Chapter VIII: Front Matter (8)

The first to which attention is directed is interesting as resembling cist burial combined with deposition in mounds. The communication is from Prof. F. W. Putnam, curator of the Peabody Museum of Archæology, Cambridge, made to the Boston Society of Natural History, and is published in volume XX of its proceedings, October 15, 1878:

* * * He then stated that it would be of interest to the members, in
connection with the discovery of dolmens in Japan, as described by
Professor Morse, to know that within twenty-four hours there had
been received at the Peabody Museum a small collection of articles
taken from rude dolmens (or chambered barrows, as they would be
called in England), recently opened by Mr. E. Curtiss, who is now
engaged, under his direction, in exploration for the Peabody Museum.

These chambered mounds are situated in the eastern part of Clay
County, Missouri, and form a large group on both sides of the
Missouri River. The chambers are, in the three opened by Mr.
Curtiss, about 8 feet square, and from 4½ to 5 feet high, each
chamber having a passage-way several feet in length and 2 in width,
leading from the southern side and opening on the edge of the mound
formed by covering the chamber and passage-way with earth. The walls
of the chambered passages were about 2 feet thick, vertical, and
well made of stones, which were evenly laid without clay or mortar
of any kind. The top of one of the chambers had a covering of large,
flat rocks, but the others seem to have been closed over with wood.
The chambers were filled with clay which had been burnt, and
appeared as if it had fallen in from above. The inside walls of the
chambers also showed signs of fire. Under the burnt clay, in each
chamber, were found the remains of several human skeletons, all of
which had been burnt to such an extent as to leave but small
fragments of the bones, which were mixed with the ashes and
charcoal. Mr. Curtiss thought that in one chamber he found the
remains of 5 skeletons and in another 13. With these skeletons there
were a few flint implements and minute fragments of vessels of clay.

A large mound near the chambered mounds was also opened, but in this
no chambers were found. Neither had the bodies been burnt. This
mound proved remarkably rich in large flint implements, and also
contained well-made pottery and a peculiar “gorget” of red stone.
The connection of the people who placed the ashes of their dead in
the stone chambers with those who buried their dead in the earth
mounds is, of course, yet to be determined.

It is quite possible, indeed probable, that these chambers were used for secondary burials, the bodies having first been cremated.

In the volume of the proceedings already quoted, the same investigator gives an account of other chambered mounds which are, like the preceding, very interesting, the more so as adults only were inhumed therein, children having been buried beneath the dwelling-floors:

Mr. F. W. Putnam occupied the rest of the evening with an account of
his explorations of the ancient mounds and burial places in the
Cumberland Valley, Tennessee.

The excavations had been carried on by himself, assisted by Mr.
Edwin Curtiss, for over two years, for the benefit of the Peabody
Museum at Cambridge. During this time many mounds of various kinds
had been thoroughly explored, and several thousand of the singular
stone graves of the mound builders of Tennessee had been carefully
opened. * * * Mr. Putnam’s remarks were illustrated by drawings of
several hundred objects obtained from the graves and mounds,
particularly to show the great variety of articles of pottery and
several large and many unique forms of implements of chipped flint.
He also exhibited and explained in detail a map of a walled town of
this old nation. This town was situated on the Lundsley estate, in a
bend of Spring Creek. The earth embankment, with its accompanying
ditch, encircled an area of about 12 acres. Within this inclosure
there was one large mound with a flat top, 15 feet high, 130 feet
long, and 90 feet wide, which was found not to be a burial mound.
Another mound near the large one, about 50 feet in diameter, and
only a few feet high, contained 60 human skeletons, each in a
carefully-made stone grave, the graves being arranged in two rows,
forming the four sides of a square, and in three layers. * * * The
most important discovery he made within the inclosure was that of
finding the remains of the houses of the people who lived in this
old town. Of them about 70 were traced out and located on the map by
Professor Buchanan, of Lebanon, who made the survey for Mr. Putnam.
Under the floors of hard clay, which was in places much burnt, Mr.
Putnam found the graves of children. As only the bodies of adults
had been placed in the one mound devoted to burial, and as nearly
every site of a house he explored had from one to four graves of
children under the clay floor, he was convinced that it was a
regular custom to bury the children in that way. He also found that
the children had undoubtedly been treated with affection, as in
their small graves were found many of the best pieces of pottery he
obtained, and also quantities of shell-beads, several large pearls,
and many other objects which were probably the playthings of the
little ones while living.[5.18]

This cist mode of burial is by no means uncommon in Tennessee, as it is frequently mentioned by writers on North American archæology.

The examples which follow are specially characteristic, some of them serving to add strength to the theory that mounds were for the most part used for secondary burial, although intrusions were doubtless common.

Caleb Atwater[5.19] gives this description of the

BURIAL MOUNDS OF OHIO.

Near the center of the round fort * * * was a tumulus of earth about
10 feet in height and several rods in diameter at its base. On its
eastern side, and extending 6 rods from it, was a semicircular
pavement composed of pebbles such as are now found in the bed of the
Scioto River, from whence they appear to have been brought. The
summit of this tumulus was nearly 30 feet in diameter, and there was
a raised way to it, leading from the east, like a modern turnpike.
The summit was level. The outline of the semicircular pavement and
the walk is still discernible. The earth composing this mound was
entirely removed several years since. The writer was present at its
removal and carefully examined the contents. It contained--

1st. Two human skeletons, lying on what had been the original
surface of the earth.

2d. A great quantity of arrow-heads, some of which were so large as
to induce a belief that they were used as spear-heads.

3d. The handle either of a small sword or a huge knife, made of an
elk’s horn. Around the end where the blade had been inserted was a
ferule of silver, which, though black, was not much injured by time.
Though the handle showed the hole where the blade had been inserted,
yet no iron was found, but an oxyde remained of similar shape and
size.

4th. Charcoal and wood ashes on which these articles lay, which were
surrounded by several bricks very well burnt. The skeleton appeared
to have been burned in a large and very hot fire, which had almost
consumed the bones of the deceased. This skeleton was deposited a
little to the south of the center of the tumulus; and about 20 feet
to the north of it was another, with which were--

5th. A large mirrour about 3 feet in breadth and 1½ inches in
thickness. This mirrour was of isinglass (_mica membranacea_), and
on it--

6th. A plate of iron which had become an oxyde, but before it was
disturbed by the spade resembled a plate of cast iron. The mirrour
answered the purpose very well for which it was intended. This
skeleton had also been burned like the former, and lay on charcoal
and a considerable quantity of wood ashes. A part of the mirrour is
in my possession, as well as a piece of brick taken from the spot at
the time. The knife or sword handle was sent to Mr. Peal’s Museum,
at Philadelphia.

To the southwest of this tumulus, about 40 rods from it, is another,
more than 90 feet in height, which is shown on the plate
representing these works. It stands on a large hill, which appears
to be artificial. This must have been the common cemetery, as it
contains an immense number of human skeletons of all sizes and ages.
The skeletons are laid horizontally, with their heads generally
towards the center and the feet towards the outside of the tumulus.
A considerable part of this work still stands uninjured, except by
time. In it have been found, besides these skeletons, stone axes and
knives, and several ornaments, with holes through them, by means of
which, with a cord passing through these perforations, they could be
worn by their owners. On the south side of this tumulus, and not far
from it, was a semicircular fosse, which, when I first saw it, was 6
feet deep. On opening it was discovered at the bottom a great
quantity of human bones, which I am inclined to believe were the
remains of those who had been slain in some great and destructive
battle: first, because they belonged to persons who had attained
their full size, whereas in the mound adjoining were found the
skeletons of persons of all ages; and, secondly, they were here in
the utmost confusion, as if buried in a hurry. May we not conjecture
that they belonged to the people who resided in the town, and who
were victorious in the engagement? Otherwise they would not have
been thus honorably buried in the common cemetery.

_Chillicothe mound._--Its perpendicular height was about 15 feet,
and the diameter of its base about 60 feet. It was composed of sand
and contained human bones belonging to skeletons which were buried
in different parts of it. It was not until this pile of earth was
removed and the original surface exposed to view that a probable
conjecture of its original design could be formed. About 20 feet
square of the surface had been leveled and covered with bark. On the
center of this lay a human skeleton, over which had been spread a
mat manufactured either from weeds or bark. On the breast lay what
had been a piece of copper, in the form of a cross, which had now
become verdigris. On the breast also lay a stone ornament with two
perforations, one near each end, through which passed a string, by
means of which it was suspended around the wearer’s neck. On this
string, which was made of sinews, and very much injured by time,
were placed a great many beads made of ivory or bone, for I cannot
certainly say which. * * *

_Mounds of stone._--Two such mounds have been described already in
the county of Perry. Others have been found in various parts of the
country. There is one at least in the vicinity of Licking River, not
many miles from Newark. There is another on a branch of Hargus’s
Creek, a few miles to the northeast of Circleville. There were
several not very far from the town of Chillicothe. If these mounds
were sometimes used as cemeteries of distinguished persons, they
were also used as monuments with a view of perpetuating the
recollection of some great transaction or event. In the former not
more generally than one or two skeletons are found; in the latter
none. These mounds are like those of earth, in form of a cone,
composed of small stones on which no marks of tools were visible. In
them some of the most interesting articles are found, such as urns,
ornaments of copper, heads of spears, &c., of the same metal, as
well as medals of copper and pickaxes of horneblende; * * * works of
this class, compared with those of earth, are few, and they are none
of them as large as the mounds at Grave Creek, in the town of
Circleville, which belong to the first class. I saw one of these
stone tumuli which had been piled on the surface of the earth on the
spot where three skeletons had been buried in stone coffins, beneath
the surface. It was situated on the western edge of the hill on
which the “walled town” stood, on Paint Creek. The graves appear to
have been dug to about the depth of ours in the present times. After
the bottom and sides were lined with thin flat stones, the corpses
were placed in these graves in an eastern and western direction, and
large flat stones were laid over the graves; then the earth which
had been dug out of the graves was thrown over them. A huge pile of
stones was placed over the whole. It is quite probable, however,
that this was a work of our present race of Indians. Such graves are
more common in Kentucky than Ohio. No article, except the skeletons,
was found in these graves; and the skeletons resembled very much the
present race of Indians.

The mounds of Sterling County, Illinois, are described by W. C. Holbrook[5.20] as follows:

I recently made an examination of a few of the many Indian mounds
found on Rock River, about two miles above Sterling, Ill. The first
one opened was an oval mound about 20 feet long, 12 feet wide, and
7 feet high. In the interior of this I found a _dolmen_ or
quadrilateral wall about 10 feet long, 4 feet high, and 4½ feet
wide. It had been built of lime-rock from a quarry near by, and was
covered with large flat stones. No mortar or cement had been used.
The whole structure rested on the surface of the natural soil, the
interior of which had been scooped out to enlarge the chamber.
Inside of the _dolmen_ I found the partly decayed remains of eight
human skeletons, two very large teeth of an unknown animal, two
fossils, one of which is not found in this place, and a plummet. One
of the long bones had been splintered; the fragments had united, but
there remained large morbid growths of bone (exostosis) in several
places. One of the skulls presented a circular opening about the
size of a silver dime. This perforation had been made during life,
for the edges had commenced to cicatrize. I later examined three
circular mounds, but in them I found no dolmens. The first mound
contained three adult human skeletons, a few fragments of the
skeleton of a child, the lower maxillary of which indicated it to be
about six years old. I also found claws of some carnivorous animal.
The surface of the soil had been scooped out and the bodies laid in
the excavation and covered with about a foot of earth; fires had
then been made upon the grave and the mound afterwards completed.
The bones had not been charred. No charcoal was found among the
bones, but occurred in abundance in a stratum about one foot above
them. Two other mounds, examined at the same time, contain no
remains.

Of two other mounds, opened later, the first was circular, about 4
feet high, and 15 feet in diameter at the base, and was situated on
an elevated point of land close to the bank of the river. From the
top of this mound one might view the country for many miles in
almost any direction. On its summit was an oval altar 6 feet long
and 4½ wide. It was composed of flat pieces of limestone, which
had been burned red, some portions having been almost converted into
lime. On and about this altar I found abundance of charcoal. At the
sides of the altar were fragments of human bones, some of which had
been charred. It was covered by a natural growth of vegetable mold
and sod, the thickness of which was about 10 inches. Large trees had
once grown in this vegetable mold, but their stumps were so decayed
I could not tell with certainty; to what species they belonged.
Another large mound was opened which contained nothing.

The next account relates to the grave-mounds near Pensacola, Fla., and was originally published by Dr. George M. Sternberg, surgeon United States Army:[5.21]

Before visiting the mound I was informed that the Indians were
buried in it in an upright position, each one with a clay pot on his
head. This idea was based upon some superficial explorations which
had been made from time to time by curiosity hunters. Their
excavations had, indeed, brought to light pots containing fragments
of skulls, but not buried in the position they imagined. Very
extensive explorations, made at different times by myself, have
shown that only fragments of skulls and of the long bones of the
body are to be found in the mound, and that these are commonly
associated with earthen pots, sometimes whole, but more frequently
broken fragments only. In some instances portions of the skull were
placed in a pot, and the long bones were deposited in its immediate
vicinity. Again, the pots would contain only sand, and fragments of
bones would be found near them. The most successful “find” I made
was a whole nest of pots, to the number of half a dozen, all in a
good state of preservation, and buried with a fragment of skull,
which I take, from its small size, to have been that of a female.
Whether this female was thus distinguished above all others buried
in the mound by the number of pots deposited with her remains
because of her skill in the manufacture of such ware, or by reason
of the unusual wealth of her sorrowing husband, must remain a matter
of conjecture. I found, altogether, fragments of skulls and
thigh-bones belonging to at least fifty individuals, but in no
instance did I find anything like a complete skeleton. There were no
vertebræ, no ribs, no pelvic bones, and none of the small bones of
the hands and feet. Two or three skulls, nearly perfect, were found,
but they were so fragile that it was impossible to preserve them. In
the majority of instances, only fragments of the frontal and
parietal bones were found, buried in pots or in fragments of pots
too small to have ever contained a complete skull. The conclusion
was irresistible that this was not a burial-place for _the bodies_
of deceased Indians, but that the bones had been gathered from some
other locality for burial in this mound, or that cremation was
practiced before burial, and the fragments of bone not consumed by
fire were gathered and deposited in the mound. That the latter
supposition is the correct one I deem probable from the fact that in
digging in the mound evidences of fire are found in numerous places,
but without any regularity as to depth and position. These evidences
consist in strata of from one to four inches in thickness, in which
the sand is of a dark color and has mixed with it numerous small
fragments of charcoal.

My theory is that the mound was built by gradual accretion in the
following manner: That when a death occurred a funeral pyre was
erected on the mound, upon which the body was placed. That after the
body was consumed, any fragments of bones remaining were gathered,
placed in a pot, and buried, and that the ashes and cinders were
covered by a layer of sand brought from the immediate vicinity for
that purpose. This view is further supported by the fact that only
the shafts of the long bones are found, the expanded extremities,
which would be most easily consumed, having disappeared; also, by
the fact that no bones of children were found. Their bones being
smaller, and containing a less proportion of earthy matter, would be
entirely consumed. * * *

At the Santa Rosa mound the method of burial was different. Here I
found the skeletons complete, and obtained nine well-preserved
skulls. * * * The bodies were not, apparently, deposited upon any
regular system, and I found no objects of interest associated with
the remains. It may be that this was due to the fact that the
skeletons found were those of warriors who had fallen in battle in
which they had sustained defeat. This view is supported by the fact
that they were all males, and that two of the skulls bore marks of
ante-mortem injuries which must have been of a fatal character.

Writing of the Choctaws, Bartram,[5.22] in alluding to the ossuary, or bone-house, mentions that so soon as this is filled a general inhumation takes place, in this manner:

Then the respective coffins are borne by the nearest relatives of
the deceased to the place of interment, where they are all piled one
upon another in the form of a pyramid, and the conical hill of earth
heaped above.

The funeral ceremonies are concluded with the solemnization of a
festival called the feast of the dead.

Florian Gianque, of Cincinnati, Ohio, furnishes an account of a somewhat curious mound-burial which had taken place in the Miami Valley of Ohio:

A mound was opened in this locality, some years ago, containing a
central corpse in a sitting posture, and over thirty skeletons
buried around it in a circle, also in a sitting posture, but leaning
against one another, tipped over towards the right, facing inwards.
I did not see this opened, but have seen the mounds and many
ornaments, awls, &c., said to have been found near the central body.
The parties informing me are trustworthy.

As an example of interment, unique, so far as known, and interesting as being _sui generis_, the following description by Dr. J. Mason Spainhour, of Lenoir, N.C., of an excavation made by him March 11, 1871, on the farm of R. V. Michaux, esq., near John’s River, in Burke County, N.C., is given. The author bears the reputation of an observer of undoubted integrity, whose facts as given may not be doubted:

EXCAVATION OF AN INDIAN MOUND.

In a conversation with Mr. Michaux on Indian curiosities, he
informed me that there was an Indian mound on his farm which was
formerly of considerable height, but had gradually been plowed down;
that several mounds in the neighborhood had been excavated, and
nothing of interest found in them. I asked permission to examine
this mound, which was granted, and upon investigation the following
facts were revealed:

Upon reaching the place, I sharpened a stick 4 or 5 feet in length
and ran it down in the earth at several places, and finally struck a
rock about 18 inches below the surface, which, on digging down, was
found to be smooth on top, lying horizontally upon solid earth,
about 18 inches above the bottom of the grave, 18 inches in length,
and 16 inches in width, and from 2 to 3 inches in thickness, with
the corners rounded.

Not finding anything under this rock, I then made an excavation in
the south of the grave, and soon struck another rock, which, upon
examination, proved to be in front of the remains of a human
skeleton in a sitting posture. The bones of the fingers of the right
hand were resting on this rock, and on the rock near the hand was a
small stone about 5 inches long, resembling a tomahawk or Indian
hatchet. Upon a further examination many of the bones were found,
though in a very decomposed condition, and upon exposure to the air
soon crumbled to pieces. The heads of the bones, a considerable
portion of the skull, maxillary bones, teeth, neck bones, and the
vertebra, were in their proper places, though the weight of the
earth above them had driven them down, yet the entire frame was so
perfect that it was an easy matter to trace all the bones; the bones
of the cranium were slightly inclined toward the east. Around the
neck were found coarse beads that seemed to be of some hard
substance and resembled chalk. A small lump of red paint about the
size of an egg was found near the right side of this skeleton. The
sutures of the cranium indicated the subject to have been 25 or 28
years of age, and its top rested about 12 inches below the mark of
the plow.

I made a farther excavation toward the west of this grave and found
another skeleton, similar to the first, in a sitting posture, facing
the east. A rock was on the right, on which the bones of the right
hand were resting, and on this rock was a tomahawk which had been
about 7 inches in length, but was broken into two pieces, and was
much better finished than the first. Beads were also around the neck
of this one, but were much smaller and of finer quality than those
on the neck of the first. The material, however, seems to be the
same. A much larger amount of paint was found by the side of this
than the first. The bones indicated a person of large frame, who,
I think, was about 50 years of age. Everything about this one had
the appearance of superiority over the first. The top of the skull
was about 6 inches below the mark of the plane.

I continued the examination, and, after diligent search, found
nothing at the north side of the grave; but, on reaching the east,
found another skeleton, in the same posture as the others, facing
the west. On the right side of this was a rock on which the bones of
the right hand were resting, and on the rock was also a tomahawk,
which had been about 8 inches in length, but was broken into _three_
pieces, and was composed of much better material, and better
finished than the others. Beads were also found on the neck of this,
but much smaller and finer than those of the others. A larger amount
of paint than both of the others was found near this one. The top of
the cranium had been moved by the plow. The bones indicated a person
of 40 years of age.

There was no appearance of hair discovered; besides, the smaller
bones were almost entirely decomposed, and would crumble when taken
from their bed in the earth. These two circumstances, coupled with
the fact that the farm on which this grave was found was the first
settled in that part of the country, the date of the first deed made
from Lord Granville to John Perkins running back about 150 years
(the land still belonging to the descendants of the same family that
first occupied it), would prove beyond doubt that it is a very old
grave.

The grave was situated due east and west, in size about 9 by 6 feet,
the line being distinctly marked by the difference in the color of
the soil. It was dug in rich, black loam, and filled around the
bodies with white or yellow sand, which I suppose was carried from
the river-bank, 200 yards distant. The skeletons approximated the
walls of the grave, and contiguous to them was a dark-colored earth,
and so decidedly different was this from all surrounding it, both in
quality and odor, that the line of the bodies could be readily
traced. The odor of this decomposed earth, which had been flesh, was
similar to clotted blood, and would adhere in lumps when compressed
in the hand.

This was not the grave of the Indian warriors; in those we find pots
made of earth or stone, and all the implements of war, for the
warrior had an idea that after he arose from the dead he would need,
in the “hunting-grounds beyond,” his bow and arrow, war-hatchet, and
scalping-knife.

The facts set forth will doubtless convince every Mason who will
carefully read the account of this remarkable burial that the
American Indians were in possession of at least some of the
mysteries of our order, and that it was evidently the grave of
Masons, and the three highest officers in a Masonic lodge. The grave
was situated due east and west; an altar was erected in the center;
the south, west, and east were occupied--_the north was not_;
implements of authority were near each body. The difference in the
quality of the beads, the tomahawks in one, two, and three pieces,
and the difference in distance that the bodies were placed from the
surface, indicate beyond doubt that these three persons had been
buried by Masons, and those, too, that understood what they were
doing.

Will some learned Mason unravel this mystery and inform the Masonic
world how the Indians obtained so much Masonic information?

The tomahawks, maxillary bones, some of the teeth, beads, and other
bones, have been forwarded to the Smithsonian Institution at
Washington, D.C., to be placed among the archives of that
institution for exhibition, at which place they may be seen.

Should Dr. Spainhour’s inferences be incorrect, there is still a remarkable coincidence of circumstances patent to every Mason.

In support of this gentleman’s views, attention is called to the description of the _Midawan_--a ceremony of initiation for would-be medicine men--in Schoolcraft’s History of the Indian Tribes of the United States, 1855, p. 428, relating to the Sioux and Chippewas. In this account are found certain forms and resemblances which have led some to believe that the Indians possessed a knowledge of Masonry.

_BURIAL BENEATH, OR IN CABINS, WIGWAMS, OR HOUSES._

While there is a certain degree of similitude between the above-noted methods and the one to be mentioned subsequently--_lodge_ burial--they differ, inasmuch as the latter are examples of surface or aerial burial, and must consequently fall under another caption. The narratives which are now to be given afford a clear idea of the former kinds of burial.

Bartram[5.23] relates the following regarding the Muscogulges of the Carolinas:

The Muscogulges bury their deceased in the earth; they dig a
four-foot, square, deep pit under the cabin, or couch which the
deceased laid on in his house, lining the grave with cypress bark,
when they place the corpse in a sitting posture, as if it were
alive, depositing with him his gun, tomahawk, pipe, and such other
matters as he had the greatest value for in his lifetime. His oldest
wife, or the queen dowager, has the second choice of his
possessions, and the remaining effects are divided among his other
wives and children.

According to Bernard Roman,[5.24] the “funeral customs of the Chickasaws did not differ materially from those of the Muscogulges. They interred the dead as soon as the breath left the body, and beneath the couch in which the deceased expired.”

The Navajos of New Mexico and Arizona, a tribe living a considerable distance from the Chickasaws, follow somewhat similar customs, as related by Dr. John Menard, formerly a physician to their agency:

The Navajo custom is to leave the body where it dies, closing up the
house or hogan or covering the body with stones or brush. In case
the body is removed, it is taken to a cleft in the rocks and thrown
in, and stones piled over. The person touching or carrying the body
first takes off all his clothes and afterwards washes his body with
water before putting them on or mingling with the living. When a
body is removed from a house or hogan, the hogan is burned down, and
the place in every case abandoned, as the belief is that the devil
comes to the place of death and remains where a dead body is. Wild
animals frequently (indeed, generally) get the bodies, and it is a
very easy matter to pick up skulls and bones around old camping
grounds, or where the dead are laid. In case it is not desirable to
abandon a place, the sick person is left out in some lone spot
protected by brush, where they are either abandoned to their fate or
food brought to them until they die. This is done only when all hope
is gone. I have found bodies thus left so well inclosed with brush
that wild animals were unable to get at them; and one so left to die
was revived by a cup of coffee from our house and is still living
and well.

Lieut. George E. Ford, Third United States Cavalry, in a personal communication to the writer, corroborates the account given by Dr. Menard, as follows:

This tribe, numbering about 8,000 souls, occupy a reservation in the
extreme northwestern corner of New Mexico and Northeastern Arizona.
The funeral ceremonies of the Navajos are of the most simple
character. They ascribe the death of an individual to the direct
action of _Chinde_, or the devil, and believe that he remains in the
vicinity of the dead. For this reason, as soon as a member of the
tribe dies a shallow grave is dug within the hogan or dwelling by
one of the near male relatives, and into this the corpse is
unceremoniously tumbled by the relatives, who have previously
protected themselves from the evil influence by smearing their naked
bodies with tar from the piñon tree. After the body has thus been
disposed of, the hogan (composed of logs and branches of trees
covered with earth) is pulled down over it and the place deserted.
Should the deceased have no near relatives or was of no importance
in the tribe, the formality of digging a grave is dispensed with,
the hogan being simply leveled over the body. This carelessness does
not appear to arise from want of natural affection for the dead, but
fear of the evil influence of _Chinde_ upon the surviving relatives
causes them to avoid doing anything that might gain for them his
ill-will. A Navajo would freeze sooner than make a fire of the logs
of a fallen hogan, even though from all appearances it may have been
years in that condition. There are no mourning observances other
than smearing the forehead and under the eyes with tar, which is
allowed to remain until worn off, and then not renewed. The deceased
is apparently forgotten, as his name is never spoken by the
survivors for fear of giving offense to _Chinde_.

J. L. Burchard, agent to the Round Valley Indians, of California, furnishes an account of burial somewhat resembling that of the Navajos:

When I first came here the Indians would dig a round hole in the
ground, draw up the knees of the deceased Indian, and wrap the body
into as small a bulk as possible in blankets, tie them firmly with
cords, place them in the grave, throw in beads, baskets, clothing,
everything owned by the deceased, and often donating much extra; all
gathered around the grave wailing most pitifully, tearing their
faces with their nails till the blood would run down their cheeks,
pull out their hair, and such other heathenish conduct. These
burials were generally made under their thatch houses or very near
thereto. The house where one died was always torn down, removed,
rebuilt, or abandoned. The wailing, talks, &c., were in their own
jargon; none else could understand, and they seemingly knew but
little of its meaning (if there was any meaning in it); it simply
seemed to be the promptings of grief, without sufficient
intelligence to direct any ceremony; each seemed to act out his own
impulse.

The next account, taken from M. Butel de Dumont,[5.25] relating to the Paskagoulas and Billoxis of Louisiana, may be considered as an example of burial in houses, although the author of the work was pleased to consider the receptacles as temples.

Les Paskagoulas et les Billoxis n’enterent point leur Chef,
lorsqu’il est décédé; mais-ils font sécher son cadavre au feu et à
la fumée de façon qu’ils en font un vrai squelette. Après l’avoir
réduit en cet état, ils le portent au Temple (car ils en ont un
ainsi que les Natchez), et le mettent à la place de son
prédécesseur, qu’ils tirent de l’endroit qu’il occupoit, pour le
porter avec les corps de leurs autres Chefs dans le fond du Temple
où ils sont tous rangés de suite dressés sur leurs pieds comme des
statues. A l’égard du dernier mort, il est exposé à l’entrée de ce
Temple sur une espèce d’autel ou de table faite de cannes, et
couverte d’une natte très-fine travaillée fort proprement en
quarreaux rouges et jaunes avec la peau de ces mêmes cannes. Le
cadavre du Chef est exposé au milieu de cette table droit sur ses
pieds, soutenu par derrière par une longue perche peinte en rouge
dont le bout passe au dessus de sa tête, et à laquelle il est
attaché par le milieu du corps avec une liane. D’une main il tient
un casse-tête ou une petite hache, de l’autre un pipe; et au-dessus
de sa tête, est attaché au bout de la perche qui le soutient, le
Calumet le plus fameux de tous ceux qui lui ont été présentés
pendant sa vie. Du reste cette table n’est guères élevée de terre
que d’un demi-pied; mais elle a au moins six pieds de large et dix
de longueur.

C’est sur cette table qu’on vient tous les jours servir à manger à
ce Chef mort en mettant devant lui des plats de sagamité, du bled
grolé ou boucané, &c. C’est-là aussi qu’au commencement de toutes
les récoltes ses Sujets vont lui offrir les premiers de tous les
fruits qu’ils peuvent recueillir. Tout ce qui lui est présenté de la
sorte reste sur cette table; et comme la porte de ce Temple est
toujours ouverte, qu’il n’y a personne préposé pour y veiller, que
par conséquent y entre qui veut, et que d’ailleurs il est éloigné du
Village d’un grand quart de lieue, il arrive que ce sont
ordinairement des Etrangers, Chasseurs ou Sauvages, qui profitent de
ces mets et de ces fruits, ou qu’ils sont consommés par les animaux.
Mais cela est égal à ces sauvages; et moins il en reste lorsqu’ils
retournent le lendemain, plus ils sont dans la joie, disant que leur
Chef a bien mangé, et que par conséquent il est content d’eux
quoiqu’il les ait abandonnés. Pour leur ouvrir les yeux sur
l’extravagance de cette pratique, on a beau leur représenter ce
qu’ils ne peuvent s’empêcher de voir eux-mêmes, que ce n’est point
ce mort qui mange; ils répondent que si ce n’est pas lui, c’est
toujours lui au moins qui offre à qui il lui plaît ce qui a été mis
sur la table; qu’après tout c’étoit là la pratique de leur père, de
leur mère, de leurs parens; qu’ils n’ont pas plus d’esprit qu’eux,
et qu’ils ne sauroient mieux faire que de suivre leur example.

C’est aussi devant cette table, que pendant quelques mois la veuve
du Chef, ses enfans, ses plus proches parens, viennent de tems en
tems lui rendre visite et lui faire leur harangue, comme s’il étoit
en état de les entendre. Les uns lui demandent pourquoi il s’est
laissé mourir avant eux? d’autres lui disent que s’il est mort ce
n’est point leur faute; que c’est lui même qui s’est tué par telle
débauche on par tel effort; enfin s’il y a eu quelque défaut dans
son gouvernement, on prend ce tems-là pour le lui reprocher.
Cependant ils finissent toujours leur harangue, en lui disant de
n’être pas fâché contre eux, de bien manger, et qu’ils auront
toujours bien soin de lui.

Another example of burial in houses may be found in vol. vi of the publications of the Hakluyt Society, 1849, p. 89, taken from Strachey’s Virginia. It is given more as a curious narrative of an early writer on American ethnology than for any intrinsic value it may possess as a truthful relation of actual events. It relates to the Indians of Virginia:

Within the chauncell of the temple, by the Okens, are the
cenotaphies or the monuments of their kings, whose bodyes, so soon
as they be dead, they embowell, and, scraping the flesh from off the
bones, they dry the same upon hurdells into ashes, which they put
into little potts (like the anncyent urnes): the annathomy of the
bones they bind together or case up in leather, hanging braceletts,
or chaines of copper, beads, pearle, or such like, as they used to
wear about most of their joints and neck, and so repose the body
upon a little scaffold (as upon a tomb), laying by the dead bodies’
feet all his riches in severall basketts, his apook, and pipe, and
any one toy, which in his life he held most deare in his fancy;
their inwards they stuff with pearle, copper, beads, and such trash,
sowed in a skynne, which they overlapp againe very carefully in whit
skynnes one or two, and the bodyes thus dressed lastly they rowle in
matte, as for wynding sheets, and so lay them orderly one by one, as
they dye in their turnes, upon an arche standing (as aforesaid) for
the tomb, and thes are all the ceremonies we yet can learne that
they give unto their dead. We heare of no sweet oyles or oyntments
that they use to dresse or chest their dead bodies with; albeit they
want not of the pretious rozzin running out of the great cedar,
wherewith in the old time they used to embalme dead bodies, washing
them in the oyle and licoure thereof. Only to the priests the care
of these temples and holy interments are committed, and these
temples are to them as solitary Asseteria colledged or ministers to
exercise themselves in contemplation, for they are seldome out of
them, and therefore often lye in them and maynteyne contynuall fier
in the same, upon a hearth somewhat neere the east end.

For their ordinary burialls they digg a deepe hole in the earth with
sharpe stakes, and the corps being lapped in skynns and matts with
their jewells, they laye uppon sticks in the ground, and soe cover
them with earth; the buryall ended, the women (being painted all
their faces with black coale and oyle) do sitt twenty-four howers in
their howses, mourning and lamenting by turnes, with such yelling
and howling as may expresse their great passions.

While this description brings the subject under the head before given--house burial--at the same time it might also afford an example of embalmment or mummifying.

Figure 1 may be referred to as a probable representation of the temple or charnel-house described.

The modes of burial described in the foregoing accounts are not to be considered rare; for among certain tribes in Africa similar practices prevailed. For instance, the Bari of Central Africa, according to the Rev. J. G. Wood,[5.26] bury their dead within the inclosure of the home-stead, fix a pole in the ground, and fasten to it certain emblems. The Apingi, according to the same author, permit the corpse to remain in its dwelling until it falls to pieces. The bones are then collected and deposited on the ground a short distance from the village. The Latookas bury within the inclosure of a man’s house, although the bones are subsequently removed, placed in an earthen jar, and deposited outside the village. The Kaffirs bury their head-men within the cattle inclosure, the graves of the common people being made outside, and the Bechuanas follow the same general plan.

The following description of Damara burial, from the work quoted above (p. 314), is added as containing an account of certain details which resemble somewhat those followed by North American Indians. In the narrative it will be seen that house burial was followed only if specially desired by the expiring person:

When a Damara chief dies, he is buried in rather a peculiar fashion.
As soon as life is extinct--some say even before the last breath is
drawn--the bystanders break the spine by a blow from a large stone.
They then unwind the long rope that encircles the loins, and lash
the body together in a sitting posture, the head being bent over the
knees. Ox-hides are then tied over it, and it is buried with its
face to the north, as already described when treating of the
Bechuanas. Cattle are then slaughtered in honor of the dead chief,
and over the grave a post is erected, to which the skulls and hair
are attached as a trophy. The bow, arrows, assagai, and clubs of the
deceased are hung on the same post. Large stones are pressed into
the soil above and around the grave, and a large pile of thorns is
also heaped over it, in order to keep off the hyenas, who would be
sure to dig up and devour the body before the following day. The
grave of a Damara chief is represented on page 302. Now and then a
chief orders that his body shall be left in his own house, in which
case it is laid on an elevated platform, and a strong fence of
thorns and stakes built round the hut.

The funeral ceremonies being completed, the new chief forsakes the
place and takes the whole of the people under his command. He
remains at a distance for several years, during which time he wears
the sign of mourning, _i.e._, a dark-colored conical cap, and round
the neck a thong, to the ends of which are hung two small pieces of
ostrich-shell. When the season of mourning is over, the tribe
return, headed by the chief, who goes to the grave of his father,
kneels over it, and whispers that he has returned, together with the
cattle and wives which his father gave him. He then asks for his
parent’s aid in all his undertakings, and from that moment takes the
place which his father filled before him. Cattle are then
slaughtered, and a feast held to the memory of the dead chief and in
honor of the living one, and each person present partakes of the
meat, which is distributed by the chief himself. The deceased chief
symbolically partakes of the banquet. A couple of twigs cut from the
tree of the particular eanda to which the deceased belonged are
considered as his representative, and with this emblem each piece of
meat is touched before the guests consume it. In like manner, the
first pail of milk that is drawn is taken to the grave and poured
over it.

_CAVE BURIAL._

Natural or artificial holes in the ground, caverns, and fissures in rocks have been used as places of deposit for the dead since the earliest periods of time, and are used up to the present day by not only the American Indians, but by peoples noted for their mental elevation and civilization, our cemeteries furnishing numerous specimens of artificial or partly artificial caves. As to the motives which have actuated this mode of burial, a discussion would be out of place at this time, except as may incidentally relate to our own Indians, who, so far as can be ascertained, simply adopt caves as ready and convenient resting places for their deceased relatives and friends.

In almost every State in the Union burial caves have been discovered, but as there is more or less of identity between them, a few illustrations will serve the purpose of calling the attention of observers to the subject.

While in the Territory of Utah, in 1872, the writer discovered a natural cave not far from the House Range of mountains, the entrance to which resembled the shaft of a mine. In this the Gosi-Ute Indians had deposited their dead, surrounded with different articles, until it was quite filled up; at least it so appeared from the cursory examination made, limited time preventing a careful exploration. In the fall of the same year another cave was heard of, from an Indian guide, near the Nevada border, in the same Territory, and an attempt made to explore it, which failed for reasons to be subsequently given. This Indian, a Gosi-Ute, who was questioned regarding the funeral ceremonies of his tribe, informed the writer that not far from the very spot where the party were encamped, was a large cave in which he had himself assisted in placing dead members of his tribe. He described it in detail and drew a rough diagram of its position and appearance within. He was asked if an entrance could be effected, and replied that he thought not, as some years previous his people had stopped up the narrow entrance to prevent game from seeking a refuge in its vast vaults, for he asserted that it was so large and extended so far under ground that no man knew its full extent. In consideration, however, of a very liberal bribe, after many refusals, he agreed to act as guide. A rough ride of over an hour and the desired spot was reached. It was found to be almost upon the apex of a small mountain apparently of volcanic origin, for the hole which was pointed out appeared to have been the vent of the crater. This entrance was irregularly circular in form and descended at an angle. As the Indian had stated, it was completely stopped up with large stones and roots of sage brash, and it was only after six hours of uninterrupted, faithful labor that the attempt to explore was abandoned. The guide was asked if many bodies were therein, and replied “Heaps, heaps,” moving the hands upwards as far they could be stretched. There is no reason to doubt the accuracy of the information received, as it was voluntarily imparted.

In a communication received from Dr. A. J. McDonald, physician to the Los Pinos Indian Agency, Colorado, a description is given of crevice or rock-fissure burial, which follows:

As soon as death takes place the event is at once announced by the
medicine man, and without loss of time the squaws are busily engaged
in preparing the corpse for the grave. This does not take long;
whatever articles of clothing may have been on the body at the time
of death are not removed. The dead man’s limbs are straightened out,
his weapons of war laid by his side, and his robes and blankets
wrapped securely and snugly around him, and now everything is ready
for burial. It is the custom to secure if possible, for the purpose
of wrapping up the corpse, the robes and blankets in which the
Indian died. At the same time that the body is being fitted for
internment, the squaws having immediate care of it, together with
all the other squaws in the neighborhood, keep up a continued chant
or dirge, the dismal cadence of which may, when the congregation of
women is large, be heard for quite a long distance. The death song
is not a mere inarticulate howl of distress; it embraces expressions
eulogistic in character, but whether or not any particular formula
of words is adopted on such occasion is a question which I am
unable, with the materials at my disposal, to determine with any
degree of certainty.

The next duty falling to the lot of the squaws is that of placing
the dead man on a horse and conducting the remains to the spot
chosen for burial. This is in the cleft of a rock, and, so far as
can be ascertained, it has always been customary among the Utes to
select sepulchers of this character. From descriptions given by Mr.
Harris, who has several times been fortunate enough to discover
remains, it would appear that no superstitious ideas are held by
this tribe with respect to the position in which the body is placed,
the space accommodation of the sepulcher probably regulating this
matter; and from the same source I learn that it is not usual to
find the remains of more than one Indian deposited in one grave.
After the body has been received into the cleft, it is well covered
with pieces of rock, to protect it against the ravages of wild
animals. The chant ceases, the squaws disperse, and the burial
ceremonies are at an end. The men during all this time have not been
idle, though they have in no way participated in the preparation of
the body, have not joined the squaws in chanting praises to the
memory of the dead, and have not even as mere spectators attended
the funeral, yet they have had their duties to perform. In
conformity with a long-established custom, all the personal property
of the deceased is immediately destroyed. His horses and his cattle
are shot, and his wigwam, furniture, &c., burned. The performance of
this part of the ceremonies is assigned to the men; a duty quite in
accord with their taste and inclinations. Occasionally the
destruction of horses and other properly is of considerable
magnitude, but usually this is not the case, owing to a practice
existing with them of distributing their property among their
children while they are of a very tender age, retaining to
themselves only what is necessary to meet every-day requirements.