are therefore bound to recognise their
exceptional services by the bestowal of exceptional rewards.
Tseng Kuo-fan first contributed to this glorious end by
raising a force of militia in Hunan and a fleet of war-vessels
with which he won great victories, saving his province from
complete ruin. He re-captured Wu-Ch’ang, cleared the whole
province of Kiangsi, and, advancing eastwards, recovered city
after city. That glorious success has finally crowned our
efforts is due chiefly to his masterly strategy and courage,
to his employment of able subordinates and to his remarkable
powers of organisation. We now confer upon him the title of
Senior Guardian of the Throne, a marquisate of the first rank,
hereditary in perpetuity, and the decoration of the double-eyed
peacock’s feather.

[_Here follows a long list of officers rewarded, beginning with Tseng Kuo-fan’s brother, above mentioned, who was given an earldom._]

“As soon as the troops have found the body of the usurper
known as the ‘Heavenly King,’ Hung Hsiu-ch’uan, let it be
dismembered forthwith and let the head be sent for exhibition
in every province that has been ravaged by his rebellion, in
order that the public indignation may be appeased. As to the
two captured leaders, let them be sent in cages to Peking, in
order that they may be examined and then punished with death by
the lingering process.”

A further Decree announced that the Emperor would go in person to offer thanksgiving and sacrifice at all Imperial Temples and shrines, and make sacrifice to deities of the chief mountains and rivers of the Empire.

A Chinese diarist of the rebellion, referring to the manner in which the ‘Heavenly King’ met his death, says:—

“From the moment that the Imperialists captured Ch’u-yung, the
rebels, pent up in Nanking like wild beasts in a cage, were
in a hopeless plight. From the commencement of the 4th Moon,
the city was completely invested, and without hope of relief.
They were living on reduced rations of one meagre meal a day.
The ‘Heavenly King’ caused roots and leaves to be kneaded and
rolled into pellets which he had served out to his immediate
followers, the rebel chiefs, saying, ‘This is manna from
Heaven; for a long time we in the Palace have eaten nothing
else.’ He gave orders that every household should collect ten
loads of this stuff for storage in the Palace granaries; some
of the more ignorant people obeyed the order, but most of the
rebels ignored it.

“The rebel Li Hsiu-ch’eng, known as the ‘Patriotic Prince,’
escaped from Ch’u-yung and made his way to Nanking. Upon
entering the city, he had drums beaten and bells rung as a
signal for the ‘Heavenly King’ and his followers to ascend
to the Throne Chamber for the discussion of the perilous
situation. Hung Hsiu-ch’uan came, and boastfully ascending the
Throne, spake as follows ‘The Most High has issued to me his
sacred Decree. God the Father, and my Divine elder brother
(Christ) have commanded me to descend unto this world of flesh
and to become the one true lord of all nations and kindreds
upon earth. What cause have I then for fear? Remain with me,
or leave me, as you choose: my inheritance of this Empire,
which is even as an iron girdle of defence, will be protected
by others if you decline to protect it. I have at my command
an angelic host of a million strong: how then could a hundred
thousand or so of these unholy Imperialists enter the city’?
When Li Hsiu-ch’eng heard this nonsensical boasting, he burst
into tears and left the hall.

“But before the middle of the 5th Moon, Hung Hsiu-ch’uan had
come to realise that the city was doomed, and on the 27th day,
having abandoned all hope, he procured a deadly poison which he
mixed with his wine. Then raising the cup on high, he cried,
‘It is not that God the Father has deceived me, but it is I who
have disobeyed God the Father.’ After repeating this several
times he drank the poison. By midnight the measure of his
iniquity was full, and, writhing in agony, he died. Even his
last words showed no true repentance, although they amounted
to an admission of guilt. When his followers learned what
had happened, they wrapped his body in a coverlet of yellow
silk, embroidered with dragons and then, following the rule
of their religion, buried it, uncoffined, in a corner of the
Palace ground. They then placed on the Throne the rebel’s son,
the so-called Boy-Emperor, but they tried to keep secret the
news of the ‘Heavenly King’s’ death. It eventually leaked out,
however, and the courage of the besieged dropped to the last
depths of despair.”

In his Memorial to the Throne, Tseng Kuo-fan described the exhumation of the rebel Emperor’s body.

“Even the feet of the corpse were wrapped in dragon
embroideries,” he says; “he had a bald head and a beard
streaked with grey. After examining the body I beheaded it and
then burnt it on a large bonfire. One of the concubines in the
usurper’s palace, a woman named Huang, who had herself prepared
the body for burial, told me that the ‘Heavenly King’ seldom
showed himself to his Court, so that they were able to keep his
death a secret for sixteen days. I am sending his bogus seals
to Peking that they may be deposited in the Imperial Archives
Department.”

The Memorial then proceeds:—

“The prisoner Li Hsiu-ch’eng, known as the ‘Patriotic Prince,’
was minutely cross-examined by myself, and his statement, which
he wrote out with his own hand, extends to some thirty thousand
words. He narrated in detail the first causes of the rebellion
and described the present position of the rebels still at large
in Shensi and elsewhere. He strongly advised that we should not
be too hard on the defeated rebels from Kuangtung and Kuangsi,
on the ground that severity would only lead to an increase of
the anti-dynastic feeling in those provinces. It seems to me
that there is much sense in his advice.

“All my staff were most anxious that Li Hsiu-ch’eng should be
sent to Peking in a cage, and even the foreigner Gordon, when
he called to congratulate me, strongly urged this course. But
it seems to me that the high prestige of our Sacred Dynasty
needs no such sending of petty rebels to Peking as trophies or
prisoners of war. The ‘Heavenly King’s’ head is now being sent
round those provinces which were laid waste by the rebellion,
and this should suffice. Besides, I feel that there would be
some risk of Li starving himself to death on the journey,
or that a rescue might even be attempted, for this Li was
extraordinarily popular with the common people. After the
fall of the city, some peasants gave him shelter, and when
he was finally captured the people of the village where he
was taken decoyed and slew one of our men in revenge. After
he had been put in his cage here, another rebel leader, the
so-called ‘Pine Prince,’ was brought into camp. As soon as he
caught sight of Li, he went down on his knees and saluted him
most respectfully, I therefore decided to behead him and the
sentence was duly carried out on the 6th instant.

“The two elder brothers of the ‘Heavenly King’ were men of a
cruel and savage nature, who committed many foul and impious
crimes. Li detested them both heartily. When captured, they
were in a dazed state, and could only mumble ‘God the Father,
God the Father.’ As I could get no information from them,
and as they were sick unto death, I had them both beheaded,
two days before the execution of Li Hsiu-ch’eng. I am now in
receipt of your Majesties’ Decree, approving my action and
ordering me to forward the heads of the three rebel chiefs to
the various provinces in order that public indignation may be
appeased. I have duly suspended the heads from long poles, and
the sight of them has given great and general satisfaction.

“And now, victory being ours, I am led to the reflection that
this our Dynasty surpasses all its predecessors in martial
glory and has suppressed several rebellions by achievements
which shed lustre on our history. The Ssŭ-ch’uan and Hupei
rebellion of half a century ago was, however, limited to four
provinces, and only some twenty cities were held by the rebels.
The insurrection of Wu San-kuei, in the reign of K’ang-Hsi,
overran twelve provinces, and the rebels captured some three
hundred cities and towns. But this Taiping rebellion has been
on a scale vaster than any before, and has produced some great
leaders in its armies. Here in Nanking not a single rebel
surrendered. Many burned themselves alive rather than be taken.
Such things are unparalleled in history, and we feel that the
final happy issue is due to the consummate virtue and wisdom of
his late Majesty, which alone made victory possible. By dint of
careful economy in the Palace, he was able to set aside large
sums for the equipment of adequate forces. Most careful in his
choice of leaders, he was lavish of rewards; all wise himself,
yet was he ever ready to listen to the advice of his generals.
Your Majesties the Empresses and the Emperor have faithfully
carried out and even amplified these principles, and thus you
have succeeded in wiping out these usurpers and have shed great
glory on your reign. We, who so unworthily hold your high
command, grieve greatly that His Majesty did not live to see
his work crowned with triumph.”

For four years after the collapse of the rebellion, Tseng Kuo-fan remained at Nanking as Viceroy. (The Hunanese still regard that post as belonging by prescriptive right to a Hunanese official.) His only absence was during a brief expedition against the Mahomedan rebels in Shantung. In September 1868 he was appointed Viceroy of Chihli, and left for Peking at the end of the year, receiving a remarkable ovation from the people of Nanking. In Peking he was received with great honours, and in his capacity of Grand Secretary had a meeting with the Council on the morning after his arrival, followed immediately by an Audience, to which he was summoned and conducted by one of the Princes. The young Emperor was sitting on a Throne facing west, and the Empresses Regent were behind him, screened from view by the yellow curtain, Tzŭ An to the left and Tzŭ Hsi to the right of the Throne. In the Chinese narrative of the rebellion to which we have already referred, the writer professes to report this audience, and several that followed, practically verbatim, and as it affords interesting information as to the manner and methods of Tzŭ Hsi on these occasions, the following extracts are worthy of reproduction. It is to be observed that the writer, like all his contemporaries, assumes _ab initio_ that the Empress Tzŭ An, though senior, is a negligible quantity and that the whole interest of the occasion lies between Tzŭ Hsi and the official in audience.

Upon entering the Throne room, Tseng fell upon his knees, as in duty bound, and in that position advanced a few feet, saying “Your servant Tseng Kuo-fan respectfully enquires after Your Majesties’ health.” Then removing his hat and performing the kowtow, he humbly returned thanks for Imperial favours bestowed upon him. These preliminaries completed, he rose and advanced a few steps to kneel on the cushion prepared for him below the daïs. The following dialogue then took place:—

_Her Majesty Tzŭ Hsi._ When you left Nanking, was all your
official work completed?

_Tseng._ Yes, quite completed.

_Tzŭ Hsi._ Have the irregular troops and braves all been
disbanded?

_Tseng._ Yes, all.

_Tzŭ Hsi._ How many in all?

_Tseng._ I have disbanded over twenty thousand irregulars and
have enrolled thirty thousand regulars.

_Tzŭ Hsi._ From which province do the majority of these men
hail?

_Tseng._ A few of the troops come from Hunan, but the great
majority are Anhui men.

_Tzŭ Hsi._ Was the disbandment effected quite quietly?

_Tseng._ Yes, quite quietly.

Then follow numerous questions regarding Tseng’s previous career, his family, &c. As soon as the questions cease, after waiting a few minutes, the audience is at an end, and Tseng kowtows and retires. On each occasion, and they were many, the Empress had evidently worked up her questions carefully from study of reports and despatches, and invariably put them in the short sharp form indicated; always peremptory, _de haut en bas_ and Cæsarian, this woman “behind the screen,” addressing the veteran who had saved China for her rule.

After describing Tseng’s important position at the Court banquet given to high officials, Manchu and Chinese, on the 16th day of the 1st Moon (at which six plays were performed and the dishes “passed all reckoning”), the narrative gives an account of his farewell audience, at which Her Majesty closely cross-examined him as to his plans for the reorganisation of the naval and military forces of Chihli. He held the post of Chihli Viceroy for a little over a year. The viceregal residence in those days was at Pao-ting fu, so that when the Tientsin massacre occurred (1870) he was not directly to blame, though officially responsible. In June of that year the Nanking Viceroy was assassinated, and Tseng was ordered to resume duty at that post, his place in Chihli being taken by Li Hung-chang, who held it for twenty-four years. Tseng, whose health was failing, endeavoured to have his appointment to Nanking cancelled, but Tzŭ Hsi would take no excuses. She issued a Decree in which she laid stress on the arduous nature of the work to be done at the southern capital and Tseng’s special fitness for the post which he had so ably administered in the past. “Even if his eyesight troubles him,” she said, “he can still exercise a general supervision.”

Before leaving for the south, Tseng celebrated his sixtieth birthday, receiving many marks of Imperial favour and rich gifts. The Empress sent him a poem of congratulation in her own handwriting, and a tablet bearing the inscription “My lofty pillar and rock of defence,” together with an image of Buddha, a sandalwood sceptre inlaid with jade, a dragon robe, ten rolls of “auspicious” silk, and ten of crape. At his farewell audience the following interesting conversation took place:—

_Tzŭ Hsi._ When did you leave Tientsin?

_Tseng._ On the 23rd.

_Tzŭ Hsi._ Have the ringleaders in the massacre of foreigners
been executed yet?

_Tseng._ Not yet. The Consul told me that the Russian Minister
was coming to Tientsin and that the French Minister was sending
a deputy to witness the executions, so that the decapitations
could not be summarily carried out.

_Tzŭ Hsi._ What date has Li Hung-chang fixed for the executions?

_Tseng._ On the day of my departure, he sent me word that he
expected to dispose of them yesterday.

_Tzŭ Hsi._ Have the Tientsin populace calmed down?

_Tseng._ Yes, things are now quite settled and orderly.

_Tzŭ Hsi_. What made the Prefect and Magistrate run away to
Shun-Tê after the massacre?

_Tseng._ When first removed from their posts, they knew not
what sentence would be decreed against them, so they boldly and
shamelessly ran away from the city.

_Tzŭ Hsi._ Have you quite lost the sight of your right eye?

_Tseng._ Yes, it is quite blind; but I can still see with the
left.

_Tzŭ Hsi._ Have you entirely recovered from your other maladies?

_Tseng._ Yes, I think I can say that I have.

_Tzŭ Hsi_. You appear to kneel, and to rise from that posture
quite briskly and freely, as if your physique were still pretty
good?

_Tseng._ No; it is not what it used to be.

_Tzŭ Hsi._ That was a strange thing, the assassination of Ma
Hsin-yi (the late Viceroy of Nanking), was it not?

_Tseng._ Extraordinary.

_Tzŭ Hsi._ He was a first-rate administrator.

_Tseng._ Yes, he took great pains, and was honest and impartial.

_Tzŭ Hsi._ How many regular troops have you raised in Chihli?

_Tseng._ Three thousand. The former Viceroy had four thousand
men trained under the old system. I had intended to raise three
thousand more, making a total force of ten thousand. I have
arranged with Li Hung-chang to carry out this programme.

_Tzŭ Hsi._ It is of vital importance that we should have a
force of properly trained troops in the south. You must see to
this.

_Tseng._ Yes. At present peace prevails, but we must be
prepared for all possible emergencies. I propose to build forts
at several places on the Yangtsze.

_Tzŭ Hsi._ It would be a fine thing if we could secure
ourselves properly against invasion. These missionary
complications are perpetually creating trouble for us.

_Tseng._ That is true. Of late the missionaries have created
trouble everywhere. The native converts are given to oppressing
those who will not embrace Christianity (literally “_eat the
religion_”) and the missionaries always screen the converts,
while the Consuls protect the missionaries. Next year, when
the time comes for revising the French Treaty, we must take
particular pains to reconsider carefully the whole question of
religious propaganda.

In November Tseng had his farewell audience, and Tzŭ Hsi never saw him again. A month later he took over the seals of office at his old post, one of his first acts being to try the assassin of his predecessor, who was condemned to death by the slicing process. In the following summer he went for a cruise of inspection and visited various places of interest, noting with satisfaction the complete restoration of law and order in the districts which had been for so long the scene of the Taipings’ devastations. On one occasion, seeing the gaily decked “flower-boats” and listening to the sounds of their revelries, he joyfully exclaimed: “I am glad to have lived to see my province as it was before the rebellion.” In December he moved into the Viceregal residence which he had known as the Palace of the Taiping “Heavenly King.” But he was not long to administer that high office, for in the early part of 1872 he had a first stroke of paralysis. A few days later, going in his chair to meet a high official arriving from Peking, and reciting, as was his wont, favourite passages from the classics, he suddenly made a sign to his attendants, but speech failed him and he could only mumble. In his diary that same evening, he wrote:—“This illness of mine prevents me from attending to my work. In the 26th and 27th years of Tao-Kuang (1846-7) I found that efforts at poetical composition brought on attacks of eczema and insomnia. Now it is different. I feel all dazed and confused. Spots float before my eyes and my liver is disordered. Alas, that I can neither obtain a speedy release, like the morning dew which swiftly passes away, nor hope for the restoration of energies to enable me to perform my duty. What sadder fate than thus to linger on, useless, in the world!” On the next day he wrote:—“My strength is rapidly failing, and I must leave behind me many unsettled questions and business half completed. The dead leaves of disappointed hopes fill all the landscape, and I see no prospect of settling my affairs. Thirty years have passed since I took my degree, and I have attained to the highest rank; yet have I learned nothing, and my character still lacks true solidity. What shame should be mine at having reached thus uselessly old age!” Next day, while reading a despatch, he had another stroke. Rallying, he told his eldest son, Tseng Chi-tsê, to see to it that his funeral ceremonies were conducted after the old usages, and that neither Buddhist nor Taoist priests be permitted to chant their liturgies over his corpse. On the following morning, though very weak, he insisted on perusing one of the essays which had been successful at the provincial examination. In the evening he was taken out into his garden and was returning thence with his son when the last seizure occurred. They carried him into the great Hall of audience, where he sat upright, as if presiding at a meeting of Council, and thus passed away, well stricken in age, though only sixty-two by the calendar. “Every man in Nanking,” says the writer of this narrative, “felt as if he had lost a parent; it was rumoured that a shooting star had fallen in the city at the very moment of his death. The news was received by the Throne with profound grief. All Court functions were suspended for three days.”

The Empress Dowager issued a Decree praising her faithful servant in unmeasured terms of gratitude and esteem, describing him as the “very backbone of the Throne,” reciting his glorious achievements and ordering the erection of Temples in his honour in all the provinces that had been the scene of his campaign against the Taipings, in order “to prove our sincere affection for this good and loyal man.”