Chapter III: Part 3

Yet as soon as the private traders found the said company applying to parliament for money, to put their forts upon a proper and respectable footing, to prevent foreign innovations upon the territory and trade under their care, they took the alarm, awaked from their lethargy, strained every nerve, and put every scheme in execution their invention pointed out, to prevent the company’s succeeding, and to obtain their dissolution, which they compleated in the year 1750. But how far the African trade has been improved thereby, in upwards of twelve years that the African committee have had it under their direction and management, will appear from the facts and truths we have before stated, to which we beg leave to refer, and to the judgment of our readers.

Thus far we can undertake to say with truth, notwithstanding the great noise and clamour raised at that time by the African merchants for an open trade; it was then much more open and free for all British subjects trading thither, than it has been since under the direction of the African committee, and the national grants of money more regularly and fairly accounted for, as the late company had, for some years before, sent no ship to Africa, but freighted the merchandize, stores and provisions purchased with the money granted by parliament on board private ships; nor were their officers or servants permitted to trade otherwise than to barter to the best advantage. The merchandize purchased with the _public money_ for the better support of the _forts_, out of which said servants could neither make embezzlement or advantage to themselves, according to the established rules laid down by the company, and the method by which their principal officers and other servants were to account for the same, who were obliged to give ample and sufficient security, strictly to adhere and conform to such rules. All persons in the late company’s service, of what station soever, that were entrusted with any of their or the government’s effects, whether the value was much or little, they were obliged to keep a true account of all their receipts and disbursements in writing, and at the end of every two months at farthest, to render to the council, which presides at the principal fort, two originals signed by said person so intrusted, and attested to be true by some other of the company’s servants, who had been privy to his transactions. That the then accountant residing at the principal fort, examined and made his remarks upon the account so rendered; and required vouchers in writing for such transactions as were therein mentioned to have been had with Europeans, it being impracticable to have written vouchers for dealings with the natives[22].

That said accountant laid all accounts so rendered, with his remarks thereon, before the said _council_, who _examined_, _allowed_, or _disallowed_ such accounts, _&c._ made such _deductions_ or _abatements_ to as they saw cause. That afterwards every such account was returned to the accountant as one of the vouchers from which he was to compose the general books to be sent home to the company. That by general Books is meant, journals and ledgers, where the collections, arising from the vouchers beforementioned, were reduced into order and method. That the council abroad had not power to pass, or allow any _account_ or _voucher finally_; every thing being subject to the _company’s_ future _examination_ and _approbation_ in _England_.

That each journal and ledger contained the accounts of six months, which after having been duly stated and balanced abroad, they were sent home to the company by the first conveyance, together with all the original vouchers from which they were composed and signed; duplicates thereof were deposited in the principal forts, in case of loss or accident. That as soon as possible after the arrival of the said journals and ledgers in England, they were compared by the company’s accountant general (who was one of the first accountants in Europe) with the vouchers, and the said vouchers themselves were examined; that objections and deductions were thereupon made by the company, when due cause was found for so doing. It must now surely clearly appear, that so many examinations of the books and accounts, made by persons whose private interest had not the least connexions with each other, must render it extreamly difficult for the late company’s servants to _embezzle_ or _misapply_ any of the effects committed to their charge with _impunity_, or without being _detected_.

That after the examinations aforesaid of the accounts, they were delivered to the _auditor_ of his _majesty’s imprest_, and after they were examined and compared by the deputy-auditor with the vouchers, and certified by him they were right, then the company obtained a _quietus_ to discharge them from any _sum_ or _sums_ of _money_ so accounted for, that they had received from the _public_; having first sworn to the truth of such part of said accounts as had been transacted under their own inspection, in Europe before one of the barons of his majesty’s exchequer.

The following is the copy of a clause from the act of parliament _for extending and improving the trade to Africa_, directing in what manner the committee are to account for the monies they receive from the public for the support of the forts in Africa. In page 556.

“It is enacted that the committee shall, within one month after
the expiration of the year, for or during which they shall have
been chosen committee-men, lay before the cursitor baron of the
exchequer, an account of all the money received by the committee
during the preceding year, and of the application thereof, upon
oath. And the said cursitor baron shall, within one month after the
said account shall be laid before him, examine, pass, and audit the
same; and for the better discovering of the truth of such account,
the said cursitor baron is hereby empowered to examine any of the
said committee-men, and such other person or persons as he shall
judge necessary, upon oath, touching the articles or particulars
in such account expressed, or such of them as the said cursitor
baron shall think fit; which account, so audited and passed by the
cursitor baron, shall be final and conclusive, and shall be a full
and absolute discharge to the said committee-men, without their
being compelled to give or render any further or other account
thereof.”

By the foregoing clause, the African committee is only obliged to account for the application in _Europe_ of any monies they receive from government, or otherwise, for the support of the _African forts_, by laying their annual account before the cursitor baron, how they have appropriated said monies, whether by purchasing and shipping merchandizes, stores, and other supplies for the use of the forts, or of any other manner they might have disposed of the same[23].

By said clause, the cursitor baron is obliged to audit and pass the committee’s account in one month after it is laid before him; though he should have objections thereto, as he had to their accounts for years 1754, 1755 and 1756. However, he passed them, but submitted it to the house of commons to allow some charges in said accounts, or not, that he certainly thought were charged contrary to act of parliament, or he would not have objected to them. But that would have appeared as well as many other facts, with respect to their management and accounts, if the report, consisting of 87 pages, of the committee, appointed by the honourable house of commons to examine into the state and condition of the forts in Africa in the year 1758, had been examined into. All we can take upon us to say with respect to that affair is, said report was prevented being taken into consideration by the house, in consequence of a _motion_ being _made_ and _seconded_ for such _purpose_, by the _African committee’s friends_.

We can with truth undertake to say, that many irregularities in the African committee’s accounts were pointed out during the examination before the several committee’s appointed by the house; upon which they desired leave to bring in subsequent accounts to clear up such objections as had been made, one of which was presented to the committee the 22d April, 1756, wherein the African committee deducted from the balance of a former account they had presented 1891_l._ sterling. We shall only quote this one instance, to shew how necessary it is that the African committee and their servants should be accountable to the public in the same manner the late African company was, for any monies they are intrusted with by government, for the application of said monies on the coast of Africa, before they should obtain a discharge for the same, which would lay them under a necessity to examine minutely into the accounts they receive from their officers in Africa, of the application of said monies there; which, as they are now no-ways accountable for, we may, we hope without being thought severe, presume is not done; which will, in a great measure, appear by the subsequent account before quoted: besides, we fear people, who have accounts of their own to look after, seldom give themselves much trouble about those of the public, unless obligated thereto.

When the officers, who have the application of the public money in Africa, are once satisfied that their accounts will undergo a strict examination by the committee, and also at the auditor of the imprests office; that it will induce them to be careful how they dispose of the merchandize, _&c._ committed to their charge; as such _officers_ and their _sureties_ will be liable to make good any deduction there, may be made from their accounts. It will likewise be very advantageous to the inferior servants of the committee; for such good purpose, a method can be pointed out to prevent the merchandize purchased with the public money being made use of by the superior officers in trade, for their own account and emolument, to the great injury of the others, many instances of which we have to produce; also that the soldiers, under-servants, and company’s slaves have been paid out of the refuse goods that the commanding officers had taken in the course of their trade.

A single instance of such inhumanity to the inferior servants we think sufficient to trouble the public with, which happened during governor Melvil’s command; and that we should not now particularly take notice of, but as it fell under our observation when we were upon the spot. It also was a charge urged against Mr. Melvil when living, which he never attempted to contradict, to wit, that John Sweidger, a Prussian, and Gardiner at Cape Coast, desired his discharge, wanting to go to his own country. Mr. Melvil, the then governor and treasurer at Cape Coast Castle, whose business it was to give written orders upon the warehouse (or storekeeper) to pay the servants, gave said Sweidger a note upon the warehouse-keeper, for wages due to him, amounting to 28_l._ gold value, which is about 27_l._ 2_s._ 6_d._ sterling, which said warehouse-keeper offered to pay in guns, that would not even purchase the poor man a little fresh provisions for his voyage. After repeated applications to the governor and warehouse-keeper, finding he could not obtain any thing else, he offered the governor’s note for 28 _l._ to sale to several of the servants in the castle; and at last sold it to James Hinch, the overseer of the slaves, for eight pounds. That oppressive transaction fully points out how necessary it is that some other method of accounting for the government’s supplies should be adopted, and carried into execution, which surely there cannot be the least objection to.

For example, we will suppose any gentleman in England to have an estate in Africa, and that he was to order Messrs. Trueman and company, or any other respectable merchants in the city of London, to send out a steward to superintend and take care of the improvement of such estate; and that they were to take security from said steward for the value of any monies or merchandize, _&c._ that he may be entrusted with, to pay the servants residing thereupon, and other expences; also charges of building and repairs. Is it to be supposed said gentlemen, notwithstanding he had the greatest faith in, and opinion of the integrity and honesty of said merchants, would be satisfied with their giving him an account only of their having sent such steward, merchandize, stores and provisions to his estate, without an account from the steward, properly vouched, of the application thereof in Africa? Surely no! then if a private person thinks it necessary to have such an authenticated account, we submit it to the judgment of our readers to determine, whether they think it reasonable the public should expect the same or not. We, for our own parts, are inclined to believe, that people intrusted with the application of public monies, at so great a distance as Africa, when they can make such immense advantage of it as the committee’s officers can, will be induced to embrace the opportunity, however disadvantageous it may be to their country, when they are satisfied little care will be taken how they account for the same.

We shall conclude this pamphlet, with inserting a copy of a petition, signed by the planters of the island of Barbadoes, in the year 1710. The reasons and observations contained therein, in our humble opinion, fully point out, that they foresaw what has in effect since happened; therefore we beg leave to submit it to our readers to form their own judgment upon.

To the queen’s most excellent majesty,

The humble petition of several planters and others, inhabitants of
your majesty’s island of Barbadoes,

Sheweth,

“That the tender care and regard your majesty hath constantly had
of all your subjects, encourages your petitioners, who are deeply
concerned in the trade to Africa. The constant supply of Negroes at
moderate prices, being the chief support of this colony; whereby
we can only be enabled to preserve the staple of sugar, and other
commodities, and to afford them in greater quantities, and cheaper
than other nations; most humbly beg leave to lay before your
majesty, that for many years, while the royal African company had
the sole management of that trade, this island was duly supplied
with a sufficient number of Negroes at moderate prices, from 10
_l._ to 20 _l._ per head the highest, which was a very great
encouragement; and enabled us greatly to improve the manufacture
of this island. But for several years past, since the trade has
been laid open, the number of Negroes imported by the royal African
company, and separate traders together, have not been sufficient
to supply this island; and those which have been imported, have
been sold at extravagant prices, from 20 _l._ to 40 _l._ per head,
especially those which are tolerably good; which your petitioners
conceive to have been occasioned by the different interests of the
separate traders, each bidding upon the other; of which the natives
upon the coast taking advantage, have raised the price of their
own commodities, and sunk the price of those of Great Britain, and
this island; which is an unspeakable damage, and discouragement to
your petitioners, tends to the ruin of this trade, the lessening
your majesty’s revenue, and the navigation of Great Britain.”

“Therefore your petitioners humbly pray, that the British
interest on the coast of Africa may be preserved; and the trade
put upon such a foot, that a sufficient number of Negroes may
be had upon the coast, on moderate terms, and your petitioners
supplied at reasonable rates here.

“And your petitioners, as in duty bound, shall ever pray.”

Barbadoes,
Aug. 1, 1710.

“Robert Vaughan,
“Thomas Carney, _&c. &c. &c._”

_FINIS._

_ERRATA._

Page 10, last line, for _this I_, read _this we_; p. 11. l. 19,
for _editor is_, r. _editors are_; p. 14, l. 2, for _made me_, r.
_made us_; p. 20, l. 5, for _this I_, r. _this we_; p. 21, l. 3,
for _induced me_, r. _induced us_; p. 23, l. 30, for _assertions_,
r. _assertion_; p. 26, l. 28, for _that_, r. _those_; p. 27, l.
18, for _those kept_, r. _those that were kept_; p. 35, l. 7, for
_I have_, r. _we have_; p. 37, l. 37, for _ben_, r. _been_; p. 46,
l. 12, for _taken_, r. _taker_; p. 49, l. 10, for _committee_, r.
_company_; p. 56, in note, l. 1, for _this ship_, r. _the ship_.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] It is here humbly meant, not to send those sailors that may be pressed out of colliers, or coasting vessels, directly on southern voyages, till they have been used to live upon salt provisions for some time on board ships of war in a cold climate.

[2] Supposed to be paid for in plantation-produce.

[3] It appears by the accounts of that board, there has been expended by them to the 31st March, 1761, in finishing said fort 15,024_l._ 18_s._ 3_d._ so that rebuilding it has cost 34,590_l._ 12_s._ 5_d._ sterling, which fort is only useful for the defence of the Negroes in the town under it, and to protect them from their enemies of their own colour, who have no cannon or mortars, and to defend the landing-place, that no ship of force can get near.

[4] His grace the d—e of N——le, s——y of st——e; the right honourable H—y P—lh—m, first lord of the t——y, and c——r of the e——r.

[5] The African committee have also received to the end of the year 1756, 1620_l._ 8_s._ 8_d._ for some of the late company’s effects, and for admissions into the new company.

[6] For several years before the war, the French received from foreign nations above 1,000,000_l._ sterling for the article of sugar only; besides a large sum for indigo, and other West India products; the loss of which will induce them, without delay, to push on their trade to Africa with the utmost vigour, which, we know, they are making great preparations to do, that sufficiently points out the necessity for some measures to be speedily taken to prevent their succeeding.

[7] The officers commanding the out-forts, had absolute orders not to trade with the French.

[8] For mercenary troops are to be hired in Africa, as well as in Europe, and at a much cheaper rate.

[9] In case the French were not permitted to carry them away, as they did before the roads were stopt.

[10] 50,000 ounces of gold dust at 3_l._ 17_s._ 6_d._ an ounce, is 193,750_l._

[11] 30 tons of ivory, on an average worth about 220_l._ a ton, is 6,600_l._

[12] Which was upwards of 26,666 guineas annually.

[13] We think it proper to observe, which we conjecture the merchants will not attempt to deny, that they only put on board their ships such cargoes as the masters judge will be sufficient to purchase the number of Negroes each ship will carry, which when compleated, they will sell any small remainder of their cargoes for gold or ivory, if to be got: but they often find a difficulty in doing it, for the reasons before advanced; and they have many times been obliged to carry them from Africa for want of purchasers, entirely owing to their giving such great prices for Negroes.

[14] If the French are allowed to trade on the Gold Coast, a cargo to purchase 300 Negroes, will cost, if we may judge by former times, above 6000_l._

[15] As would have appeared by the report of the committee of the honourable house of commons, in the year 1758, had it been examined into.

[16] There was issued to the African committee, by warrant from the right honourable the lords commissioners of the treasury, in the year 1751, 7140_l._ 14_s._ 3_d._ out of the vote of credit for 800,000_l._ notwithstanding several objections were made before the committee of the honourable house of commons that such sum was not due.

[17] Because it will employ a great number of French ships and sailors, and be a market for their manufactures, which they sell, and also their East India goods, cheaper considerably than we can purchase ours, which must consequently be hurtful to our navigation, lessening at the same time the consumption of our manufactures.

Besides, the competition between the traders of both nations would give to the black dealers an opportunity of raising the price of their Negroes, which advance the French can better afford than we, as must appear from what is beforementioned, as well as from the following fact; which is, they pay an anchor of brandy or two, and at some places three or four, in the price of a slave, at the rate of four pounds each anchor, containing about eight gallons, and costs in France but from eight to ten shillings. Whereas there is not any article can be bought in England so profitable and vendable a commodity among the blacks for thirty shillings (as French brandy) that will pay in the purchase of a slave at four pounds.

This observation is chiefly meant to point out how necessary it is to hinder, as much as possible, the French from trading to Gambia, Senegal, or between cape Appolonia and the river Volta, where the British forts are situated, and where much the greatest numbers of the most valuable Negroes are to be procured, which surely we have a right to do, and may be effected, if proper measures are pursued for so desirable a purpose.

[18] The original letters and certificates, with authentic copies of the affidavits, are in the hands of the publisher.

[19] An ounce is a nominal value set upon goods, which cost about 40_s._ in Europe; but sold in trade on the coast of Africa at 4_l._

[20] He came to an anchor nearer to Elmina fort, with the ship and sloop under his command, than any merchant ship ever had been, and sent an officer on shore to demand the prisoners, which the Dutch general immediately complied with, to the great joy of their countrymen residing under the British forts, at their being restored to their liberty.

[21] “That such Portugueze ships as shall come to anchor in any of the English roads belonging to any of the English forts or factories, shall not be molested by any Dutch ship or ships belonging to the said company, nor be blocked up by them in the said English roads, nor attacked and seized at their going out of the said roads; neither shall they offer to seize any ship or ships, that have first put themselves under the protection of any British fort, or being in possession of any English vessel, they having one of the said royal African company’s servants on board certifying the same.”

“That on the other side, none of the English forts, or company’s ships, shall attack, or seize, any Portugueze which were first in possession of any Dutch West India company’s ships; neither shall the English general, or chief director for the time being, grant passports to any Portugueze ships, going to or from Brazil, or any of the Portugueze islands.”

[22] What was paid to the natives for ground-rent, or water-custom, or to the company’s slaves, which appeared by their lists, or to canoe-men, or other free Negroes, each article was particularized in the late company’s officers accounts in such manner, as that no fraud could be committed.

[23] By such mode of accounting, the committee may obtain a discharge for the money granted by parliament, before the ship or ships that have the merchandize, stores, _&c._ on board said money purchased, sails out of the _river Thames_. Therefore, if said _merchandize_ or _stores_ are never landed in _Africa_ for the use of the _forts_, we presume the _committee_ are no farther _accountable_ for _them_.

TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE

Footnote [15] is referenced twice from page 29.

Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been
corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within
the text and consultation of external sources.

Some hyphens in words have been silently removed, some added,
when a predominant preference was found in the original book.

Except for those changes noted below, all misspellings in the text,
and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained.

Pg iii: ‘above allegagations’ replaced by ‘above allegations’.
Pg 1: ‘meer alienation’ replaced by ‘mere alienation’.
Pg 3: ‘many falshoods’ replaced by ‘many falsehoods’.
Pg 4: ‘make the ballance’ replaced by ‘make the balance’.
Pg 6: ‘to undersel them’ replaced by ‘to undersell them’.
Pg 11: ‘For I believe it’ replaced by ‘For we believe it’.
Pg 12: ‘for so I must’ replaced by ‘for so we must’.
Pg 14: ‘a ballance of trade’ replaced by ‘a balance of trade’.
Pg 15: ‘sorry I am to say’ replaced by ‘sorry we are to say’.
Pg 19: ‘houshold servants’ replaced by ‘household servants’.
Pg 23: ‘inteterest themselves’ replaced by ‘interest themselves’.
Pg 24: ‘villify and render’ replaced by ‘vilify and render’.
Pg 25: ‘intercouse and trade’ replaced by ‘intercourse and trade’.
Pg 26 Footnote [11]: ‘on an average, is worth about’ replaced by
‘on an average worth about’.
Pg 31: ‘such an equiry’ replaced by ‘such an enquiry’.
Pg 34: ‘I presume it’ replaced by ‘we presume it’.
Pg 34: ‘the smuggling wool’ replaced by ‘the smuggling of wool’.
Pg 35: ‘them frm Africa’ replaced by ‘them from Africa’.
Pg 37: ‘crimes in despight’ replaced by ‘crimes in despite’.
Pg 47: ‘The committe, by’ replaced by ‘The committee, by’.
Pg 48: ‘the mananagers, that’ replaced by ‘the managers, that’.
Pg 54: ‘were ncecessitate to’ replaced by ‘were necessitated to’.
Pg 55: ‘indenizend European’ replaced by ‘indenizened European’.
Pg 56: ‘become to serious’ replaced by ‘become too serious’.
Pg 60: ‘two orignals signed’ replaced by ‘two originals signed’.
Pg 61: ‘stated and ballanced’ replaced by ‘stated and balanced’.
Pg 62: ‘the committe are to’ replaced by ‘the committee are to’.
Pg 64: ‘from the ballance of’ replaced by ‘from the balance of’.
Pg 66: ‘improvemeut of such’ replaced by ‘improvement of such’.
Pg 66: ‘committe’s officers’ replaced by ‘committee’s officers’.