Chapter II: Part 2

This induces us to think, that the _British_ merchants forsook that trade, and made the opposition they did to the late company, to get the forts and settlements under their management, to prevent other people putting them upon a proper establishment, that might hinder the French making the encroachments they have made in time of peace (and consequently carrying to their plantations those most useful people) in order to follow their more favourite trades to _Benin_, _Calabar_, and the coast of _Angola_, because there they can purchase three hundred Negroes with a cargo of 3600_l._ value, when that number upon the Gold Coast would cost in March last 4950_l._[14]. Therefore we fear the private interest of said opposers rather gained an ascendency over them, to the great prejudice and disadvantage of the British colonies and the mother-country, and to the great emolument of the French; which we thought proper to observe at this juncture, and to hint also, that it will be more fully set forth in the description of the African trade beforementioned.

We hope to see a minister at the head of the administration in this country, devoid of faction and corruption, that no private pique or prejudice against person or party will so far influence him, as not to pay a due and impartial attention to what is laid before the legislative power, relative to that valuable branch of British commerce, the _African_ trade.

We shall rejoice that such enquiries will not for the future be prevented by ministerial direction, as happened at a certain period, when it had cost great pains and expence to bring a matter of the utmost importance to this country to a hearing, which was frustrated, by putting a previous question in a great assembly on purpose to prevent such enquiry; notwithstanding several persons had been examined with respect to the _African_ trade, as well as the expenditure of public money[15]; and for no other reason, as we could learn, or can conceive, than[15] that one of the greatest planters in the world (who at this time so worthily fills the first office in this metropolis) promoted said enquiry; which, under a wise and able minister, would have been a sufficient reason for examining minutely into an affair of such national consequence.

For what must be prejudicial to that planter’s interest, must in proportion be so to every other in the sugar colonies: and those of small property must feel the effects of being supplied with the worst sort of Negroes at exorbitant prices, more than those of affluent circumstances.

We have the honour to know that gentleman well, and are fully satisfied he was induced to exert himself in behalf of that enquiry, not from a motive of private interest, but for the general good of all those interested in, and concerned for the prosperity of the _British_ colonies.

We therefore hope he will long live to employ his great abilities in promoting all good, and opposing all bad measures, with that zeal and spirit he hath always done, as also to prevent, to the utmost of his power, any minister (hereafter) daring to smuggle accounts into a certain assembly, although great objections had been made to them, before those objections were canvassed and cleared up; and that he will ever oppose the issuing public money intended for other services, till a satisfactory account is given, which has been the case[16]. However, we shall not at present enlarge further upon this head, because we know an abstract of the report of the committee, appointed by the honourable house of commons, will soon be published, to which we beg leave to refer our readers.

When the enquiry, relative to the _African_ trade, was under consideration before the honourable house of commons in the year 1758, Mr. Pitt, that wise, great and able statesman, who has done his king and country so many eminent and good services, was pleased to declare, that he believed the then method of carrying on the _African_ trade wanted alteration and amendment. He also added, that when we should be so happy as to have a peace, he would be at all times ready to examine into it, and give all the assistance in his power to put it upon such a footing, that our plantations might be supplied with the best and most valuable Negroes at reasonable rates. We doubt not but he will make good his promise to lend his able assistance, and also to recommend it to the administration to begin such an enquiry, and continue it, in order to amend the present, or form such other plan, as will preserve and secure that valuable trade to the _British_ subjects, as the only and certain means to encrease the produce of the _British_, and lessen that of the _French_ colonies. For, with the islands we already possess, and those which it appears by the preliminaries are to be ours, we shall have a sufficient number to raise sugar, _&c._ for the consumption of all Europe, if our British planters are properly supplied with the best sort of Negroes for their cultivation.

When that gentleman has assisted in doing this further service to his country, we sincerely wish him a long series of uninterrupted health, to enjoy the fruits of an honourable and permanent peace; and that he may be held in that esteem, reverence and honour, he so justly merits from all lovers of this country.

Should such an enquiry be made, we hope some method will be found out, to examine all persons at the bar of the house of commons upon oath; for if that could be done, it would save the house a deal of trouble, and prevent their receiving false information in matters of the utmost consequence to this nation and its commerce. Because we have heard people assert at that bar, what, to our knowledge, they at the same time knew to be intirely false; which we most sincerely wish could be remedied; or at least that persons examined there, upon matters of importance, should be informed they will be examined with respect to the same matter upon oath, at the bar of the house of lords, which we presume may be done; and if done, will be attended with great and good consequences to the whole community.

We cannot omit observing; that it was industriously reported, propagated, and even urged as an argument in a great assembly, when the state of the sugar islands was under their consideration in the year 1758, that the British planters had formed a scheme for a monopoly, by agreeing only to cultivate such part of their lands as would produce but a certain quantity of sugar, in order to raise the price, and exactingly to obtain as much for a little as a great quantity; which was as true and likely to be the case, as if the farmers of _Great Britain_, _Ireland_, _France_, _Sweden_, _Poland_ and _Denmark_ were to enter into a combination to leave such parts of their lands uncultivated, with an unfair intent of raising the price of grain; which we believe any person will readily admit can never be brought about, although a correspondence may be easier, and in much less time carried on between the farmers of those nations, than the planters of our sugar colonies, as those of Jamaica cannot correspond with Barbadoes, or any other part of the sugar islands, sooner than by way of _Great Britain_ or _North America_, which would at least be six months before they could hear from each other; that impediment alone is sufficient to shew, that people thus separated, though ever so well inclined, can never form a monopoly.

Besides, would it not be absurd, even to suppose that the farmers of Great Britain, and other nations, who inhabit corn countries, do not raise as much grain upon their farms as they possibly can procure servants at reasonable wages, and can stock them with horses, cattle, _&c._ at a cheap rate?

But if they are obliged to pay great wages to their servants, and extravagant prices for their stock, they can then only put in execution the cultivation of their lands by degrees, which is exactly the case of the British planters; for had they a sufficient supply of the proper sort of Negroes at reasonable rates, they would not let any of their land lie idle that was worth being cultivated.

Therefore the true reason why some lands may lie unplanted in the sugar islands is, it would greatly prejudice any planter in their circumstances, to attempt to make new plantations with those tender sort of Negroes, who have been carried to them in great numbers for several years past, and sold at the extravagant prices from 50_l._ to 54_l._ and upwards each; whereas the best sort of Negroes, at the time the late company cultivated and preserved the trade on the _Gold Coast_, _Popo_, and _Whidah_, so as to prevent the French carrying the best sort of Negroes to their plantations, who therefore were sold in ours at the moderate prices of 20_l._ to 25_l._ a head the highest; which was a very great encouragement to the planters to clear their lands, and cultivate new plantations, enabling them thereby greatly to improve and encrease the product of the islands, which it must be their interest to do to the very extent of their power, if their lands are situated with any sort of convenience for water, or other carriage, to convey the product of their plantation to the sea-ports, notwithstanding what was at that time advanced to the contrary, to serve particular purposes, and in order to divert the attention of the legislature from the real causes.

For whatever people may think, who are not well acquainted with the colonies, because they see some of our planters come to settle here in great opulence; that is no reason why those remaining in the colonies are all rich; for if they were, few of them would stay there: on the contrary, they are obliged to cultivate their lands with the greatest pains and industry, in order to raise as much sugar and other product as they possibly can, to pay the debts they owe: for there is not a sugar island but what is considerably indebted to Great Britain; so that whatever disadvantages the planters of our colonies labour under, they must terminate by being prejudicial to this country.

We cannot help once more observing, it is not having the most sugar islands that will be the greatest benefit and advantage to the mother-country, unless such islands can be supplied with a sufficient number of the best Negroes for their cultivation; therefore as _Great Britain_, _France_, _Spain_, _Holland_ and _Denmark_ have encreased their number, and extended their colonies to such a degree, that Africa cannot sufficiently supply them all with Negroes, including those that the Portuguese want and carry off. On that account, in our humble opinion, the contest ought to be, not who has the most islands, but who can secure the trade to those parts of Africa, where the best and greatest number of those useful people are to be procured, as the only means to promote the interest and prosperity of their colonies who may be so lucky to succeed in doing it, but will be very disadvantageous to their competitors.

From what has been before observed, we presume it will be admitted that every equitable method ought to be pursued and put in practice by Great Britain, to secure to herself as much as possible the African trade, in order to prevent the French purchasing Negroes. For the same reason we take all the measures we possibly can, to hinder the smuggling of wool, or any of our artificers and manufacturers going to France. It cannot be too much insisted on that the Negroes are of as much consequence and use for the cultivation of our colonies, as the wool is to our manufactory, for these obvious reasons; that the Negroes are the artificers, manufacturers, and labourers in the colonies; because the whole process, from clearing and preparing the ground to plant the sugar cane, and manufacturing it into sugar and rum, and the putting it on board the ships, is the work of Negroes; therefore it surely must be very prejudicial to our interest to sell any of those useful people to the French, even were they to pay gold or silver for them: there are, besides, much more cogent reasons to be given why we should exert ourselves to prevent the French, as much as we can, carrying them from Africa.

If there should at any time be more Negroes brought to the British colonies than are necessary for the cultivation there, which we have great reason to believe is seldom, or perhaps will never be the case, then such Negroes may be sold to the Spaniards or Portuguese, because they would pay gold or silver for them; and moreover, the slaves so disposed of, would be employed in the mines of America, and not in cultivating sugar and other plantation produce, as would be the consequence if the French were allowed to be the purchasers; by which means they would be effectually enabled to become our rivals in trade, as well on account of their national encouragement and advantages peculiar to them, by which they may be capacitated to sell the product of their plantations considerably cheaper than we can ours at foreign markets[17].

In order to remove the prejudices of many worthy and tender-minded persons against the Negro-trade, which from a delicacy natural to civilized nations, they declare to be quite contrary to all dictates of humanity, and a disgrace to the professors of the christian religion, we shall lay before them and the public a true state of the case. As there is no occasion to enlarge how essentially and absolutely necessary it is to have Negroes for the cultivation of our colonies, which is explained in the foregoing sheets; therefore we shall only beg leave to observe, by the best information that could be obtained, Africa in general is divided into little kingdoms and states, which, when at peace, the natives thereof breed slaves for sale, as our farmers do stock on their farms, and sell them as their necessity requires, which was a traffic carried on among themselves before Europeans traded thither; and when overstocked, their practice was putting to death (often with great torture) the prisoners taken in war. Those that are bred slaves, are always very desirous to be purchased by white people, as they are infinitely better used than by their black masters, who allow them but a bare subsistance, and treat them with the greatest barbarity; and were used to put several to death through custom, when they buried persons above the common rank, and oftentimes merely through wantonness, which is prevented by their having found an advantageous and lucrative market for them.

Those Negroes taken in war, or prisoners for feloniously committing crimes in despite of the laws, made by the officers commanding the European forts, such laws having been agreed to by the natives under their command and protection, also by those laws made by the kings and princes in the inland countries, are now sold, but often unwilling to go on board ships; perhaps, on account of having lived in a better situation in their own country than those who have been bred up in slavery from their infancy; therefore they often contrive to make their escape, and by speaking the language, persuade others to join and assist them to take the ship from the Europeans, of which we have had too many fatal instances, and is entirely owing to their ignorance in not knowing the place they are destined to; and also that they will be much better treated and looked after in our colonies than they ever were in their country; so that when bought by Europeans, they are in a manner rescued from a state of misery as to treatment; for in the colonies, when they are sick, they have great care taken of them, and physicians to administer proper medicines for their relief; which, on a similar occasion, their black masters would give themselves no care or concern about them.

Besides, many of them are instructed in the principles of religion, and become christians and men of property, which, from experience, we know to be true, having talked with several who had no desire to see their own country, living much more comfortably in our colonies. And we think it would be politic to send two or three Negroes on board every ship that goes to Africa, that can talk the different languages of the countries the master of such ship intends to trade to, that they might inform their countrymen how they had been treated. Such measures, we are convinced, would prevent the loss of many lives, by the Negroes being satisfied they were going where they would be better treated than in their own country; and, at the same time, to eradicate that opinion many of them have, that they are going to be fed and eaten, which, if effected, would be a means to quiet their minds, so as not to attempt rising on board of ships.

In all fluctuating societies, such as merchants trading to a country so remote and little known as Africa, many more than the majority are liable to be imposed on, even in the trade they intend to support, a misfortune owing to the want of local knowledge, and personal experience.

What chance for truth do those merchants in general stand, whose ears few other accounts reach, than the imperfect relation of some master of a ship, mariner or traditionalist, little to be credited, and less to be depended upon? As to the former (if capable) he has little time or opportunity to speculate into the _trade_, _manners_, _customs_, and _temper_ of the _natives_, which they are seldom long enough at a place to do; and who, from motives of immediate profit, pursue measures they think most conducive to make a quick voyage, which is all they turn their minds to; yet many of them, when they arrive in Europe, will take upon themselves to give information in the most interesting matters; which, without having lived in the country for a considerable length of time, it is impossible for them to do with accuracy and any degree of truth, notwithstanding such impositions being propagated, have in general prevailed and influenced the minds of people to such a degree, that those of certain boroughs, far from having, as has been before observed, the least connection, interest, or so much as acquainted in the most minute manner with the African trade, presented their petitions to the honourable house of commons to lay open the same; though many of the said boroughs have not since sent the most trifling adventure to Africa, which at that time, and before, when the forts were under the direction of the late royal African company, the trade was much more free and open than it has been since under the management of the committee of the company of merchants trading to Africa, which we conjecture will appear from the following extract of letters, certificates and affidavits[18], we think it highly necessary, and even our duty, to lay before the public, thereby to shew how far they have been imposed on by false pretenders to knowledge.

Extract of a letter from on board the Fly sloop at Bristol,
Alexander Graham, master, dated 16 March, 1750, to the late royal
African company’s governor at Cape Coast Castle.

“I write this to acquaint you, that the French vessels sailed
two days ago; I acknowledge myself obliged to you for the method
you have taken to send them off, am very much obliged to you for
your advice; have sent my armourer to alter some handcuffs, your
permission will much oblige, _&c._”

Extract of a letter from six British masters of vessels, dated on
board the Polly in Annamaboa Road, 20 March, 1750. To the same.

“Your favour of yesterday we received, and thank you for the
promise of assistance, in protecting the privileges of the British
subjects trading to this place, too much invaded by the French, and
too little protected from home, but at this time shall have no
occasion to trouble you. The French ship is sailed, _&c._”

Extract of a letter from Richard Haskins, master of a ship from
Bristol; dated Annamaboa Road, 27 Dec. 1750. To the same.

“Am much obliged to you for your kind intelligence, and all other
favours; I shall be obliged to you to dispatch the carpenter as
soon as possible, being in great want of him. I am, _&c._”

Extract of a letter from John Jepson, master of a snow from
Rhode-Island, dated Annamaboa Road, 3 July, 1751. To the same.

“I am sorry you are going off the coast: but however, as I can do
no more for you, beg to return you my hearty and sincere thanks for
your many favours from time to time, not only from your willingness
to supply us with any thing in your power of tradesmen’s work,
or any other thing; but also for your pains and vigilance in
protecting the trade, _&c._ which will always be justifiable, and
hope will redound to your honour and credit, which is the sincere
wish, _&c._”

Extract of two letters from Henry Ellis, master of the ship
Hallifax, from Bristol, dated Annamaboa Road, the 13th, and 28th
July, 1751. To the same.

“The boards you sent me were of real service; I hope you will not
omit charging any expence I put you to, as I can discharge that,
though not so easily your good offices: we cannot help the death of
the slaves, they are mortal; but do not think it adviseable to give
them rice, as that kind of diet first gave them a swelling.”

_N. B._ He landed all his sickly slaves, which were kept and taken
care of in the castle.

“We are not a little astonished at the pains these new agents take
to prejudice the shipping here, by settling factories ashore to
intercept the trade, and by giving equal prices with us, in order
to distress us the more; it has already been some money out of the
merchants pockets; we have been obliged to raise the price, or lie
idle, under the hardships we endure. I cannot help observing the
chagrin of the Liverpool captains, who loudly complain of the new
management.”

“I entirely join issue with you, that this new-fram’d project will
become an errand job, though but for a season; for I look upon
it, the physic of commerce, which, though it may disorder, as at
present, will in the end work its cure. I am, _&c._”

Extract of a certificate of eight British masters of vessels, dated
Annamaboa Road, 3 July, 1751. To the same.

“We being informed that a report hath been spread, that the late
royal African company’s governor commanding on this coast, hath,
during his command, acted in an arbitrary tyrannic manner, both to
Europeans and natives on this coast; do hereby, in justice to the
reputation of that gentleman, voluntarily certify, that we never
heard of, or experienced, any part of his character or behaviour
but what was humane and good, tending to promote the British
interest and trade in these parts. And farther, that he has, from
time to time, readily assisted us with all things each or any of us
stood in need of at cape Coast Castle, during his command there,
to the utmost of his power, as we sincerely believe. In witness
whereof we have set our hands, _&c._”

Certificate from Capt. Thomas Derbyshire, of Liverpool, relating to
the use granted him of Tantumquery fort.

“This is to certify whom it may concern, that during my making a
voyage to the Gold Coast of Africa, and my lying at Annamaboa, I
settled a factory at Lagoe; where from a disturbance there seemed
likely to be in the country, I did not think my goods safe in the
factory-house I had taken: and on my being at cape Coast Castle in
the year 1750, and intimating the same to the then governor, he
offered me the use of Tantumquery fort to carry on trade therein,
which I accepted; and ordered my gunner to take my goods from the
factory at Lagoe, and lodge them in Tantumquery fort, which he did,
and continued in the same for upwards of three months to carry on
his trade. And Mr. John Clifton, chief of said fort, had orders
to render him every service and good office in his power, without
fee or reward; neither did the said governor receive any benefit,
profit or advantage in any shape or manner, in consideration for my
having the use of the fort aforesaid. To certify which, I set my
hand this 16 Aug. 1751, _&c._”

Extract of a certificate, dated 28 Dec. 1753, from seven masters
of ships, that in the late company’s time traded to the coast of
Africa.

“That the late company’s governor, during the continuance of his
authority and command on the coast of Africa, did every thing
in his power to promote the British interest and trade there:
and from time to time assisted in doing us such service as our
occasions required. In witness whereof we set our hands, _&c. &c._”

We think it unnecessary to trouble the public with any further proofs relative to the conduct of the late royal African company and their officers, to shew that they did every thing in their power to promote the trade of the British subjects in Africa, as we shall reserve them for a work that is in hand; therefore will only state some facts regarding the African committee, their governors, and officers by them appointed to have the command and management on the Gold Coast and Whydah in Africa, for the public to form their judgment from.

That by an act of parliament, passed in the 23d year of the reign of his late majesty, the trade to Africa was intended to be made free and open to all his majesty’s subjects, without distinction or preference. But contrary to the intentions of the said act, that trade has been engrossed and monopolized by the officers of the committee on the Gold Coast and Whydah, by their entering into a confederacy or joint stock, and intermixing the government supplies with their own merchandize, and by that means assorted themselves so as to command said traffic.

Those officers have many other great advantages over free merchants and traders, such as having a considerable part of their private merchandize sent to them freight free, their extraordinary influence over the natives, by the command of the several castles to deposit their effects in, salaries, maintenance, European servants, artificers, doctors, castle-slaves, canoe-men, canoes, medicines, stores and necessaries of all sorts, being under their management and direction. Besides, the presents to princes, caboceers, and great men of the countries, being defrayed by the public, together with the said benefits arising from the government supplies; and many other advantages which they have taken, whereby they acquired such a superiority over the free traders, as obliged the merchants of Bristol and Liverpool to apply by memorial in the year 1753, stating therein the foregoing facts to the lords commissioners of trade and plantation for redress, which will appear by said memorial, supported by the following affidavits.

“Affidavit of William Brown, master of the Bristol, sworn 16 June,
1753, saith, that when he was last in Africa carrying on trade,
was informed by Brew, chief of Tantumquery, and Withers, chief of
Winnebah, that they were engaged in partnership in the slave trade
with Melvil, Young, and the other officers at cape Coast Castle.”

“That Melvil and others told deponent, they expected a ship from
Holland with a Dutch cargo, which ship they had some time before
sent to Jamaica with slaves.”

“That he was in company with Dacres, chief of Accra, who informed
him Young was coming to turn him out of the fort, by reason he
would not enter into partnership with Melvil and Young; that Dacres
declared he should have been glad to have continued his employ, but
rather than be uneasy he would quit it, and soon after did so. That
deponent could not purchase from the chiefs of forts, slaves under
an ounce and half, or two ounces a head more than he gave for those
of equal goodness to the Negro traders, occasioned by the trade
being carried on by the chiefs of the forts.”

“That deponent was informed by the Negroes at Annamaboa, if he
wanted to trade under the forts, he must take canoes and canoe-men;
for the canoe-men under the forts were overawed by the chiefs,
and they durst not assist him in trading; and deponent did so, and
should have been under difficulties if he had not so done; and
deponent found the Negroe traders under said forts, cautious and
fearful of trading with him, lest the chiefs should know thereof,
and sent to deponent in a private manner, when they had slaves to
dispose of.”

“That cape Coast, Tantumquery, Winnebah and Accra were used by
the chiefs as repositories for their market slaves, and saw them
lodged in said castle and forts; that Negroes will bear a high
price as long as the chiefs are permitted to trade in them, which
will destroy the trade with all persons, but the chiefs and those
settled at the forts.”

“Affidavit of James Hamilton, chief mate of the Polly of Bristol,
sworn the same day as above. Swears to the same purport and effect
as above set forth by Brown, in regard to the chiefs copartnership
conversation with Dacres, and his being displaced, and the high
price of slaves, and the reasons, _&c._ And then saith, that
during his voyage, he hired a factory at Lagoe, and endeavoured to
purchase slaves; on which Brew sent Negro traders and goods thither
to oppose deponent; and Brew told deponent, it was impossible for
him to trade to same advantage as Brew could, as he had so good
assortment of goods; that if deponent gave eight ounces a head
for slaves[19], Brew would give eight and half; and to intimidate
deponent, declared he would send the servants of the forts up the
paths, and prevent the trade coming down, and accordingly did send
them with liquor, and carried the traders to his own fort. That
Brew refused to sell deponent slaves; and his reason was, Melvil
had wrote him not to sell, as he could get a better price at cape
Coast. That Young at Winnebah refused deponent slaves at ten ounces
per head, unless deponent would give him the very best of his
cargo, which would have unsorted him.”

“That Young refused him water for fifteen slaves, and deponent was
obliged to give the natives fifteen shillings for forty gallons.
That he went on shore with his gold taker at Succondee to trade,
carried some checks with him: that Hippesly, the chief there, took
the gold taker on one side, whispered him, and threatened to whip
him if he ever saw him bring goods there to trade with the natives.”

“That the natives and canoe-men at all the forts were fearful of
trading with deponent, and declared they were afraid of being seen
by the chiefs; that the forts were used as repositories for slaves,
and that the trade will be hurt by the chiefs trading, as set forth
by Brown.”

“Affidavit of Alexander Graham, master of the Fly, sworn the same
day, saith, that when he and Jenkins, commander of the Silvia,
were trading at Annamaboa, they at first bought slaves at five
ounces and half, and from thence to seven and a half per head, and
went on in a good way. On a sudden found a stagnation, enquired
the occasion, and were informed the prices were raised at the
neighbouring forts; and this deponent was obliged to give an
advanced price; that if the chiefs trade, the prices will be high,
and the trade hurt.”

On the foregoing affidavits, and other allegations and facts, “the merchants of Bristol and Liverpool presented a memorial to the lords of trade, setting forth among other things,

“That an act was passed in the year 1750, for making the trade to Africa free and open, for which end the management of the forts and affairs were trusted to the care of nine persons, a committee, as there set forth; that the said committee had the power of appointing officers and servants for managing their affairs in Africa, and discharging them at pleasure for not obeying their orders, or other misdemeanors; and they were to take care that the orders given their servants did not extend to public detriment, or the hurt of the free traders.”

“That officers were appointed, and leave given to trade (but not with foreigners, except Portuguese, for gold and tobacco) so that they became the regulators of the market. The committee, by the act, are annually to lay before the general meeting of the company of the chambers of London, all resolutions, orders and instructions given their servants previous to such meeting, and copies to be sent to Bristol and Liverpool; but they have not so done.”

“That the committee’s chief agents, instead of regarding the interest of their constituents, have acted opposite thereto, as soon as in power. Instead of assisting the free trader, they entered into a joint stock copartnership, and attempted a monopoly more formidable than any could have been at home, as they were on the spot, and had the whole power.”

“That the merchants of Bristol had advice of the chief proceedings from their commanders, which on their return they found too true; and that by the attempts of the chiefs to engross the trade, the prices of slaves were raised much higher than ever known. Also that the commanders were denied what strangers were always before assisted with, _viz._ canoes, canoe-men, wood, water, _&c._”

“That a memorial was laid before the committee for their relief, but, to their great surprize, they found their complaints were treated as groundless surmizes, and unjust aspersions of the character of their officers, arising only from personal prejudice and party interest; a second and several repeated applications were made, and the committee at last informed the managers, that they had referred the matter to the lords of trade.” Accordingly their lordships heard the matters in dispute between the merchants of Bristol and Liverpool, and that of the committee.

“And were of opinion, that the officers and servants employed by
the committee, ought not to be allowed to trade for Negroe-slaves
further than the amount of the salaries allowed them by the
committee; and that such slaves should be disposed of for ivory,
gold, bills of exchange, or other proper returns to England only.”

The committee paid no regard to their lordships opinion, consequently we conjecture, no regulation or orders has since been given by them to their servants; or if there has, the execution of such orders have not been enforced; for it is a truth which cannot be contradicted, that governor Melvil to his death, and the other officers of the committee, during his command, carried on the Negroe trade, and sent them from Africa to America for their own accounts, without the least reserve or restraint; also that governor Senior, and the officers under his command, did the same; and that governor Bell, who commanded at cape Coast Castle, when the last advice came from thence, did carry on a trade for Negroes, and continues to send the Negroes so purchased, to America, in the same manner his predecessors had done; which the gentlemen of the African committee must know was, and is the practice; and also that it is most certainly contrary to the true _spirit_, _meaning_ and _intention_ of the _act_ of _parliament_, passed in the 23d year of his late _majesty’s reign_, for _extending_ and _improving_ the _trade_ to _Africa_ (by which the African company was established) and the opinion of the lords of trade and plantation; for the legislative power could mean no other than to put all his majesty’s subjects upon an equal footing.

But lest the gentlemen of the African committee’s memories should fail, we will remind them of some things that surely could not have happened without their knowledge; (to wit) the committee appointed Mr. _Richard Brew_ in the year 1761, to the command of _Annamaboa_ fortress; although at the same time they could not but know that he had fitted out the Brew, a large ship at Liverpool, and another in the river Thames; the former with a large cargo for Africa; the latter went to Holland for Dutch merchandize, to compleat her cargo, to the manifest disadvantage of this country, because it prevents so much of our manufactures and East India goods being exported; and the _Dutch brandy_ and _Geneva_ interfere with the exportation of _British spirits_, besides being of great disadvantage to the rum trade from the _British colonies_ to _Africa_. Said ship returned from Holland, and arrived at Portsmouth in or about the month of July 1761, where Mr. Brew went on board; and also Messrs. Westgate and Flemming, who had been in the committee’s service upon the coast of Africa: but, as we have been informed, they are now gone out in partnership with said Brew. We have also been informed, that the cargoes of the said ships were landed in Africa, and deposited in the fort of Annamaboa; and that Negroes were purchased with said cargoes, and sent from thence to Jamaica for the account of Mr. Brew, and those concerned with him.

It is also as true that Mr. Samuel Smith, merchant, in the Old Jury in London, one of the committee of the company of merchants trading to Africa, was the acting agent for Messrs. Brew, Westgate and Flemming, during their residence in Africa; that he received their consignments from thence, and acted for them by commission after their arrival in England; likewise during their stay there, and since their arrival in Africa; and also that Mr. Smith lately fitted in the river Thames a large ship with a great cargo: and we have reason to believe from good authority, that said ship and cargo was fitted out for the account of Mr. Brew, and others concerned with him; which ship is now on a voyage to Annamaboa; but whether any of the African committee are concerned or interested in said ship, besides Mr. Smith, we cannot take upon us to say.

We conjecture it never was intended by those gentlemen who prepared the act of parliament, which appointed there should be a committee of nine persons, who were to have the care of the forts in Africa, with the charge and application of the monies granted by parliament for their support, that any one of those persons should supply merchandize to be paid for with the public money under their care and management. However, such has been the case, as appears by the committee’s accounts laid before parliament. The following is an abstract of their last account for the year 1761, so far as it relates to any of the committee-men furnishing merchandize; by that our readers may form a judgment on their other annual accounts, they being nearly the same as to the amount of what the African committee supplied the public with. Abstract of the beforementioned account as follows:

Messrs. Touchett and company _l._ _s._ _d._
for Manchester goods 1774 14 9

Smith and company for Irish linen
and provisions 796 12 11

Aufere and company for East
India goods 349 1 6

Cust and company for ditto ditto 250 2 6

Mr. William Boden for tobacco 39 0 6
----------------
3209 12 2
----------------

The following are clauses of the act of parliament that provides for the election of the African committee.

“Page 550. And it is hereby further enacted, by the authority
aforesaid, that in all future elections, the said committee of nine
persons shall annually, on the third day of July in every year, be
nominated and chosen as follows; that is to say, three of the said
committee shall be nominated and chosen by the major part of the
freemen of the said company, admitted to the freedom of the said
company in London, who shall assemble for that purpose at London;
three other persons to be of the said committee, shall be chosen
and nominated by the major part of the freemen of the said company,
admitted to the freedom of the said company in Bristol, who shall
assemble for that purpose at Bristol; and three other persons to be
of the said committee, shall be chosen and nominated by the major
part of the freemen of the said company, admitted to the freedom
of the said company in the town of Liverpool, who shall assemble
for that purpose at Liverpool.”

“Page 554. And be it further enacted, by the authority aforesaid,
that no person shall be capable of being chosen, or acting as a
committee-man above three years successively.”

By the foregoing clauses it was most certainly intended that the election for committee-men should be free and uninfluenced, but that has not happened; for there was great interest made by those who were chosen committee-men the first year after the act passed, for establishing _the company of merchants trading to Africa_. After which, the several tradesmen employed by the African committee in London, and by their friends in Bristol and Liverpool, took up their freedom of the new company, in order to vote for committee-men; so that, at the expiration of the first year, when the committee-men that had been chosen for _London_, _Bristol_ and _Liverpool_ for the preceding year, could act no longer, then, or at the expiration of the three years (which we cannot now take upon us to say) three new committee-men were chosen instead of three that went out, which nine committee-men so chosen, continued to act for three years, when the three other were again elected; by which means there are twelve persons who take it by rotation alternatively, to be of the committee or not, as they agree among themselves; on which account it is a folly for any person, not being one of the twelve, to attempt getting elected a committee-man for either _London_, _Bristol_, or _Liverpool_; there having been as great interest made against such persons who have offered themselves, as hath happened on some occasions preceding the election of a member of parliament; therefore we have the greatest reason to believe, there is not any person who will again attempt to stand a candidate in opposition to one of the twelve persons who have had the direction and management so long, of which number those gentlemen are, we have mentioned in the account of the merchandize supplied by the committee-men, page 51.

The several articles of merchandize purchased in Holland, are paid for in money, or bills of exchange, which is very disadvantageous to this country; and such goods may serve to make an assortment with those paid for by the government, and sent to Africa for the support of the forts there; which has been proved to have been the case before, consequently may be so again. That fact being admitted, and indeed it would be folly to think otherwise; what chance can any private traders have, when the committee’s servants have such a glaring emolument, besides so many other advantages over them? Were there any reason to ground the least supposition, that all things in Africa are carried on upon the square, and no methods practiced by the officers that command the several forts to monopolize the trade; can any one think even in such case, that private merchants, or matters of ships, who are obliged to pay _customs_, _house_ and _warehouse rents_, _servants_, and all sorts of other contingent expences, can possibly carry on a trade in any degree of equality with those persons, who are, as hath been before observed, exonerated from every article of expence?

The committee’s servants having such advantages, can it be supposed any private trader can stand any chance in trade with them, as said trader must settle in a negroe town, in a mud house covered with thatch, there being no other sort of dwelling to be got, without carrying tradesmen of all sorts from Europe to build it, which would be attended with too great an expence and risk for any private adventure to undertake? Therefore, on account of the frequent fires that happen in negroe towns, persons well acquainted with them, would not insure any property lodged therein for twenty-five _per cent._ annually. That alone is sufficient to deter any one from settling, except some of the old or new companies discarded servants, whose narrow circumstances discourage them from returning to Europe, not knowing what else to do with themselves; for there has not one of the young men from Bristol or Liverpool, _&c._ that were to have been intrusted with cargoes by their relations and friends, to go and settle under the protection of the British forts in Africa, has yet made a single attempt to do it, though that was made use of as an argument, and enforced with great energy by gentlemen, to obtain a dissolution of the late royal African company (and in which they succeeded). But no such boasted consequence has taken place, because the people of those places were not to be lulled on to adventure their property, under the notion of a free trade. They very well knew what hardships must attend those who were necessitated to settle in a negroe town, from a knowledge, as soon as they did, they must become subservient in a manner, and brother citizens with the negroes. It is a joke to think they can make use of the forts to lodge and defend their properties in; for the very persons who (we should imagine) by the spirit and intention of the act of parliament, ought to be their defenders, will take every measure, in proportion as they rival them, and curtail their trade, to exercise their power over the natives, to prevent the private trader succeeding with them, which will create disputes between the officers commanding the forts and the towns people under them, in which every private trader must bear a part; for no man can settle in a negroe town without paying his _freedom_, and entering into a league to become a _native_, and partake of that _township’s misfortunes_, _advantages and customs_. Is there any difference then between a European trader and an African? None! one is a native black Negroe, and the other is become a white one: so that whenever a dispute happens between _the natives_ and the officers aforesaid, the indenizened European will be under the compulsive necessity of joining his black fellow _townsmen_ against his _countrymen_ and _fortress_, which the _British_ nation intended for his _preservation_ in time of _danger_, and last _resort_.

From what we have before advanced, our readers may naturally wonder if the trade to Africa, where the forts are situated, is carried on so much to the disadvantage of the British traders, and so greatly for the benefit of the officers of the African committee, why said traders do not continue their complaints, in order to have their grievances redressed. We conjecture one reason for their not doing so, is the difficulties they had to encounter when they presented their former complaint to obtain satisfaction, which arose from the opposition raised against them by the African committee, who refused to give their officers such orders, as would have obliged them to put in execution the _lords of trade and plantations opinion_. Being defeated in their first attempt, it is natural to suppose they were fearful of applying again to the legislative power, lest the methods pursued to carry on that valuable branch of commerce, since it has been under the management of the African committee, should be maturely and attentively enquired into; for there has been, and is now, as much reason for such examination, as there was in the year 1753, 1755, 1756 and 1758. But then it began to become too serious; and if continued fairly, might have been a means of putting the forts upon a new and respectable establishment, such as would have enabled the officers commanding them, to have secured the natives under their protection from the danger they may be in from enemies of their own colour, and the arbitrary injustice often imposed upon them by the officers of our good friends and allies. The Dutch residing in Africa, to have prevented said _Dutch officers_, by their superior power, from wresting violently and unfairly any part of the territories belonging to the _British forts_, or detaining and imprisoning any of the natives living under their protection, both which they have illegally done since the decline of the late company’s power, and confined a number of them, notwithstanding all remonstrances made by the British officers, till that _noble_ and _gallant_ commander, the present honourable lord _How_ arrived in his majesty’s ship _Glory_, with the _Swan_ sloop under his command, upon the Gold Coast, in the year 1751, who soon after his arrival, did examine with the greatest attention, all the original papers relative to the cause of the dispute that happened between the officers of the English and Dutch companies. After such examination, he demanded from the Dutch general the prisoners he had confined during said dispute in the castle of St. George’s D. Elmina, the principal Dutch fort upon the coast of Africa in that noble manner which it has everbeen the invariable rule of that judicious, worthy, and great commander to pursue in the service of his country[20].

It is to be hoped that the British forts will be put upon such an establishment, that the officers commanding them will be sufficiently empowered to hinder the Dutch officers from exercising that arbitrary power they have done, and continued to do, over the _Portugueze_ upon the _Gold Coast_ of _Africa_, to prevent their trading at the British settlements, in open violation of a treaty concluded between the English and Dutch principal officers in Africa, and ratified by both _companies_ in _Europe_[21].

If the African committee has not represented that affair in a true light to the government, we are surprized they have neglected it, as it is a very valuable commerce now wholly engrossed by the Dutch; who will not suffer the master or supercargo of any _Portugueze_ vessel to trade at the English _forts_, or with the _British_ subjects, notwithstanding the beforementioned treaty, which, perhaps, might be deemed obsolete, since the dissolution of the late company. If that should be the case, then, in our humble opinion, it ought to be renewed, as well as many other regulations made between the English and Dutch in Africa.

If the British officers should once again obtain that influence and power so essentially necessary for them to have, in order to open the trading roads to the most distant inland countries of Africa, so long stopped, which would be of immense advantage to this country, and, at the same time, to prevent the subjects of France hereafter carrying to their colonies the most valuable Negroes, as we have observed they did before the war, and which will in a great measure be proved, by the extracts of the following letters from the captains Strange and Wyndham, commanders of two of his majesty’s ships war, dated Africa, 20th Sept. 1740, and 30th Aug. 1742.

Capt. Strange writes to the following purport:

“The French, by the advantages of their goods, especially Brandies,
occasions a great price they give for their slaves, which has
brought the English and Dutch trade to the lowest ebb.”

Capt. Wyndham writes as follows:

“This concludes the present state of the royal African factories;
and as to the Dutch factories, they, as far as I can learn, make no
great hand of their trade any more than the English; the French,
who has ten ships on the coast to our one, seem to flourish and
carry all before them.”

We think it necessary here to observe, that notwithstanding almost all the trade had been for some years before, and at that time, carried on by the French on that part of the coast where the most valuable Negroes were to be got; the separate British traders made no application to the legislative power to prevent such pernicious commerce, though several remonstrances were made for that purpose by the late royal African company to the government; who also did lay before the public, in several letters inserted in the daily papers, as well as by pamphlets, the danger of the French incroachments.