Chapter XIV: Part 14

The letters are of interest on three grounds--their political significance, their style, and the mystery which long surrounded their authorship. As political writings they possess no intrinsic value. Junius was wholly destitute of insight, and of the power to disentangle, define and advocate principles. The matter of his letters is always invective. He began by a general attack on the ministry for their personal immorality or meanness. An ill-judged defence of one of the body--the marquess of Granby, commander-in-chief--volunteered by Sir William Draper, gave him an easy victory over a vulnerable opponent. He then went on to pour acrimonious abuse on Grafton, on the duke of Bedford, on King George III. himself in the letter of the 19th of December 1769, and ended with a most malignant and ignorant assault on Lord Chief Justice Mansfield. Several of his accusations were shown to be unfounded. The practical effect of the letters was insignificant. They were noticed and talked about. They provoked anger and retorts. But the letter to the king aroused indignation, and though Grafton's administration fell in January 1770, it was succeeded by the long-lived cabinet of Lord North. Junius confessed himself beaten, in his private letter to Woodfall of the 19th of January 1773. He had materially contributed to his own defeat by his brutal violence. He sinned indeed in a large company. The employment of personal abuse had been habitual in English political controversy for generations, and in the 18th century there was a strong taste for satire. Latin literature, which was not only studied but imitated, supplied the inspiration and the models, in the satires of Juvenal, and the speeches of Cicero against Verres and Catiline.

If, however, Junius was doing what others did, he did it better than anybody else--a fact which sufficiently explains his rapid popularity. His superiority lay in his style. Here also he was by no means original, and he was unequal. There are passages in his writings which can be best described in the words which Burke applied to another writer: "A mere mixture of vinegar and water, at once vapid and sour." But at his best Junius attains to a high degree of artificial elegance and vigour. He shows the influence of Bolingbroke, of Swift, and above all of Tacitus, who appears to have been his favourite author. The imitation is never slavish. Junius adapts, and does not only repeat. The white heat of his malignity animates the whole. No single sentence will show the quality of a style which produces its effect by persistence and repetition, but such a typical passage as follows displays at once the method and the spirit. It is taken from Letter XLIX. to the duke of Grafton, June 22, 1771:--

"The profound respect I bear to the gracious prince who governs this
country with no less honour to himself than satisfaction to his
subjects, and who restores you to your rank under his standard, will
save you from a multitude of reproaches. The attention I should have
paid to your failings is involuntarily attracted to the hand which
rewards them; and though I am not so partial to the royal judgment as
to affirm that the favour of a king can remove mountains of infamy, it
serves to lessen at least, for undoubtedly it divides, the burden.
While I remember how much is due to his sacred character, I cannot,
with any decent appearance of propriety, call you the meanest and the
basest fellow in the kingdom. I protest, my Lord, I do not think you
so. You will have a dangerous rival in that kind of fame to which you
have hitherto so happily directed your ambition, as long as there is
one man living who thinks you worthy of his confidence, and fit to be
trusted with any share in his government.... With any other prince,
the shameful desertion of him in the midst of that distress, which you
alone had created, in the very crisis of danger, when he fancied he
saw the throne already surrounded by men of virtue and abilities,
would have outweighed the memory of your former services. But his
majesty is full of justice, and understands the doctrine of
compensations; he remembers with gratitude how soon you had
accommodated your morals to the necessities of his service, how
cheerfully you had abandoned the engagements of private friendship,
and renounced the most solemn professions to the public. The
sacrifice of Lord Chatham was not lost on him. Even the cowardice and
perfidy of deserting him may have done you no disservice in his
esteem. The instance was painful, but the principle might please."

What is artificial and stilted in this style did not offend the would-be classic taste of the 18th century, and does not now conceal the fact that the laboriously arranged words, and artfully counterbalanced clauses, convey a venomous hate and scorn.

The pre-established harmony between Junius and his readers accounts for the rapidity of his success, and for the importance attributed to him by Burke and Johnson, far better writers than himself. Before 1772 there appeared at least twelve unauthorized republications of his letters, made by speculative printers. In that year he revised the collection named "_Junius: Stat nominis umbra_," with a dedication to the English people and a preface. Other independent editions followed in quick succession. In 1801 one was published with annotations by Robert Heron. In 1806 another appeared with notes by John Almon. The first new edition of real importance was issued by the Woodfall family in 1812. It contained the correspondence of Junius with H. S. Woodfall, a selection of the miscellaneous letters attributed to Junius, facsimiles of his handwriting, and notes by Dr Mason Good. Curiosity as to the mystery of the authorship began to replace political and literary interest in the writings. Junius himself had been early aware of the advantage he secured by concealment. "The mystery of Junius increases his importance" is his confession in a letter to Wilkes dated the 18th of September 1771. The calculation was a sound one. For two generations after the appearance of the letter of the 21st of January 1769, speculations as to the authorship of Junius were rife, and discussion had hardly ceased in 1910. Joseph Parkes, author with Herman Merivale of the _Memoirs of Sir Philip Francis_ (1867), gives a list of more than forty persons who had been supposed to be Junius. They are: Edmund Burke, Lord George Sackville, Lord Chatham, Colonel Barré, Hugh Macaulay Boyd, Dr Butler, John Wilkes, Lord Chesterfield, Henry Flood, William Burke, Gibbon, W. E. Hamilton, Charles Lloyd, Charles Lee (general in the American War of Independence), John Roberts, George Grenville, James Grenville, Lord Temple, Duke of Portland, William Greatrakes, Richard Glover, Sir William Jones, James Hollis, Laughlin Maclean, Philip Rosenhagen, Horne Tooke, John Kent, Henry Grattan, Daniel Wray, Horace Walpole, Alexander Wedderburn (Lord Loughborough), Dunning (Lord Ashburton), Lieut.-General Sir R. Rich, Dr Philip Francis, a "junto" or committee of writers who used a common name, De Lolme, Mrs Catherine Macaulay (1733-91), Sir Philip Francis, Lord Littleton, Wolfram Cornwall and Gov. Thomas Pownall. In the great majority of cases the attribution is based on nothing more than a vague guess. Edmund Burke denied that he could have written the letters of Junius if he would, or would have written them if he could. Grattan pointed out that he was young when they appeared. More plausible claims, such as those made for Lord Temple and Lord George Sackville, could not stand the test of examination. Indeed after 1816 the question was not so much "Who wrote Junius?" as "Was Junius Sir Philip Francis, or some undiscoverable man?" In that year John Taylor was led by a careful study of Woodfall's edition of 1812 to publish _The identity of Junius with a distinguished living character established_, in which he claimed the letters for Sir Philip Francis. He had at first been inclined to attribute them to Sir Philip's father, Dr Francis, the author of translations of Horace and Demosthenes. Taylor applied to Sir Philip, who did not die till 1818, for leave to publish, and received from him answers which to an unwary person might appear to constitute denials of the authorship, but were in fact evasions.

The reasons for believing that Sir Philip Francis (q.v.) was Junius are very strong. His evasions were only to be expected. Several of the men he attacked lived nearly as long as himself, the sons of others were conspicuous in society, and King George III. survived him. Sir Philip, who had held office, who had been decorated, and who in his later years was ambitious to obtain the governor-generalship of India, dared not confess that he was Junius. The similarity of his handwriting to the disguised hand used by the writer of the letters is very close. If Sir Philip Francis did, as his family maintain, address a copy of verses to a Miss Giles in the handwriting of Junius (and the evidence that he did is weighty) there can be no further question as to the identity of the two. The similarity of Junius and Francis in regard to their opinions, their likes and dislikes, their knowledge and their known movements, amount, apart from the handwriting, almost to proof. It is certain that many felons have been condemned on circumstantial evidence less complete. The opposition to his claim is based on such assertions as that his known handwriting was inferior to the feigned hand of Junius, and that no man can make a disguised hand better than his own. But the first assertion is unfounded, and the second is a mere expression of opinion. It is also said that Francis must have been guilty of baseness if he wrote Junius, but if that explains why he did not avow the authorship it can be shown to constitute a moral impossibility only by an examination of his life.

AUTHORITIES.--The best edition of the _Letters of Junius_, properly so
called, with the _Miscellaneous Letters_, is that of J. Ward (1854).
The most valuable contributions to the controversy as to the
authorship are: _The Handwriting of Junius investigated by Charles
Chabot, expert, with preface and collateral evidence by the Hon. E.
Twisleton_ (1871); _Memoirs of Sir Philip Francis, K.C.B._, by Parkes
and Merivale (1867); _Junius Revealed by his Surviving Grandson_, by
H. R. Francis (1894); _The Francis Letters_, edited by Beata Francis
and Eliza Keary, with a note on the Junius controversy by C. F. Keary
(1901); and "Francis, Sir Philip," by Sir Leslie Stephen, in _Dict. of
Nat. Biog._ The case for those who decline to accept the claim of Sir
Philip Francis is stated by C. W. Dilke, _Papers of a Critic_ (1875),
and Abraham Hayward, _More about Junius, Franciscan Theory Unsound_
(1868). (D. H.)

JUNIUS, FRANZ (in French, François du Jon), the name of two Huguenot scholars.

(1) FRANZ JUNIUS (1545-1602) was born at Bourges in France on the 1st of May 1545. He had studied law for two years under Hugo Donellus (1527-1591) when he was given a place in the retinue of the French ambassador to Constantinople, but before he reached Lyons the ambassador had departed. Junius found ample consolation in the opportunities for study at the gymnasium at Lyons. A religious tumult warned him back to Bourges, where he was cured of certain rationalistic principles that he had imbibed at Lyons, and he determined to enter the reformed church. He went in 1562 to study at Geneva, where he was reduced to the direst poverty by the failure of remittances from home, owing to civil war in France. He would accept only the barest sustenance from a humble friend who had himself been a protégé of Junius's family at Bourges, and his health was permanently injured. The long-expected remittance from home was closely followed by the news of the brutal murder of his father by a Catholic fanatic at Issoudun; and Junius resolved to remain at Geneva, where his reputation enabled him to live by teaching. In 1565, however, he was appointed minister of the Walloon church at Antwerp. His foreign birth excluded him from the privileges of the native reformed pastors, and exposed him to persecution. Several times he barely escaped arrest, and finally, after spending six months in preaching at Limburg, he was forced to retire to Heidelberg in 1567. There he was welcomed by the elector Frederick II., and temporarily settled in charge of the Walloon church at Schönau; but in 1568 his patron sent him as chaplain with Prince William of Orange in his unfortunate expedition to the Netherlands. Junius escaped as soon as he could from that post, and returning to his church remained there till 1573. From 1573 till 1578 he was at Heidelberg, assisting Emmanuel Tremellius (1510-1580), whose daughter he married, in his Latin version of the Old Testament (Frankfort, 1579); in 1581 he was appointed to the chair of divinity at Heidelberg. Thence he was taken to France by the duke of Bouillon, and after an interview with Henry IV. was sent again to Germany on a mission. As he was returning to France he was named professor of theology at Leiden, where he died on the 13th of October 1602.

He was a voluminous writer on theological subjects, and translated and
composed many exegetical works. He is best known from his own edition
of the Latin Old Testament, slightly altered from the former joint
edition, and with a version of the New Testament added (Geneva, 1590;
Hanover, 1624). The _Opera Theologica Francisci Junii Biturigis_ were
published at Geneva (2 vols., 1613), to which is prefixed his
autobiography, written about 1592 (new ed., edited by Abraham Kuypers,
1882 seq.). The autobiography had been published at Leiden (1595), and
is reprinted in the _Miscellanea Groningana_, vol. i., along with a
list of the author's other writings.

(2) FRANZ JUNIUS (1589-1677), son of the above, was born at Heidelberg, and brought up at Leiden. His attention was diverted from military to theological studies by the peace of 1609 between Spain and the Netherlands. In 1617 he became pastor at Hillegondsberg, but in 1620 went to England, where he became librarian to Thomas Howard, earl of Arundel, and tutor to his son. He remained in England thirty years, devoting himself to the study of Anglo-Saxon, and afterwards of the cognate old Teutonic languages. His work, intrinsically valuable, is important as having aroused interest in a frequently neglected subject. In 1651 he returned to Holland; and for two years lived in Friesland in order to study the old dialect. In 1675 he returned to England, and during the next year resided in Oxford; in 1677 he went to live at Windsor with his nephew, Isaac Vossius, in whose house he died on the 19th of November 1677. He was buried at Windsor in St George's Chapel.

He was pre-eminently a student. He published _De pictura veterum_
(1637) (in English by the author, 1638; enlarged and improved edition,
edited by J. G. Graevius, who prefixed a life of Junius, with a
catalogue of architects, painters, &c., and their works, Rotterdam,
1694); _Observationes in Willerami Abbatis francicam paraphrasin
cantici canticorum_ (Amsterdam, 1655); _Annotationes in harmoniam
latino-francicam quatuor evangelistarum, latine a Tatiano confectam_
(Amsterdam, 1655); _Caedmonis monachi paraphrasis poetica geneseos_
(Amsterdam, 1655) (see criticism under CAEDMON); _Quatuor D.N.I.C.
evangeliorum versiones perantiquae duae, gothica scilicet et
anglo-saxonica_ (Dort, 2 vols., 1665) (the Gothic version in this book
Junius transcribed from the Silver Codex of Ulfilas; the Anglo-Saxon
version is from an edition by Thomas Marshall, whose notes to both
versions are given, and a Gothic glossary by Junius); _Etymologicum
anglicanum_, edited by Edward Lye, and preceded by a life of Junius
and George Hickes's Anglo-Saxon grammar (Oxford, 1743) (its results
require careful verification in the light of modern research). His
rich collection of ancient MSS., edited and annotated by him, Junius
bequeathed to the university of Oxford. Graevius gives a list of them;
the most important are a version of the _Ormulum_, the version of
Caedmon, and 9 volumes containing _Glossarium v. linguarum
septentrionalium_.

JUNK. (1) (Through Port. _junco_, adapted from Javanese _djong_, or Malayan _adjong_, ship), the name of the native sailing vessel, common to the far eastern seas, and especially used by the Chinese and Javanese. It is a flat-bottomed, high-sterned vessel with square bows and masts carrying lug-sails, often made of matting. (2) A nautical term for small pieces of disused rope or cable, cut up to make fenders, oakum, &c., hence applied colloquially by sailors to the salt beef and pork used on board ship. The word is of doubtful origin, but may be connected with "junk" (Lat. _juncus_), a reed, or rush. This word is now obsolete except as applied to a form of surgical appliance, used as a support in cases of fracture where immediate setting is impossible, and consisting of a shaped pillow or cushion stuffed with straw or horsehair, formerly with rushes or reeds.

JUNKER, WILHELM (1840-1892), German explorer of Africa, was born at Moscow on the 6th of April 1840. He studied medicine at Dorpat, Göttingen, Berlin and Prague, but did not practise for long. After a series of short journeys to Iceland, Tunis and Lower Egypt, he remained almost continuously in eastern Equatorial Africa from 1875 to 1886, making first Khartum and afterwards Lado the base of his expeditions, Junker was a leisurely traveller and a careful observer; his main object was to study the peoples with whom he came into contact, and to collect specimens of plants and animals, and the result of his investigations in these particulars is given in his _Reisen in Afrika_ (3 vols., Vienna, 1889-1891), a work of high merit. An English translation by A. H. Keane was published in 1890-1892. Perhaps the greatest service he rendered to geographical science was his investigation of the Nile-Congo watershed, when he successfully combated Georg Schweinfurth's hydrographical theories and established the identity of the Welle and Ubangi. The Mahdist rising prevented his return to Europe through the Sudan, as he had planned to do, in 1884, and an expedition, fitted out in 1885 by his brother in St Petersburg, failed to reach him. Junker then determined to go south. Leaving Wadelai on the 2nd of January 1886 he travelled by way of Uganda and Tabora and reached Zanzibar in December 1886. In 1887 he received the gold medal of the Royal Geographical Society. As an explorer Junker is entitled to high rank, his ethnographical observations in the Niam-Niam (Azandeh) country being especially valuable. He died at St Petersburg on the 13th of February 1892.

See the biographical notice by E. G. Ravenstein in _Proceedings of the
Royal Geographical Society_ (1892), pp. 185-187.

JUNKET, a dish of milk curdled by rennet, served with clotted cream and flavoured with nutmeg, which is particularly associated in England with Devonshire and Cornwall. The word is of somewhat obscure history. It appears to come through O. Fr. _jonquette_, a rush-basket, from Lat. _juncus_, rush. In Norman dialect this word is used of a cream cheese. The commonly accepted origin is that it refers to the rush-basket on which such cream cheeses or curds were served. _Juncade_ appears in Rabelais, and is explained by Cotgrave as "spoon-meat, rose-water and sugar." Nicholas Udall (in his translation of Erasmus's _Apophthegms_, 1542) speaks of "marchepaines or wafers with other like junkerie." The word "junket" is also used for a festivity or picnic.

JUNO, the chief Roman and Latin goddess, and the special object of worship by women at all the critical moments of life. The etymology of the name is not certain, but it is usually taken as a shortened form of _Jovino_, answering to _Jovis_, from a root _div_, shining. Under Greek influence Juno was early identified with the Greek Hera, with whose cult and characteristics she has much in common; thus the Juno with whom we are familiar in Latin literature is not the true Roman deity. In the _Aeneid_, for example, her policy is antagonistic to the plans of Jupiter for the conquest of Latium and the future greatness of Rome; though in the fourth _Eclogue_, as Lucina, she appears in her proper rôle as assisting at childbirth. It was under Greek influence again that she became the wife of Jupiter, the mother of Mars; the true Roman had no such personal interest in his deities as to invent family relations for them.

That Juno was especially a deity of women, and represents in a sense the female principle of life, is seen in the fact that as every man had his _genius_, so every woman had her Juno; and the goddess herself may have been a development of this conception. The various forms of her cult all show her in close connexion with women. As Juno Lucina she was invoked in childbirth, and on the 1st of March, the old Roman New Year's day, the matrons met and made offerings at her temple in a grove on the Esquiline; hence the day was known as the _Matronalia_. As _Caprotina_ she was especially worshipped by female slaves on the 7th of July (_Nonae Caprotinae_); as _Sospita_ she was invoked all over Latium as the saviour of women in their perils, and later as the saviour of the state; and under a number of other titles, _Cinxia_, _Unxia_, _Pronuba_, &c., we find her taking a leading part in the ritual of marriage. Her real or supposed connexion with the moon is explained by the alleged influence of the moon on the lives of women; thus she became the deity of the Kalends, or day of the new moon, when the _regina sacrorum_ offered a lamb to her in the _regia_, and her husband the _rex_ made known to the people the day on which the Nones would fall. Thus she is brought into close relation with Janus, who also was worshipped on the Kalends by the _rex sacrorum_, and it may be that in the oldest Roman religion these two were more closely connected than Juno and Jupiter. But in historical times she was associated with Jupiter in the great temple on the Capitoline hill as Juno _Regina_, the queen of all Junones or queen of heaven, as Jupiter there was _Optimus Maximus_ (see JUPITER), and under the same title she was enticed from Veii after its capture in 392 B.C., and settled in a temple on the Aventine. Thus exalted above all other female deities, she was prepared for that identification with Hera which was alluded to above. That she was in some sense a deity of light seems certain; as Lucina, e.g., she introduced new-born infants "in luminis oras."

See Roscher's article "Juno" in his Lexicon of Mythology, and his
earlier treatise on Juno and Hera; Wissowa, _Religion und Kultus der
Römer_, 113 foll.; also a fresh discussion by Walter Otto in
_Philologus_ for 1905 (p. 161 foll.). (W. W. F.*)

JUNOT, ANDOCHE, DUKE OF ABRABANTES (1771-1813), French general, was born at Bussy-le-Grand (Côte d'Or), on the 23rd of October 1771. He went to school at Chatillon, and was known among his comrades as a blustering but lovable creature, with a pugnacious disposition. He was studying law in Paris at the outbreak of the Revolution and joined a volunteer battalion. He distinguished himself by his valour in the first year of the Revolutionary wars, and came under the special notice of Napoleon Bonaparte during the siege of Toulon, while serving as his secretary. It is related that as he was taking down a despatch, a shell burst hard by and covered the paper with sand, whereupon he exclaimed, "Bien! nous n'avions pas de sable pour sécher l'encre! en voici!" He remained the faithful companion of his chief during the latter's temporary disgrace, and went with him to Italy as aide-de-camp. He distinguished himself so much at the battle of Millesimo that he was selected to carry back the captured colours to Paris; returning to Italy he went through the campaign with honour, but was badly wounded in the head at Lonato. Many rash incidents in his career may be traced to this wound, from which he never completely recovered. During the expedition to Egypt he became a general of brigade. His devotion to Bonaparte involved him in a duel with General Lanusse, in which he was again wounded. He had to be left in Egypt to recover, and in crossing to France was captured by English cruisers. On his return to France he was made commandant of Paris, and afterwards promoted general of division. It was at this time that he married Laure Permon (see JUNOT, LAURE). He next served at Arras in command of the grenadiers of the army destined for the invasion of England, and made some alterations in the equipment of the troops which received the praise of the emperor. It was, however, a bitter mortification that he was not appointed a marshal of France when he received the grand cross of the legion of honour. He was made colonel-general of hussars instead and sent as ambassador to Lisbon, his entry into which city resembled a royal progress. But he was so restless and dissatisfied in the Portuguese capital that he set out, without leave, for the army of Napoleon, with which he took part in the battle of Austerlitz, behaving with his usual courage and zeal. But he soon gave fresh offence. Although his early devotion was never forgotten by the emperor, his uncertain temper and want of self-control made it dangerous to employ him at court or headquarters, and he was sent to Parma to put down an insurrection and to be out of the way. In 1806 he was recalled and became governor of Paris. His extravagance and prodigality shocked the government, and some rumours of an intrigue with a lady of the imperial family--it is said Pauline Bonaparte--made it desirable again to send him away. He was therefore appointed to lead an invading force into Portugal. For the first time Junot had a great task to perform, and only his own resources to fall back upon for its achievement. Early in November 1807 he set out from Salamanca, crossed the mountains of Beira, rallied his wearied forces at Abrantes, and, with 1500 men, dashed upon Lisbon, in order, if possible, to seize the Portuguese fleet, which had, however, just sailed away with the regent and court to Brazil. The whole movement only took a month; it was undoubtedly bold and well-conducted, and Junot was made duke of Abrantes and invested with the governorship of Portugal. But administration was his weak point. He was not a civil governor, but a _sabreur_, brave, truculent, and also dissipated and rapacious, though in the last respect he was far from being the worst offender amongst the French generals in Spain. His hold on Portugal was never supported by a really adequate force, and his own conduct, which resembled that of an eastern monarch, did nothing to consolidate his conquest. After Wellesley encountered him at Vimiera (see Peninsular War) he was obliged to conclude the so-called convention of Cintra, and to withdraw from Portugal with all his forces. Napoleon was furious, but, as he said, was spared the necessity of sending his old friend before a court martial by the fact that the English put their own generals on their trial. Junot was sent back to Spain, where, in 1810-1811, acting under Masséna, he was once more seriously wounded. His last campaign was made in Russia, and he received more than a just share of discredit for it. Napoleon next appointed him to govern Illyria. But Junot's mind had become deranged under the weight of his misfortunes, and on the 29th of July 1813, at Montbard, he threw himself from a window in a fit of insanity.

JUNOT, LAURE, DUCHESS OF ABRANTES (1783-1834), wife of the preceding, was born at Montpellier. She was the daughter of Mme. Permon, to whom during her widowhood the young Bonaparte made an offer of marriage--such at least is the version presented by the daughter in her celebrated _Memoirs_. The Permon family, after various vicissitudes, settled at Paris, and Bonaparte certainly frequented their house a good deal after the downfall of the Jacobin party in Thermidor 1794. Mlle. Permon was married to Junot early in the consulate, and at once entered eagerly into all the gaieties of Paris, and became noted for her beauty, her caustic wit, and her extravagance. The first consul nicknamed her _petite peste_, but treated her and Junot with the utmost generosity, a fact which did not restrain her sarcasms and slanders in her portrayal of him in her _Memoirs_. During Junot's diplomatic mission to Lisbon, his wife displayed her prodigality so that on his return to Paris in 1806 he was burdened with debts, which his own intrigues did not lessen. She joined him again at Lisbon after he had entered that city as conqueror at the close of 1807; but even the presents and spoils won at Lisbon did not satisfy her demands; she accompanied Junot through part of the Peninsular War. On her return to France she displeased the emperor by her vivacious remarks and by receiving guests whom he disliked. The mental malady of Junot thereafter threatened her with ruin; this perhaps explains why she took some part in the intrigues for bringing back the Bourbons in 1814. She did not side with Napoleon during the Hundred Days. After 1815 she spent most of her time at Rome amidst artistic society, which she enlivened with her sprightly converse. She also compiled her spirited but somewhat spiteful _Memoirs_, which were published at Paris in 1831-1834 in 18 volumes. Many editions have since appeared.

Of her other books the most noteworthy are _Histoires contemporaines_
(2 vols., 1835); _Scènes de la vie espagnole_ (2 vols., 1836);
_Histoire des salons de Paris_ (6 vols., 1837-1838); _Souvenirs d'une
ambassade et d'un séjour en Espagne et en Portugal, de 1808 à 1811_ (2
vols., 1837). (J. Hl. R.)

JUNTA (from _juntar_, to join), a Spanish word meaning (1) any meeting for a common purpose; (2) a committee; (3) an administrative council or board. The original meaning is now rather lost in the two derivative significations. The Spaniards have even begun to make use of the barbarism _métin_, corrupted from the English "meeting." The word _junta_ has always been and still is used in the other senses. Some of the boards by which the Spanish administration was conducted under the Habsburg and the earlier Bourbon kings were styled _juntas_. The superior governing body of the Inquisition was the _junta suprema_. The provincial committees formed to organize resistance to Napoleon's invasion in 1808 were so called, and so was the general committee chosen from among them to represent the nation. In the War of Independence (1808-1814), and in all subsequent civil wars or revolutionary disturbances in Spain or Spanish America, the local executive bodies, elected, or in some cases self-chosen, to appoint officers, raise money and soldiers, look after the wounded, and discharge the functions of an administration, have been known as juntas.

The form "Junto," a corruption due to other Spanish words ending in -_o_, came into use in English in the 17th century, often in a disparaging sense, of a party united for a political purpose, a faction or cabal; it was particularly applied to the advisers of Charles I., to the Rump under Cromwell, and to the leading members of the great Whig houses who controlled the government in the reigns of William III. and Anne.

JUPITER, the chief deity of the Roman state. The great and constantly growing influence exerted from a very early period on Rome by the superior civilization of Greece not only caused a modification of the Roman god on the analogy of Zeus, the supreme deity of the Greeks, but led the Latin writers to identify the one with the other, and to attribute to Jupiter myths and family relations which were purely Greek and never belonged to the real Roman religion. The Jupiter of actual worship was a Roman god; the Jupiter of Latin literature was more than half Greek. This identification was facilitated by the community of character which really belonged to Jupiter and Zeus as the Roman and Greek developments of a common original conception of the god of the light and the heaven.

That this was the original idea of Jupiter, not only in Rome, but among all Italian peoples, admits of no doubt. The earliest form of his name was _Diovis pater_, or _Diespiter_, and his special priest was the flamen dialis; all these words point to a root _div_, shining, and the connexion with _dies_, day, is obvious (cf. JUNO). One of his most ancient epithets is _Lucetius_, the light-bringer; and later literature has preserved the same idea in such phrases as _sub Jove_, under the open sky. All days of the full moon (_idus_) were sacred to him; all emanations from the sky were due to him and in the oldest form of religious thought were probably believed to be manifestations of the god himself. As Jupiter _Elicius_ he was propitiated, with a peculiar ritual, to send rain in time of drought; as Jupiter _Fulgur_ he had an altar in the Campus Martius, and all places struck by lightning were made his property and guarded from the profane by a circular wall. The vintage, which needs especially the light and heat of the sun, was under his particular care, and in the festivals connected with it (_Vinalia urbana_) and _Meditrinalia_, he was the deity invoked, and his flamen the priest employed. Throughout Italy we find him worshipped on the summits of hills, where nothing intervened between earth and heaven, and where all the phenomena of the sky could be conveniently observed. Thus on the Alban hill south of Rome was an ancient seat of his worship as Jupiter _Latiaris_, which was the centre of the league of thirty Latin cities of which Rome was originally an ordinary member. At Rome itself it is on the Capitoline hill that we find his oldest temple, described by Livy (i. 10); here we have a tradition of his sacred tree, the oak, common to the worship both of Zeus and Jupiter, and here too was kept the _lapis silex_, perhaps a celt, believed to have been a thunderbolt, which was used symbolically by the fetiales when officially declaring war and making treaties on behalf of the Roman state. Hence the curious form of oath, _Jovem lapident jurare_, used both in public and private life at Rome.

In this oldest Jupiter of the Latins and Romans, the god of the light and the heaven, and the god invoked in taking the most solemn oaths, we may undoubtedly see not only the great protecting deity of the race, but one, and perhaps the only one, whose worship embodies a distinct moral conception. He is specially concerned with oaths, treaties and leagues, and it was in the presence of his priest that the most ancient and sacred form of marriage, _confarreatio_, took place. The lesser deities, Dius Fidius and Fides, were probably originally identical with him, and only gained a separate existence in course of time by a process familiar to students of ancient religion. This connexion with the conscience, with the sense of obligation and right dealing, was never quite lost throughout Roman history. In Virgil's great poem, though Jupiter is in many ways as much Greek as Roman, he is still the great protecting deity who keeps the hero in the path of duty (_pietas_) towards gods, state and family.

But this aspect of Jupiter gained a new force and meaning at the close of the monarchy with the building of the famous temple on the Capitol, of which the foundations are still to be seen. It was dedicated to Jupiter _Optimus Maximus_, i.e. the best and greatest of all the Jupiters, and with him were associated Juno and Minerva, in a fashion which clearly indicates a Graeco-Etruscan origin; for the combination of three deities in one temple was foreign to the ancient Roman religion, while it is found both in Greece and Etruria. This temple was built on a scale of magnificence quite unknown to primitive Rome, and was beyond doubt the work of Etruscan architects employed, we may presume, by the Tarquinii. Its three _cellae_ contained the statues of the three deities, with Jupiter in the middle holding his thunderbolt. Henceforward it was the centre of the religious life of the state, and symbolized its unity and strength. Its dedication festival fell on the 13th of September, on which day the consuls originally succeeded to office; accompanied by the senate and other magistrates and priests, and in fulfilment of a vow made by their predecessors, they offered to the great god a white heifer, his favourite sacrifice, and after rendering thanks for the preservation of the state during the past year, made the same vow as that by which they themselves had been bound. Then followed the _epulum Jovis_ or feast of Jupiter, in which the three deities seem to have been visibly present in the form of their statues, Jupiter having a couch and each goddess a _sella_, and shared the meal with senate and magistrates. In later times this day became the central point of the great Roman games (_ludi Romani_), originally games vowed in honour of the god if he brought a war to a successful issue. When a victorious army returned home, it was to this temple that the triumphal procession passed, and the triumph of which we hear so often in Roman history may be taken as a religious ceremonial in honour of Jupiter. The general was dressed and painted to resemble the statue of Jupiter himself, and was drawn on a gilded chariot by four white horses through the Porta Triumphalis to the Capitol, where he offered a solemn sacrifice to the god, and laid on his knees the victor's laurels (see TRIUMPH).

Throughout the period of the Republic the great god of the Capitol in his temple looking down on the Forum continued to overshadow all other worships as the one in which the whole state was concerned, in all its length and breadth, rather than any one gens or family. Under Augustus and the new monarchy it is sometimes said that the Capitoline worship suffered to some extent an eclipse (J. B. Carter, _The Religion of Numa_, p. 160 seq.); and it is true that as it was the policy of Augustus to identify the state with the interests of his own family, he did what was feasible to direct the attention of the people to the worships in which he and his family were specially concerned; thus his temple of Apollo on the Palatine, and that of Mars Ultor in the Forum Augusti, took over a few of the prerogatives of the cult on the Capitol. But Augustus was far too shrewd to attempt to oust Jupiter Optimus Maximus from his paramount position; and he became the protecting deity of the reigning emperor as representing the state, as he had been the protecting deity of the free republic. His worship spread over the whole empire; it is probable that every city had its temple to the three deities of the Roman Capitol, and the fact that the Romans chose the name of Jupiter in almost every case, by which to indicate the chief deity of the subject peoples, proves that they continued to regard him, so long as his worship existed at all, as the god whom they themselves looked upon as greatest.

See ZEUS, ROMAN RELIGION. Excellent accounts of Jupiter may be found
in Roscher's _Mythological Lexicon_, and in Wissowa's _Religion und
Kultus der Römer_ (p. 100 seq.). (W. M. Ra.; W. W. F.*)

JUPITER, in astronomy, the largest planet of the solar system; his size is so great that it exceeds the collective mass of all the others in the proportion of 5 to 2. He travels in his orbit at a mean distance from the sun exceeding that of the earth 5.2 times, or 483,000,000 miles. The eccentricity of this orbit is considerable, amounting to 0.048, so that his maximum and minimum distances are 504,000,000 and 462,000,000 miles respectively. When in opposition and at his mean distance, he is situated 390,000,000 miles from the earth. His orbit is inclined about 1° 18´ 40´´ to the ecliptic. His sidereal revolution is completed in 4332.585 days or 11 years 314.9 days, and his synodical period, or the mean interval separating his returns to opposition, amounts to 398.87 days. His real polar and equatorial diameters measure 84,570 and 90,190 miles respectively, so that the mean is 87,380 miles. His apparent diameter (equatorial) as seen from the earth varies from about 32´´, when in conjunction with the sun, to 50´´ in opposition to that luminary. The oblateness, or compression, of his globe amounts to about 1/16; his volume exceeds that of the earth 1390 times, while his mass is about 300 times greater. These values are believed to be as accurate as the best modern determinations allow, but there are some differences amongst various observers and absolute exactness cannot be obtained.

The discovery of telescopic construction early in the 17th century and the practical use of the telescope by Galileo and others greatly enriched our knowledge of Jupiter and his system. Four of the satellites were detected in 1610, but the dark bands or belts on the globe of the planet do not appear to have been noticed until twenty years later. Though Galileo first sighted the satellites and perseveringly studied the Jovian orb, he failed to distinguish the belts, and we have to conclude either that these features were unusually faint at the period of his observations, or that his telescopes were insufficiently powerful to render them visible. The belts were first recognized by Nicolas Zucchi and Daniel Bartoli on the 17th of May 1630. They were seen also by Francesco Fontana in the same and immediately succeeding years, and by other observers of about the same period, including Zuppi, Giovanni Battista Riccioli and Francesco Maria Grimaldi. Improvements in telescopes were quickly introduced, and between 1655 and 1666 C. Huygens, R. Hooke and J. D. Cassini made more effective observations. Hooke discovered a large dark spot in the planet's southern hemisphere on the 19th of May 1664, and from this object Cassini determined the rotation period, in 1665 and later years, as 9 hours 56 minutes.

The belts, spots and irregular markings on Jupiter have now been assiduously studied during nearly three centuries. These markings are extremely variable in their tones, tints and relative velocities, and there is little reason to doubt that they are atmospheric formations floating above the surface of the planet in a series of different currents. Certain of the markings appear to be fairly durable, though their rates of motion exhibit considerable anomalies and prove that they must be quite detached from the actual sphere of Jupiter. At various times determinations of the rotation period were made as follows:--

_Date._ _Observer._ _Period._ _Place of Spot._

1672 J. D. Cassini 9 h. 55 m. 50 s. Lat. 16° S.
1692 " 9 h. 50 m. Equator.
1708 J. P. Maraldi 9 h. 55 m. 48 s. S. tropical zone
1773 J. Sylvabelle 9 h. 56 m. " "
1788 J. H. Schröter 9 h. 55 m. 33.6 s. Lat. 12° N.
1788 " 9 h. 55 m. 17.6 s. Lat. 20° S.
1835 J. H. Mädler 9 h. 55 m. 26.5 s. Lat. 5° N.
1835 G. B. Airy 9 h. 55 m. 21.3 s. N. tropical zone.

A great number of Jovian features have been traced in more recent years and their rotation periods ascertained. According to the researches of Stanley Williams the rates of motion for different latitudes of the planet are approximately as under:--

_Latitude._ _Rotation Period._

+85° to +28° 9 h. 55 m. 37.5 s.
+28° to +24° 9 h. 54½ m. to 9 h. 56½ m.
+24° to +20° 9 h. 48 m. to 9 h. 49½ m.
+20° to +10° 9 h. 55 m. 33.9 s.
+10° to -12° 9 h. 50 m. 20 s.
-12° to -18° 9 h. 55 m. 40 s.
-18° to -37° 9 h. 55 m. 18.1 s.
-37° to -55° 9 h. 55 m. 5 s.

W. F. Denning gives the following relative periods for the years 1898 to 1905:--

_Latitude._ _Rotation Period._

N.N. temperate 9 h. 55 m. 41.5 s.
N. temperate 9 h. 55 m. 53.8 s.
N. tropical 9 h. 55 m. 30 s.
Equatorial 9 h. 50 m. 27 s.
S. temperate 9 h. 55 m. 19.5 s.
S.S. temperate 9 h. 55 m. 7 s.

The above are the mean periods derived from a large number of markings. The bay or hollow in the great southern equatorial belt north of the red spot has perhaps been observed for a longer period than any other feature on Jupiter except the red spot itself. H. Schwabe saw the hollow in the belt on the 5th of September 1831 and on many subsequent dates. The rotation period of this object during the seventy years to the 5th of September 1901 was 9 h. 55 m. 36 s. from 61,813 rotations. Since 1901 the mean period has been 9 h. 55 m. 40 s., but it has fluctuated between 9 h. 55 m. 38 s. and 9 h. 55 m. 42 s. The motion of the various features is not therefore dependent upon their latitude, though at the equator the rate seems swifter as a rule than in other zones. But exceptions occur, for in 1880 some spots appeared in about 23° N. which rotated in 9 h. 48 m. though in the region immediately N. of this the spot motion is ordinarily the slowest of all and averages 9 h. 55 m. 53.8 s. (from twenty determinations). These differences of speed remind us of the sun-spots and their proper motions. The solar envelope, however, appears to show a pretty regular retardation towards the poles, for according to Gustav Spörer's formula, while the equatorial period is 25 d. 2 h. 15 m. the latitudes 46° N. and S. give a period of 28 d. 15 h. 0 m.

The Jovian currents flow in a due east and west direction as though mainly influenced by the swift rotatory movement of the globe, and exhibit little sign of deviation either to N. or S. These currents do not blend and pass gradually into each other, but seem to be definitely bounded and controlled by separate, phenomena well capable of preserving their individuality. Occasionally, it is true, there have been slanting belts on Jupiter (a prominent example occurred in the spring of 1861), as though the materials were evolved with some force in a polar direction, but these oblique formations have usually spread out in longitude and ultimately formed bands parallel with the equator. The longitudinal currents do not individually present us with an equable rate of motion. In fact they display some curious irregularities, the spots carried along in them apparently oscillating to and fro without any reference to fixed periods or cyclical variations. Thus the equatorial current in 1880 moved at the rate of 9 h. 50 m. 6 s. whereas in 1905 it was 9 h. 50 m. 33 s. The red spot in the S. tropical zone gave 9 h. 55 m. 34 s. in 1879-1880, whereas during 1900-1908 it has varied a little on either side of 9 h. 55 m. 40.6 s. Clearly therefore no fixed period of rotation can be applied for any spot since it is subject to drifts E. or W. and these drifts sometimes come into operation suddenly, and may be either temporary or durable. Between 1878 and 1900 the red spot in the planet's S. hemisphere showed a continuous retardation of speed.

It must be remembered that in speaking of the rotation of these markings, we are simply alluding to the irregularities in the vaporous envelope of Jupiter. The rotation of the planet itself is another matter and its value is not yet exactly known, though it is probably little different from that of the markings, and especially from those of the most durable character, which indicate a period of about 9 h. 56 m. We never discern the actual landscape of Jupiter or any of the individual forms really diversifying it.

Possibly the red spot which became so striking an object in 1878, and which still remains faintly visible on the planet, is the same feature as that discovered by R. Hooke in 1664 and watched by Cassini in following years. It was situated in approximately the same latitude of the planet and appears to have been hidden temporarily during several periods up to 1713. But the lack of fairly continuous observations of this particular marking makes its identity with the present spot extremely doubtful. The latter was seen by W. R. Dawes in 1857, by Sir W. Huggins in 1858, by J. Baxendell in 1859, by Lord Rosse and R. Copeland in 1873, by H. C. Russell in 1876-1877, and in later years it has formed an object of general observation. In fact it may safely be said that no planetary marking has ever aroused such widespread interest and attracted such frequent observation as the great red spot on Jupiter.

The slight inclination of the equator of this planet to the plane of his orbit suggests that he experiences few seasonal changes. From the conditions we are, in fact, led to expect a prevailing calm in his atmosphere, the more so from the circumstance that the amount of the sun's heat poured upon each square mile of it is (on the average) less than the 27th part of that received by each square mile of the earth's surface. Moreover, the seasons of Jupiter have nearly twelve times the duration of ours, so that it would be naturally expected that changes in his atmosphere produced by solar action take place with extreme slowness. But this is very far from being the case. Telescopes reveal the indications of rapid changes and extensive disturbances in the aspect and material forming the belts. New spots covering large areas frequently appear and as frequently decay and vanish, implying an agitated condition of the Jovian atmosphere, and leading us to admit the operation of causes much more active than the heating influence of the sun.

When we institute a comparison between Jupiter and the earth on the basis that the atmosphere of the former planet bears the same relation to his mass as the atmosphere of the earth bears to her mass, we find that a state of things must prevail on Jupiter very dissimilar to that affecting our own globe. The density of the Jovian atmosphere we should expect to be fully six times as great as the density of our air at sea-level, while it would be comparatively shallow. But the telescopic aspect of Jupiter apparently negatives the latter supposition. The belts and spots grow faint as they approach the limb, and disappear as they near the edge of the disk, thus indicating a dense and deep atmosphere. R. A. Proctor considered that the observed features suggested inherent heat, and adopted this conclusion as best explaining the surface phenomena of the planet. He regarded Jupiter as belonging, on account of his immense size, to a different class of bodies from the earth, and was led to believe that there existed greater analogy between Jupiter and the sun than between Jupiter and the earth. Thus the density of the sun, like that of Jupiter, is small compared with the earth's; in fact, the mean density of the sun is almost identical with that of Jupiter, and the belts of the latter planet may be much more aptly compared with the spot zones of the sun than with the trade zones of the earth.

In support of the theory of inherent heat on Jupiter it has been said that his albedo (or light reflected from his surface) is much greater than the amount would be were his surface similar to that of the moon, Mercury or Mars, and the reasoning has been applied to the large outer planets, Saturn, Uranus and Neptune, as well as to Jupiter. The average reflecting capacity of the moon and five outer planets would seem to be (on the assumption that they possess no inherent light) as follows:--

Moon 0.1736 Jupiter 0.6238 Uranus 0.6400
Mars 0.2672 Saturn 0.4981 Neptune 0.4848