Chapter XII: Front Matter (12)

When the canoe was ready, the corpse, wrapped in blankets, was
brought out, and laid in it on mats previously spread. All the
wearing apparel was next put in beside the body, together with her
trinkets, beads, little baskets, and various trifles she had prized.
More blankets were then covered over the body, and mats smoothed
over all. Next, a small canoe, which fitted into the large one, was
placed, bottom up, over the corpse, and the whole then covered with
mats. The canoe was then raised up and placed on two parallel bars,
elevated four or five feet from the ground, and supported by being
inserted through holes mortised at the top of four stout posts
previously firmly planted in the earth. Around these holes were then
hung blankets, and all the cooking utensils of the deceased, pots,
kettles, and pans, each with a hole punched through it, and all her
crockery-ware, every piece of which was first cracked or broken, to
render it useless; and then, when all was done, they left her to
remain for one year, when the bones would be buried in a box in the
earth directly under the canoe; but that, with all its appendages,
would never be molested, but left to go to gradual decay.

They regard these canoes precisely as we regard coffins, and would
no more think of using one than we would of using our own graveyard
relics; and it is, in their view, as much of a desecration for a
white man to meddle or interfere with these, to them, sacred
mementoes, as it would be to us to have an Indian open the graves of
our relatives. Many thoughtless white men have done this, and
animosities have been thus occasioned.

Figure 23 represents this mode of burial.

From a number of other examples, the following, relating to the Twanas, and furnished by the Rev. M. Eells, missionary to the Skokomish Agency, Washington Territory, is selected:

The deceased was a woman about thirty or thirty-five years of age,
dead of consumption. She died in the morning, and in the afternoon I
went to the house to attend the funeral. She had then been placed in
a Hudson’s Bay Company’s box for a coffin, which was about 3½
feet long, 1½ wide, and 1½ high. She was very poor when she died,
owing to her disease, or she could not have been put in this box.
A fire was burning near by, where a large number of her things had
been consumed, and the rest was in three boxes near the coffin. Her
mother sang the mourning song, sometimes with others, and often
saying, “My daughter, my daughter, why did you die?” and similar
words. The burial did not take place until the next day, and I was
invited to go. It was an aerial burial in a canoe. The canoe was
about 25 feet long. The posts, of old Indian layered boards, were
about a foot wide. Holes were cut in those, in which boards were
placed, on which the canoe rested. One thing I noticed while this
was done which was new to me, but the significance of which I did
not learn. As fast as the holes were cut in the posts, green leaves
were gathered and placed over the holes until the posts were put in
the ground. The coffin-box and the three others containing her
things were placed in the canoe and a roof of boards made over the
central part, which was entirely covered with white cloth. The head
part and the foot part of her bedstead were then nailed on to the
posts, which front the water, and a dress nailed on each of these.
After pronouncing the benediction, all left the hull and went to the
beach except her father, mother, and brother, who remained ten or
fifteen minutes, pounding on the canoe and mourning. They then came
down and made a present to those persons who were there--a gun to
one, a blanket to each of two or three others, and a dollar and a
half to each of the rest, including myself, there being about
fifteen persons present. Three or four of them then made short
speeches, and we came home.

The reason why she was buried thus is said to be because she is a
prominent woman in the tribe. In about nine months it is expected
that there will be a “_pot-latch_” or distribution of money near
this place, and as each tribe shall come they will send a delegation
of two or three men, who will carry a present and leave it at the
grave; soon after that shall be done she will be buried in the
ground. Shortly after her death both her father and mother cut off
their hair as a sign of their grief.

Figure 24 is from a sketch kindly furnished by Mr. Eells, and represents the burial mentioned in his narrative.

The Clallams and Twanas, an allied tribe, have not always followed canoe-burial, as may be seen from the following account, also written by Mr. Eells, who gives the reasons why the original mode of disposing of the dead was abandoned. It is extremely interesting, and characterized by painstaking attention to detail:

I divide this subject into five periods, varying according to time,
though they are somewhat intermingled.

(_a_) There are places where skulls and skeletons have been plowed
up or still remain in the ground and near together, in such a way as
to give good ground for the belief which is held by white residents
in the region, that formerly persons were buried in the ground and
in irregular cemeteries. I know of such places in Duce Waillops
among the Twanas, and at Dungeness and Port Angeles among the
Clallams. These graves were made so long ago that the Indians of the
present day profess to have no knowledge as to who is buried in
them, except that they believe, undoubtedly, that they are the
graves of their ancestors. I do not know that any care has ever been
exercised by any one in exhuming these skeletons so as to learn any
particulars about them. It is possible, however, that these persons
were buried according to the (_b_) or canoe method, and that time
has buried them where they now are.

(_b_) Formerly when a person died the body was placed in the forks
of two trees and left there. There was no particular cemetery, but
the person was generally left near the place where the death
occurred. The Skokomish Valley is said to have been full of canoes
containing persons thus buried. What their customs were while
burying, or what they placed around the dead, I am not informed but
am told that they did not take as much care then of their dead as
they do now. I am satisfied, however, that they then left some
articles around the dead. An old resident informs me that the
Clallam Indians always bury their dead in a sitting posture.

(_c_) About twenty years ago gold mines were discovered in British
Columbia, and boats being scarce in the region, unprincipled white
men took many of the canoes in which the Indian dead had been left,
emptying them of their contents. This incensed the Indians and they
changed their mode of burial somewhat by burying the dead in one
place, placing them in boxes whenever they could obtain them, by
building scaffolds for them instead of placing them in forks of
trees, and in cutting their canoes so as to render them useless,
when they were used as coffins or left by the side of the dead. The
ruins of one such graveyard now remain about two miles from this
agency. Nearly all the remains were removed a few years ago.

With this I furnish you the outlines of such graves which I have
drawn. Fig. 25 shows that at present only one pair of posts remains.
I have supplied the other pair as they evidently were.

Figure 26 is a recent grave at another place. That part which is
covered with board and cloth incloses the coffin which is on a
scaffold.

As the Indians have been more in contact with the whites they have
learned to bury in the ground, and this is the most common method at
the present time. There are cemeteries everywhere where Indians have
resided any length of time. After a person has died a coffin is made
after the cheaper kinds of American ones, the body is placed in it,
and also with it a number of articles, chiefly cloth or clothes,
though occasionally money. I lately heard of a child being buried
with a twenty-dollar gold piece in each hand and another in its
month, but I am not able to vouch for the truth of it. As a general
thing, money is too valuable with them for this purpose and there is
too much temptation for some one to rob the grave when this is left
in it.

(_d_) The grave is dug after the style of the whites and the coffin
then placed in it. After it has been covered it is customary though
not universal, to build some kind of an inclosure over it or around
it in the shape of a small house, shed, lodge or fence. These are
from 2 to 12 feet high, from 2 to 6 feet wide, and from 5 to 12 feet
long. Some of these are so well inclosed that it is impossible to
see within and some are quite open. Occasionally a window is placed
in the front side. Sometimes these enclosures are covered with
cloth, which is generally white, sometimes partly covered, and some
have none. Around the grave, both outside and inside of the
inclosure, various articles are placed, as guns, canoes, dishes,
pails, cloth, sheets, blankets, beads, tubs, lamps, bows, mats, and
occasionally a roughly-carved human image rudely painted. It is said
that around and in the grave of one Clallam chief, buried a few
years ago, $500 worth of such things were left. Most of these
articles are cut or broken so as to render them valueless to man and
to prevent their being stolen. Poles are also often erected, from 10
to 30 feet long, on which American flags, handkerchiefs, clothes,
and cloths of various colors are hung. A few graves have nothing of
this kind. On some graves these things are renewed every year or
two. This depends mainly on the number of relatives living and the
esteem in which they hold the deceased.

The belief exists that as the body decays spirits carry it away
particle by particle to the spirit of the deceased in the spirit
land, and also as these articles decay they are also carried away in
a similar manner. I have never known of the placing food near a
grave. Figures 27 and 28 will give you some idea of this class of
graves. Figure 27 has a paling fence 12 feet square around it.
Figure 28 is simply a frame over a grave where there is no
enclosure.

(_e_) _Civilized mode._--A few persons, of late, have fallen almost
entirely into the American custom of burying, building a simple
paling fence around it, but placing no articles around it; this is
more especially true of the Clallams.

FUNERAL CEREMONIES.

In regard to the funeral ceremonies and mourning observances of
sections (_a_) and (_b_) of the preceding subject I know nothing. In
regard to (_c_) and (_d_), they begin to mourn, more especially the
women, as soon as a person dies. Their mourning song consists
principally of the sounds represented by the three English notes mi
mi, do do, la la; those who attend the funeral are expected to bring
some articles to place in the coffin or about the grave as a token
of respect for the dead. The articles which I have seen for this
purpose have been cloth of some kind; a small piece of cloth is
returned by the mourners to the attendants as a token of
remembrance. They bury much sooner after death than white persons
do, generally as soon as they can obtain a coffin. I know of no
other native funeral ceremonies. Occasionally before being taken to
the grave, I have held Christian funeral ceremonies over them, and
these services increase from year to year. One reason which has
rendered them somewhat backward about having these funeral services
is, that they are quite superstitions about going near the dead,
fearing that the evil spirit which killed the deceased will enter
the living and kill them also. Especially are they afraid of having
children go near, being much more fearful of the effect of the evil
spirit on them than on older persons.

MOURNING OBSERVANCES.

They have no regular period, so far as I know, for mourning, but
often continue it after the burial, though I do not know that they
often visit the grave. If they feel the loss very much, sometimes
they will mourn nearly every day for several weeks; especially is
this true when they meet an old friend who has not been seen since
the funeral, or when they see an article owned by the deceased which
they have not seen for a long time. The only other thing of which I
think, which bears on this subject, is an idea they have, that
before a person dies--it may be but a short time or it may be
several months--a spirit from the spirit land comes and carries off
the spirit of the individual to that place. There are those who
profess to discover when this is done, and if by any of their
incantations they can compel that spirit to return, the person will
not die, but if they are not able, then the person will become dead
at heart and in time die, though it may not be for six months or
even twelve. You will also find a little on this subject in a
pamphlet which I wrote on the Twana Indians and which has recently
been published by the Department of the Interior, under Prof. F. V.
Hayden, United States Geologist.

George Gibbs[5.81] gives a most interesting account of the burial ceremonies of the Indians of Oregon and Washington Territory, which is here reproduced in its entirety, although it contains examples of other modes of burial besides that in canoes; but to separate the narrative would destroy the thread of the story:

The common mode of disposing of the dead among the fishing tribes
was in canoes. These were generally drawn into the woods at some
prominent point a short distance from the village, and sometimes
placed between the forks of trees or raised from the ground on
posts. Upon the Columbia River the Tsinūk had in particular two very
noted cemeteries, a high isolated bluff about three miles below the
mouth of the Cowlitz, called Mount Coffin, and one some distance
above, called Coffin Rock. The former would appear not to have been
very ancient. Mr. Broughton, one of Vancouver’s lieutenants, who
explored the river, makes mention only of _several_ canoes at this
place; and Lewis and Clarke, who noticed the mount, do not speak of
them at all, but at the time of Captain Wilkes’s expedition it is
conjectured that there were at least 3,000. A fire caused by the
carelessness of one of his party destroyed the whole, to the great
indignation of the Indians.

Captain Belcher, of the British ship Sulphur, who visited the river
in 1839, remarks: “In the year 1836 [1826] the small-pox made great
ravages, and it was followed a few years since by the ague.
Consequently Corpse Island and Coffin Mount, as well as the adjacent
shores, were studded not only with canoes, but at the period of our
visit the skulls and skeletons were strewed about in all
directions.” This method generally prevailed on the neighboring
coasts, as at Shoal Water Bay, &c. Farther up the Columbia, as at
the Cascades, a different form was adopted, which is thus described
by Captain Clarke:

“About half a mile below this house, in a very thick part of the
woods, is an ancient Indian burial-place; it consists of eight
vaults, made of pine cedar boards, closely connected, about 8 feet
square and 6 in height, the top securely covered with wide boards,
sloping a little, so as to convey off the rain. The direction of all
these is east and west, the door being on the eastern side, and
partially stopped with wide boards, decorated with rude pictures of
men and other animals. On entering we found in some of them four
dead bodies, carefully wrapped in skins, tied with cords of grass
and bark, lying on a mat in a direction east and west; the other
vaults contained only bones, which in some of them were piled to a
height of 4 feet; on the tops of the vaults and on poles attached to
them hung brass kettles and frying-pans with holes in their bottoms,
baskets, bowls, sea-shells, skins, pieces of cloth, hair bags of
trinkets, and small bones, the offerings of friendship or affection,
which have been saved by a pious veneration from the ferocity of war
or the more dangerous temptation of individual gain. The whole of
the walls as well as the door were decorated with strange figures
cut and painted on them, and besides these were several wooden
images of men, some of them so old and decayed as to have almost
lost their shape, which were all placed against the sides of the
vault. These images, as well as those in the houses we have lately
seen, do not appear to be at all the objects of adoration in this
place; they were most probably intended as resemblances of those
whose decease they indicate, and when we observe them in houses they
occupy the most conspicuous part, but are treated more like
ornaments than objects of worship. Near the vaults which are still
standing are the remains of others on the ground, completely rotted
and covered with moss; and as they are formed of the most durable
pine and cedar timber, there is every appearance that for a very
long series of years this retired spot has been the depository for
the Indians near this place.”

Another depository of this kind upon an island in the river a few
miles above gave it the name of Sepulcher Inland. The _Watlala_, a
tribe of the Upper Tsinūk, whose burial place is here described, are
now nearly extinct; but a number of the sepulchers still remain in
different states of preservation. The position of the body, as
noticed by Clarke, is, I believe, of universal observance, the head
being always placed to the west. The reason assigned to me is that
the road to the _mé-mel-ūs-illa-hee_, the country of the dead, is
toward the west, and if they place them otherwise they would be
confused. East of the Cascade Mountains the tribes whose habits are
equestrian, and who use canoes only for ferriage or transportation
purposes, bury their dead, usually heaping over them piles of
stones, either to mark the spot or to prevent the bodies from being
exhumed by the prairie wolf. Among the Yakamas we saw many of their
graves placed in conspicuous points of the basaltic walls which line
the lower valleys, and designated by a clump of poles planted over
them, from which fluttered various articles of dress. Formerly these
prairie tribes killed horses over the graves--a custom now falling
into disuse in consequence of the teachings of the whites.

Upon Puget Sound all the forms obtain in different localities. Among
the Makah of Cape Flattery the graves are covered with a sort of
box, rudely constructed of boards, and elsewhere on the Sound the
same method is adopted in some cases, while in others the bodies are
placed on elevated scaffolds. As a general thing, however, the
Indians upon the water placed the dead in canoes, while those at a
distance from it buried them. Most of the graves are surrounded with
strips of cloth, blankets, and other articles of property. Mr.
Cameron, an English gentleman residing at Esquimalt Harbor,
Vancouver Island, informed me that on his place there were graves
having at each corner a large stone, the interior space filled with
rubbish. The origin of these was unknown to the present Indians.

The distinctions of rank or wealth in all cases were very marked;
persons of no consideration and slaves being buried with very little
care or respect. Vancouver, whose attention was particularly
attracted to their methods of disposing of the dead, mentions that
at Port Discovery he saw baskets suspended to the trees containing
the skeletons of young children, and, what is not easily explained,
small square boxes, containing, apparently, food. I do not think
that any of these tribes place articles of food with the dead, nor
have I been able to learn from living Indians that they formerly
followed that practice. What he took for such I do not understand.
He also mentions seeing in the same place a cleared space recently
burned over, in which the skulls and bones of a number lay among the
ashes. The practice of burning the dead exists in parts of
California and among the Tshimsyan of Fort Simpson. It is also
pursued by the “Carriers” of New California, but no intermediate
tribes, to my knowledge, follow it. Certainly those of the Sound do
not at present.

It is clear from Vancouver’s narrative that some great epidemic had
recently passed through the country, as manifested by the quantity
of human remains uncared for and exposed at the time of his visit,
and very probably the Indians, being afraid, had buried a house, in
which the inhabitants had perished with the dead in it. This is
frequently done. They almost invariably remove from any place where
sickness has prevailed, generally destroying the house also.

At Penn Cove Mr. Whidbey, one of Vancouver’s officers, noticed
several sepulchers formed exactly like a sentry-box. Some of them
were open, and contained the skeletons of many young children tied
up in baskets. The smaller bones of adults were likewise noticed,
but not one of the limb bones was found, which gave rise to an
opinion that these, by the living inhabitants of the neighborhood,
were appropriated to useful purposes, such as pointing their arrows,
spears, or other weapons.

It is hardly necessary to say that such a practice is altogether
foreign to Indian character. The bones of the adults had probably
been removed and buried elsewhere. The corpses of children are
variously disposed of; sometimes by suspending them, at others by
placing in the hollows of trees. A cemetery devoted to infants is,
however, an unusual occurrence. In cases of chiefs or men of note
much pomp was used in the accompaniments of the rite. The canoes
were of great size and value--the war or state canoes of the
deceased. Frequently one was inverted over that holding the body,
and in one instance, near Shoalwater Bay, the corpse was deposited
in a small canoe, which again was placed in a larger one and covered
with a third. Among the _Tsinūk_ and _Tsìhalis_ the _tamahno-ūs_
board of the owner was placed near him. The Puget Sound Indians do
not make these _tamahno-ūs_ boards, but they sometimes constructed
effigies of their chiefs, resembling the person as nearly as
possible, dressed in his usual costume, and wearing the articles of
which he was fond. One of these, representing the Skagit chief
Sneestum, stood very conspicuously upon a high bank on the eastern
side of Whidbey Island. The figures observed by Captain Clarke at
the Cascades were either of this description or else the carved
posts which had ornamented the interior of the houses of the
deceased, and were connected with the superstition of the
_tamahno-ūs_. The most valuable articles of property were put into
or hung up around the grave, being first carefully rendered
unserviceable, and the living family were literally stripped to do
honor to the dead. No little self-denial must have been practiced in
parting with articles so precious, but those interested frequently
had the least to say on the subject. The graves of women were
distinguished by a cap, a Kamas stick, or other implement of their
occupation, and by articles of dress.

Slaves were killed in proportion to the rank and wealth of the
deceased. In some instances they were starved to death, or even tied
to the dead body and left to perish thus horribly. At present this
practice has been almost entirely given up, but till within a very
few years it was not uncommon. A case which occurred in 1850 has
been already mentioned. Still later, in 1853, Toke, a Tsinūk chief
living at Shoalwater Bay, undertook to kill a slave girl belonging
to his daughter, who, in dying, had requested that this might be
done. The woman fled, and was found by some citizens in the woods
half starved. Her master attempted to reclaim her, but was soundly
thrashed and warned against another attempt.

It was usual in the case of chiefs to renew or repair for a
considerable length of time the materials and ornaments of the
burial-place. With the common class of persons family pride or
domestic affection was satisfied with the gathering together of the
bones after the flesh had decayed and wrapping them in a new mat.
The violation of the grave was always regarded as an offense of the
first magnitude and provoked severe revenge. Captain Belcher
remarks: “Great secrecy is observed in all their burial ceremonies,
partly from fear of Europeans, and as among themselves they will
instantly punish by death any violation of the tomb or wage war if
perpetrated by another tribe, so they are inveterate and tenaceously
bent on revenge should they discover that any act of the kind has
been perpetrated by a white man. It is on record that part of the
crew of a vessel on her return to this port (the Columbia) suffered
because a person who belonged to her (but not then in her) was known
to have taken a skull, which, from the process of flattening, had
become an object of curiosity.” He adds, however, that at the period
of his visit to the river “the skulls and skeletons were scattered
about in all directions; and as I was on most of their positions
unnoticed by the natives, I suspect the feeling does not extend much
beyond their relatives, and then only till decay has destroyed body,
goods, and chattels. The chiefs, no doubt, are watched, as their
canoes are repainted, decorated, and greater care taken by placing
them in sequestered spots.”

The motive for sacrificing or destroying property on occasion of
death will be referred to in treating of their religious ideas.
Wailing for the dead is continued for a long time, and it seems to
be rather a ceremonial performance than an act of spontaneous grief.
The duty, of course, belongs to the woman, and the early morning is
usually chosen for the purpose. They go out alone to some place a
little distant from the lodge or camp and in a loud, sobbing voice
repeat a sort of stereotyped formula; as, for instance, a mother, on
the loss of her child, “_A seahb shed-da bud-dah ah ta bud!
ad-de-dah_,” “Ah chief!” “My child dead, alas!” When in dreams they
see any of their deceased friends this lamentation is renewed.

With most of the Northwest Indians it was quite common, as mentioned by Mr. Gibbs, to kill or bury with the dead a living slave, who, failing to die within three days, was strangled by another slave; but the custom has also prevailed among other tribes and peoples, in many cases the individuals offering themselves as voluntary sacrifices. Bancroft states that--

In Panama, Nata, and some other districts, when a cacique died,
those of his concubines that loved him enough, those that he loved
ardently and so appointed, as well as certain servants, killed
themselves and were interred with him. This they did in order that
they might wait upon him in the land of spirits.

It is well known to all readers of history to what an extreme this revolting practice has prevailed in Mexico, South America, and Africa.

AQUATIC BURIAL.

As a confirmed rite or ceremony, this mode of disposing of the dead has never been followed by any of our North American Indians, although occasionally the dead have been disposed of by sinking in springs or water-courses, by throwing into the sea, or by setting afloat in canoes. Among the nations of antiquity the practice was not uncommon, for we are informed that the Ichthyophagi, or fish-eaters, mentioned by Ptolemy, living in a region bordering on the Persian Gulf, invariably committed their dead to the sea, thus repaying the obligations they had incurred to its inhabitants. The Lotophagians did the same, and the Hyperboreans, with a commendable degree of forethought for the survivors, when ill or about to die, threw themselves into the sea. The burial of Balder “the beautiful,” it may be remembered, was in a highly decorated ship, which was pushed down to the sea, set on fire, and committed to the waves. The Itzas of Guatemala, living on the islands of Lake Peten, according to Bancroft, are said to have thrown their dead into the lake for want of room. The Indians of Nootka Sound and the Chinooks were in the habit of thus getting rid of their dead slaves, and, according to Timberlake, the Cherokees of Tennessee “seldom bury the dead, but throw them into the river.”

The Alibamans, as they were called by Bossu, denied the rite of sepulture to suicides; they were looked upon as cowards, and their bodies thrown into a river. The Rev. J. G. Wood[5.82] states that the Obongo or African tribe takes the body to some running stream, the course of which has been previously diverted. A deep grave is dug in the bed of the stream, the body placed in it, and covered over carefully. Lastly, the stream is restored to its original course, so that all traces of the grave are soon lost.

The Kavague also bury their common people, or wanjambo, by simply sinking the body in some stream.

Historians inform us that Alaric was buried in a manner similar to that employed by the Obongo, for in 410, at Cosença, a town of Calabria, the Goths turned aside the course of the river Vasento, and having made a grave in the midst of its bed, where its course was most rapid, they interred their king with a prodigious amount of wealth and riches. They then caused the river to resume its regular course, and destroyed all persons who had been concerned in preparing this romantic grave.

A later example of water-burial is that afforded by the funeral of De Soto. Dying in 1542, his remains were inclosed in a wooden chest well weighted, and committed to the turbid and tumultuous waters of the Mississippi.

After a careful search for well-authenticated instances of burial, aquatic and semi-aquatic, among North American Indians, but two have been found, which are here given. The first relates to the Gosh-Utes, and is by Capt. J. H. Simpson:[5.83]

Skull Valley, which is a part of the Great Salt Lake Desert, and
which we have crossed to-day, Mr. George W. Bean, my guide over this
route last fall, says derives its name from the number of skulls
which have been found in it, and which have arisen from the custom
of the Goshute Indians burying their dead in springs, which they
sank with stones or keep down with sticks. He says he has actually
seen the Indians bury their dead in this way near the town of Provo,
where he resides.

As corroborative of this statement, Captain Simpson mentions in another part of the volume that, arriving at a spring one evening, they were obliged to dig out the skeleton of an Indian from the mud at the bottom before using the water.

This peculiar mode of burial is entirely unique, so far as known, and but from the well-known probity of the relator might well be questioned, especially when it is remembered that in the country spoken of water is quite scarce and Indians are careful not to pollute the streams or springs near which they live. Conjecture seems useless to establish a reason for this disposition of the dead, unless we are inclined to attribute it to the natural indolence of the savage, or a desire to poison the springs for white persons.

The second example is by George Catlin,[5.84] and relates to the Chinook:

* * * This little cradle has a strap which passes over the woman’s
forehead whilst the cradle rides on her back, and if the child dies
during its subjection to this rigid mode, its cradle becomes its
coffin, forming a little canoe, in which it lies floating on the
water in some sacred pool, where they are often in the habit of
fastening their canoes containing the dead bodies of the old and
young, or, which in often the case, elevated into the branches of
trees, where their bodies are left to decay and their bones to dry
whilst they are bandaged in many skins and curiously packed in their
canoes, with paddles to propel and ladles to bale them out, and
provisions to last and pipes to smoke as they are performing their
“long journey after death to their contemplated hunting grounds,”
which these people think is to be performed in their canoes.

Figure 30, after Catlin, is a representation of a mourning-cradle. Figure 31 represents the sorrowing mother committing the body of her dead child to the mercy of the elements.

LIVING SEPULCHERS.

This is a term quaintly used by the learned M. Pierre Muret to express the devouring of the dead by birds and animals or the surviving friends and relatives. Exposure of the dead to animals and birds has already been mentioned, but in the absence of any positive proof, it is not believed that the North American Indians followed the custom, although cannibalism may have prevailed to a limited extent. It is true that a few accounts are given by authors, but these are considered apochryphal in character, and the one mentioned is only offered to show how credulous were the early writers on American natives.

That such a means of disposing of the dead was not in practice is somewhat remarkable when we take into consideration how many analogies been found in comparing old and new world funeral observances, and the statements made by Bruhier, Lafitau, Muret, and others, who give a number of examples of this peculiar mode of burial.

For instance, the Tartars sometimes ate their dead, and the Massagetics, Padæans, Derbices, and Effedens did the same, having previously strangled the aged and mixed their flesh with mutton. Horace and Tertullian both affirm that the Irish and ancient Britons devoured the dead, and Lafitau remarks that certain Indians of South America did the same, esteeming this mode of disposal more honorable and much to be preferred than to rot and be eaten by worms.

J. G. Wood, in his work already quoted, states that the Fans of Africa devour their dead, but this disposition is followed only for the common people, the kings and chiefs being buried with much ceremony.

The following extract is from Lafitau:[5.85]

Dans l’Amérique Méridionale quelque Peuples décharnent les corps de
leurs Guerriers et les mangent leurs chairs, ainsi que je viens de
le dire, et après les avoir consumées, ils conservent pendant
quelque temps leurs cadavres avec respect dans leurs Cabanes, et il
portent ces squeletes dans les combats en guise d’Etendard, pour
ranimer leur courage par cette vue et inspirer de la terreur à leurs
ennemis. * * *

Il est vrai qu’il y en a qui font festin des cadavres de leurs
parens; mais il est faux qu’elles les mettent à mort dans leur
vieillesse, pour avoir le plaisir de se nourrir de leur chair, et
d’en faire un repas. Quelques Nations de l’Amérique Méridionale, qui
ont encore cette coutume de manger les corps morts de leurs parens,
n’en usent ainsi que par piété, piété mal entenduë à la verité, mais
piété colorée néanmoins par quelque ombre de raison; car ils croyent
leur donner une sépulture bien plus honorable.

To the credit of our savages, this barbarous and revolting practice is not believed to have been practiced by them.

MOURNING, SACRIFICE, FEASTS, FOOD, DANCES, SONGS, GAMES, POSTS, FIRES, AND SUPERSTITIONS IN CONNECTION WITH BURIAL.

The above subjects are coincident with burial, and some of them, particularly mourning, have been more or less treated of in this paper, yet it may be of advantage to here give a few of the collected examples, under separate heads.

_MOURNING._

One of the most carefully described scenes of mourning at the death of a chief of the Crows is related in the life of Beckwourth,[5.86] who for many years lived among this people, finally attaining great distinction as a warrior.

I dispatched a herald to the village to inform them of the head
chief’s death, and then, burying him according to his directions, we
slowly proceeded homewards. My very soul sickened at the
contemplation of the scenes that would be enacted at my arrival.
When we drew in sight of the village, we found every lodge laid
prostrate. We entered amid shrieks, cries, and yells. Blood was
streaming from every conceivable part of the bodies of all who were
old enough to comprehend their loss. Hundreds of fingers were
dismembered; hair torn from the head lay in profusion about the
paths; wails and moans in every direction assailed the ear, where
unrestrained joy had a few hours before prevailed. This fearful
mourning lasted until evening of the next day. * * *

A herald having been dispatched to our other villages to acquaint
them with the death of our head chief, and request them to assemble
at the Rose Bud, in order to meet our village and devote themselves
to a general time of mourning, there met, in conformity to the
summons, over ten thousand Crows at the place indicated. Such a
scene of disorderly, vociferous mourning, no imagination can
conceive nor any pen portray. Long Hair cut off a large roll of his
hair; a thing he was never known to do before. The cutting and
hacking of human flesh exceeded all my previous experience; fingers
were dismembered as readily as twigs, and blood was poured out like
water. Many of the warriors would cut two gashes nearly the entire
length of their arm; then, separating the skin from the flesh at one
end, would grasp it in their other hand, and rip it asunder to the
shoulder. Others would carve various devices upon their breasts and
shoulders, and raise the skin in the same manner to make the scars
show to advantage after the wound was healed. Some of their
mutilations were ghastly, and my heart sickened to look at them, but
they would not appear to receive any pain from them.

It should be remembered that many of Beckwourth’s statements are to be taken _cum grana salis_.

From I. L. Mahan, United States Indian agent for the Chippewas of Lake Superior, Red Cliff, Wisconsin, the following detailed account of mourning has been received:

There is probably no people that exhibit more sorrow and grief for
their dead than they. The young widow mourns the loss of her
husband; by day as by night she is heard silently sobbing; she is a
constant visitor to the place of rest; with the greatest reluctance
will she follow the raised camp. The friends and relatives of the
young mourner will incessantly devise methods to distract her mind
from the thought of her lost husband. She refuses nourishment, but
as nature is exhausted she is prevailed upon to partake of food; the
supply is scant, but on every occasion the best and largest
proportion is deposited upon the grave of her husband. In the mean
time the female relatives of the deceased have, according to custom,
submitted to her charge a parcel made up of different cloths
ornamented with bead-work and eagle’s feathers, which she is charged
to keep by her side--the place made vacant by the demise of her
husband--a reminder of her widowhood. She is therefore for a term of
twelve moons not permitted to wear any finery, neither is she
permitted to slicken up and comb her head; this to avoid attracting
attention. Once in a while a female relative of deceased,
commiserating with her grief and sorrow, will visit her and
voluntarily proceed to comb out the long-neglected and matted hair.
With a jealous eye a vigilant watch is kept over her conduct during
the term of her widowhood, yet she is allowed the privilege to
marry, any time during her widowhood, an unmarried brother or
cousin, or a person of the same _Dodem_ [_sic_] (family mark) of her
husband.

At the expiration of her term, the vows having been faithfully
performed and kept, the female relatives of deceased assemble and,
with greetings commensurate to the occasion, proceed to wash her
face, comb her hair, and attire her person with new apparel, and
otherwise demonstrating the release from her vow and restraint.
Still she has not her entire freedom. If she will still refuse to
marry a relative of the deceased and will marry another, she then
has to purchase her freedom by giving a certain amount of goods and
whatever else she might have manufactured during her widowhood in
anticipation of the future now at hand. Frequently, though, during
widowhood the vows are disregarded and an inclination to flirt and
play courtship or form an alliance of marriage outside of the
relatives of the deceased is being indulged, and when discovered the
widow is set upon by the female relatives, her slick braided hair is
shorn close up to the back of her neck, all her apparel and trinkets
are torn from her person, and a quarrel frequently results fatally
to some member of one or the other side.

Thomas L. McKenney[5.87] gives a description of the Chippewa widow which differs slightly from the one above:

I have noticed several women here carrying with them rolls of
clothing. On inquiring what these imported, I learn that they _are
widows_ who carry them, and that these are badges of mourning. It is
indispensable, when a woman of the Chippeway Nation loses her
husband, for her to take of her best apparel--and the whole of it is
not worth a dollar--and roll it up, and confine it by means of her
husband’s sashes; and if he had ornaments, these are generally put
on the top of the roll, and around it is wrapped a piece of cloth.
This bundle is called her husband, and it is expected that she is
never to be seen without it. If she walks out she takes it with her;
if she sits down in her lodge, she places it by her side. This badge
of widowhood and of mourning the widow is compelled to carry with
her until some of her late husband’s family shall call and take it
away, which is done when they think she has mourned long enough, and
which is generally at the expiration of a year. She is then, but not
before, released from her mourning, and at liberty to marry again.
She has the privilege to take this husband to the family of the
deceased and leave it, but this is considered indecorous, and is
seldom done. Sometimes a brother of the deceased takes the widow for
his wife at the grave of her husband, which is done by a ceremony of
walking her over it. And this he has a right to do; and when this is
done she is not required to go into mourning; or, if she chooses,
she has the right _to go to him_, and he is _bound_ to support her.

I visited a lodge to-day, where I saw one of these badges. The size
varies according to the quantity of clothing which the widow may
happen to have. It is expected of her to put up her _best_ and wear
her _worst_. The “_husband_” I saw just now was 30 inches high and
18 inches in circumference.

I was told by the interpreter that he knew a woman who had been left
to mourn after this fashion for years, none of her husband’s family
calling for the badge or token of her grief. At a certain time it
was told her that some of her husband’s family were passing, and she
was advised to speak to them on the subject. She did so, and told
them she had mourned long and was poor; that she had no means to buy
clothes, and her’s being all in the mourning badge, and sacred,
could not be touched. She expressed a hope that her request might
not be interpreted into a wish to marry; it was only made that she
might be placed in a situation to get some clothes. She got for
answer, that “they were going to Mackinac, and would think of it.”
They left her in this state of uncertainty, but on returning, and
finding her faithful still, they took her “husband” and presented
her with clothing of various kinds. Thus was she rewarded for her
constancy and made comfortable.

The Choctaw widows mourn by never combing their hair for the term of
their grief, which is generally about a year. The Chippeway men
mourn by painting their faces black.

I omitted to mention that when presents are going round, the badge
of mourning, this “_husband_” comes in for an equal share, as if it
were the living husband.

A Chippeway mother, on losing her child, prepares an image of it in
the best manner she is able, and dresses it as she did her living
child, and fixes it in the kind of cradle I have referred to, and
goes through the ceremonies of nursing it as if it were alive, by
dropping little particles of food in the direction of its mouth, and
giving it of whatever the living child partook. This ceremony also
is generally observed for a year.

Figure 32 represents the Chippewa widow holding in her arms the substitute for the dead husband.

The substitution of a reminder for the dead husband, made from rags, furs, and other articles, is not confined alone to the Chippewas, other tribes having the same custom. In some instances the widows are obliged to carry around with them, for a variable period, a bundle containing the bones of the deceased consort.

Similar observances, according to Bancroft,[5.88] were followed by some of the Central American tribes of Indians, those of the Sambos and Mosquitos being as follows:

The widow was bound to supply the grave of her husband for a year,
after which she took up the bones and carried them with her for
another year, at last placing them upon the roof of her house, and
then only was she allowed to marry again.

On returning from the grave the property of the deceased is
destroyed, the cocoa palms being cut down, and all who have taken
part in the funeral undergo a lustration in the river. Relatives cut
off the hair, the men leaving a ridge along the middle from the nape
of the neck to the forehead. Widows, according to some old writers,
after supplying the grave with food for a year take up the bones and
carry them on the back in the daytime, sleeping with them at night
for another year, after which they are placed at the door or upon
the house-top. On the anniversary of deaths, friends of the deceased
hold a feast, called _seekroe_, at which large quantities of liquor
are drained to his memory. Squier, who witnessed the ceremonies on
an occasion of this kind, says that males and females were dressed
in _ule_ cloaks fantastically painted black and white, while their
faces were correspondingly streaked with red and yellow, and they
performed a slow walk around, prostrating themselves at intervals
and calling loudly upon the dead and tearing the ground with their
hands. At no other time is the departed referred to, the very
mention of his name being superstitiously avoided. Some tribes
extend a thread from the house of death to the grave, carrying it in
a straight line over every obstacle. Fröebel states that among the
Woolwas all property of the deceased is buried with him, and that
both husband and wife cut the hair and burn the hut on the death of
either, placing a gruel of maize upon the grave for a certain time.

Benson[5.89] gives the following account of the Choctaws’ funeral ceremonies, embracing the disposition of the body, mourning feast and dance:

Their funeral is styled by them “the last cry.”

When the husband dies the friends assemble, prepare the grave, and
place the corpse in it, but do not fill it up. The gun, bow and
arrows, hatchet, and knife are deposited in the grave. Poles are
planted at the head and the foot, upon which flags are placed; the
grave is then inclosed by pickets driven in the ground. The funeral
ceremonies now begin, the widow being the chief mourner. At night
and morning she will go to the grave and pour forth the most piteous
cries and wailings. It is not important that any other member of the
family should take any very active part in the “cry,” though they do
participate to some extent.

The widow wholly neglects her toilet, while she daily goes to the
grave during one entire moon from the date when the death occurred.
On the evening of the last day of the moon the friends all assemble
at the cabin of the disconsolate widow, bringing provisions for a
sumptuous feast, which consists of corn and jerked beef boiled
together in a kettle. While the supper is preparing the bereaved
wife goes to the grave and pours out, with unusual vehemence, her
bitter wailings and lamentations. When the food is thoroughly cooked
the kettle is taken from the fire and placed in the center of the
cabin, and the friends gather around it, passing the buffalo-horn
spoon from hand to hand and from mouth to mouth till all have been
bountifully supplied. While supper is being served, two of the
oldest men of the company quietly withdraw and go to the grave and
fill it up, taking down the flags. All then join in a dance, which
not unfrequently is continued till morning; the widow does not fail
to unite in the dance, and to contribute her part to the festivities
of the occasion. This is the “_last cry_,” the days of mourning are
ended, and the widow is now ready to form another matrimonial
alliance. The ceremonies are precisely the same when a man has lost
his wife, and they are only slightly varied when any other member of
the family has died. (Slaves were buried without ceremonies.)

_SACRIFICE._

Some examples of human sacrifice have already been given in connection with another subject, but it is thought others might prove interesting. The first relates to the Natchez of Louisiana.[5.90]

When their sovereign died he was accompanied in the grave by his
wives and by several of his subjects. The lesser Suns took care to
follow the same custom. The law likewise condemned every Natchez to
death who had married a girl of the blood of the Suns as soon as she
was expired. On this occasion I must tell you the history of an
Indian who was noways willing to submit to this law. His name was
_Elteacteal_; he contracted an alliance with the Suns, but the
consequences which this honor brought along with it had like to have
proved very unfortunate to him. His wife fell sick; as soon as he
saw her at the point of death he fled, embarked in a piragua on the
_Mississippi_, and came to New Orleans. He put himself under the
protection of M. de Bienville, the then governor, and offered to be
his huntsman. The governor accepted his services, and interested
himself for him with the Natchez, who declared that he had nothing
more to fear, because the ceremony was past, and he was accordingly
no longer a lawful prize.