Chapter V: Consulship of Cæsar and Bibulus (4)
[561] The ancient mode of division by curiæ had lost all significance and ceased to be in use. (Ovid, _Fasti_, II. 1. 531.) So Cicero says, speaking of them: “The comitia, which are retained only for the sake of form, and because of the auspices, and which, represented by the thirty lictors, are but the appearance of what was before. _Ad speciem atque usurpationem vetustatis._” (_Oration on the Agrarian Law_, II. 12.)--In the latter times of the Republic, the curiæ, in the election of the magistrates, had only the inauguration of the flamens, of the king of the sacrifices (_rex sacrificulus_), and probably the choice of the grand curion (_curio maximus_). (Titus Livius, XXVII. 8.--Dionysius of Halicarnassus, V. 1.--Aulus Gellius, XV. 27.--Titus Livius, XXVII. vi. 36.)
[562] “Achaia alone had twelve hundred for her share.” (Titus Livius, XXXIV. 50.)
[563] Titus Livius, XXXIII. 32.
[564] “The allies exclaimed that the war must be continued, and the tyrant exterminated, without which the liberty of Greece would be always in danger. It would have been better not to have taken up arms at all than to lay them down without having attained the end. The consul replied, ‘If the siege of Lacedæmon retained the army a long time, what other troops could Rome oppose to a monarch (Antiochus) so powerful and so formidable?’” (Titus Livius, XXXIV. 33.)
[565] Titus Livius, XXXIII. 12.
[566] Titus Livius, XXXIV. 58.
[567] “Other peoples of Greece had shown in this way a no less culpable forgetfulness of the benefits of the Roman people.” (Titus Livius, XXXVI. 22.)
[568] Titus Livius, XXXVII. 45.
[569] Appian, _Wars of Hannibal_, 43.
[570] Titus Livius, XL. 38; XLII. 22.
[571] Roads from Arezzo to Bologna, from Placentia to Rimini (Titus Livius, XXXIX. 2), and from Bologna to Aquileia.
[572] ROMAN COLONIES--488-608.
_Æsulum_ (507), or Æsium, according to Mommsen, _Jesi_ in Umbria,
on the River Æsis.
_Alsium_ (507), a maritime colony, Etruria (_Via Aurelia_); _Palo_,
near _Porto_.
_Fregenæ_ (509), a maritime colony, Etruria (_Via Aurelia_); _Torre
Maccarese_.
_Pyrgi_ (before 536), maritime colony, Etruria (_Via Aurelia_);
_Santa Severa_.
_Castrum_ (555), _Pagus_, near Sylaceum; Bruttium, near
_Squillace_; united in 631 to the colony Minerviæ.
_Puteoli_ (560), maritime colony, Campania; _Pozzuoli_; Prefecture.
_Vulturnum_ (560), maritime colony, Campania; _Castelamare_, or
_Castel di Volturno_; Prefecture.
_Liternum_ (560), maritime colony, Campania; _Tor di Patria_, near
the _Lago di Patria_; Prefecture.
_Salernum_ (560), maritime colony, Campania; _Salerno_; decreed
three years before.
_Buxentum_ (560), maritime colony, Lucania; _Policastro_.
_Sipontum_ (560), maritime colony, Apulia; _Santa Maria di
Siponto_; recolonised.
_Tempsa_ (Temesa) (560), maritime colony, Bruttium; perhaps near to
_Torre del Piano del Casale_.
_Croton_ (560), maritime colony, Bruttium; _Cotrone_.
_Potentia_ (570), maritime colony, Picenum; _Porto di Potenza_, or
_di Ricanati_.
_Pisaurum_ (570), maritime colony, Gaulish Umbria (_Via Flaminia_);
_Pesaro_.
_Parma_ (571), Cispadane Gaul (_Via Æmilia_); _Parma_; Prefecture.
_Mutina_ (571), Cispadane Gaul (_Via Æmilia_); _Modena_;
Prefecture.
_Saturnia_ (571), Etruria (centre); _Saturnia_.
_Graviscæ_ (573), maritime colony, Etruria (south) (_Via Aurelia_);
_San Clementino_ or _Le Saline_ (?).
_Luna_ (577), Etruria (north), (_Via Aurelia_); _Luni_, near
_Sarzana_.
_Auximum_ (597), maritime colony, Picenum; _Osimo_.
LATIN COLONIES: 488-608.
_Firmum_ (490), Picenum (_Via Valeria_); _Fermo_.
_Æsernia_ (491), Samnium; _Isernia_.
_Brundisium_ (510), Iapygian Calabria (_Via Egnatia_); _Brindisi_.
_Spoletum_ (513), Umbria (_Via Flaminia_); _Spoleto_.
_Cremona_ (536), Transpadane Gaul; _Cremona_; reinforced in 560.
_Placentia_ (536), Cispadane Gaul (_Via Æmilia_); _Piacenza_.
_Copiæ_ (territory of Thurium) (561), Lucania.
_Vibo_, or _Vibona Valentia_, called also _Hipponium_, Bruttium
(565, or perhaps 515); _Bibona_. _Monte-Leone._
_Bononia_ (565), Cispadane Gaul (_Via Æmilia_); _Bologna_.
_Aquileia_ (573), Transpadane Gaul; _Aquileia_.
_Carteia_ (573), Spain; St. Roque, in the Bay of Gibraltar.
[573] Titus Livius, XXXIX. 26.
[574] Titus Livius, XLI. 19.
[575] Titus Livius, XLI. 22.
[576] Titus Livius, XLII. 62.
[577] Titus Livius, XLI. 5.
[578] Titus Livius, XLV. 21 _et seq._
[579] Titus Livius, XLV. 29.
[580] Titus Livius, XLV. 26.
[581] Titus Livius, XLV. 18.--“The laws given to the Macedonians by Paulus Æmilius were so wisely framed, that they seemed to have been made not for vanquished enemies, but for allies whose services it was desired to reward; and in which, after a long course of years, use, the sole reformer of laws, showed nothing defective.” (Titus Livius, XLV. 32.)
[582] Polybius, XXX. 10; XXXV. 6.
[583] Titus Livius, XLII. 24.--We see by the following passage in Livy that Masinissa feared the justice of the Senate as against his own interest: “If Perseus had had the advantage, and if _Carthage had been deprived of the Roman protection_, nothing would then have hindered Masinissa from conquering all Africa.” (Titus Livius, XLII. 29.)
[584] Titus Livius, XLV. 13.
[585] Titus Livius, XLV. 42.
[586] Titus Livius, XLV. 44.
[587] Titus Livius, XXXVIII. 45.
[588] Titus Livius, XLI. 7.
[589] Titus Livius, XLIII. 1.
[590] Titus Livius, XXXIX. 3.
[591] “It was commonly said that the masters of the Spanish provinces themselves opposed the prosecution of noble and powerful persons.” (Titus Livius, XLIII. 2.)
[592] Valerius Maximus, VI. ix. 10.
[593] Montesquieu, _Grandeur et Décadence des Romains_, ix. 66.
[594] Scipio reproves the people, who wished to make him perpetual consul and dictator. (Titus Livius, XXXVIII. 56.)
[595] Cato used interpreters in speaking to the Athenians, though he understood Greek perfectly. (Plutarch, _Cato the Censor_, 18.)--It was an old habit of the Romans, indeed, to address strangers only in Latin. (Valerius Maximus, II. ii. 2.)
[596] Plutarch, _Cato the Censor_, 8, 25.
[597] Titus Livius, _Epitome_, XLVIII.--Valerius Maximus, IV. i. 10.
[598] Plutarch, _Cato the Censor_, 34.--Aulus Gellius, VI. 14.
[599] Titus Livius, _Epitome_, XLIX.
[600] “Cato barked without ceasing at the greatness of Scipio.” (Titus Livius, XXXVIII. 54.)
[601] “P. Cato had a bitter mind, a sharp and unmeasured tongue.” (Titus Livius, XXXIX. 40.)
[602] “He declaimed against usurers, and he himself lent out, at high interest, the money which he got from his estates. He condemned the sale of young slaves, yet trafficked in the same under an assumed name.” (Plutarch, _Cato the Censor_, 33.)
[603] Drumann, _Geschichte Roms_, v., p. 148.
[604] “The last act of his political life was to cause the ruin of Carthage to be determined on.” (Plutarch, _Cato the Censor_, 39.)
[605] Titus Livius, _Epitome_, XLVIII.
[606] At Carthage, the multitude governed; at Rome, the power of the Senate was absolute. (Polybius, VI. 51.)
[607] Titus Livius, L. 16.
[608] Appian, _Punic Wars_, 93 _et seq._
[609] Justin, XXXIV. 1.--Titus Livius, _Epitome_, LI.--Polybius, I. 2, 3.
[610] Pausanias, VII. 16.--Justin, XXXIV. 2.
[611] Polybius, XL. 11.
[612] Appian, _Wars of Spain_, 52.
[613] Eutropius, IV. 7.
[614] The town of Garray, in Spain, situated about a league from Soria, on the Duero, is built on the site of ancient Numantia. (Miñano, _Diccionario Geográfico de España_.)
[615] Appian, _Civil Wars_, V. iv. 38.
[616] Velleius Paterculus, II. 20.
[617] Titus Livius, XXXIV. 31.
[618] Titus Livius, XLV. 21.
[619] Titus Livius, VII. 43.
[620] In 555, 585, and 639. (Titus Livius, XLV. 15.)--Aurelius Victor, _Illustrious Men_, lxii.
[621] The tribune Licinius Crassus proposed, in 609, to transfer to the people the election of the pontiffs, until then nominated by the sacerdotal college. This proposition was adopted only in 650 by the law Domitia, and was anew abolished by Sylla.
[622] Titus Livius, _Epitome_, LVII.
[623] The expedition against the Scordisci, in 619.
[624] Sallust, _Fragm._, I. 8.
[625] “Corruption especially had increased, because, Macedonia destroyed, the empire of the world seemed thenceforth assured to Rome.” (Polybius, XI. 32.)
[626] Sallust, _Fragm._, I. 10.
[627] The Romans expatriated themselves to such a degree that, when Mithridates began war, and caused all the Roman citizens spread over his states to be massacred in one day, they amounted to 150,000, according to Plutarch (_Sylla_, xlviii.); 80,000 according to Memnon (in the _Bibliotheca_ of Photius, Codex CCXXIV. 31) and Valerius Maximus (IX. 2, § 3).--The small town of Cirta, in Africa, could only be defended against Jugurtha by Italiotes. (Sallust, _Jugurtha_, 26.)
[628] Sallust, _Jugurtha_, 35.
[629] “And Rome refused to admit in the number of her citizens the men by whom she had acquired that greatness of which she was so proud as to despise the peoples of the same blood and of the same origin.” (Velleius Paterculus, II. 15).
[630] See the list of Censuses at Note (^4) of page 256.
[631] Mommsen, _Geschichte Roms_, I., p. 785.
[632] The lands taken from the town of Leontium were of the extent of thirty thousand _jugera_. They were, in 542, farmed out by the censors; but at the end of some time, there remained only one citizen of the country among the eighty-four farmers who had installed themselves in them; all the others belonged to the Roman nobility. (Mommsen, ii. 75.--Cicero, _Second Prosecution of Verres_, III. 46 _et seq._)
[633] Plutarch, _Tiberius Gracchus_, 9.
[634] Diodorus Siculus, _Fragments_, XXXIV. 3.
[635] Diodorus Siculus, _Fragments_, XXXVI., p. 147, ed. Schweighæuser.
[636] Strabo, XIV. v. 570.
[637] “Our ancestors feared always the spirit of slavery, even in the case where, born in the field and under the roof of his master, the slave learnt to love him from his birth. But since we count ours by nations, each of which has its manners and gods, or perhaps has no gods, no, this vile and confused assemblage will never be kept under but by fear.” (Tacitus, _Annales_, XIV. 44.)
[638] In 442, the censor Appius Claudius Cæcus causes the freedmen to be inscribed in all the tribes, and allows their sons the entrance to the Senate. (Diodorus Siculus, XX. 36.)--In 450 the censor Q. Fabius Rullianus (Maximus) confines them to the four urban tribes (Titus Livius, IX. 46); towards 530, other censors opened again all the tribes to them; in 534, the censors L. Æmilius Papus and C. Flaminius re-established the order of 450 (Titus Livius, _Epitome_, XX.); an exception is made in favour of those who have a son of the age of more than five years, or who possess lands of the value of more than 30,000 sestertii (XLV. 15); in 585, the censor Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus expels them from the rustic tribes, where they had been again introduced, and unites them in one sole urban tribe, the Esquiline. (Titus Livius, XLV. 15.--Cicero, _De Oratore_, I. ix. 38.)--(639.) “The Æmilian law permits freedmen to vote in the four urban tribes.” (Aurelius Victor, _Illustrious Men_, 72.)
[639] Valerius Maximus, VI. 2, § 3.--Velleius Paterculus, II. 4.
[640] “I know Romans who have waited for their elevation to the consulship to begin reading the history of our ancestors and the precepts of the Greeks on military art.” (_Speech of Marius_, Sallust, _Jugurtha_, 85.)
[641] Plutarch, _Tiberius Gracchus_, 8.
[642] “Tiberius Gracchus genere, forma, eloquentia facile princeps.” (Florus, III. 14.)
[643] Velleius Paterculus, II. 2.--Seneca the Philosopher, _De Consolatione, ad Marciam_, xvi.
[644] Plutarch, _Parallel between Agis and Tiberius Gracchus_, iv.
[645] “Pure and just in his views.” (Velleius Paterculus, II. 2.)--“Animated by the noblest ambition.” (Appian, _Civil Wars_, I. 9.)
[646] Plutarch, _Tib. Gracchus_, 9.
[647] “It was at the instigation of the rhetorician Diophanes and the philosopher Blossius that he took counsel of the citizens of Rome most distinguished for their reputation and virtues: among others, Crassus, the grand pontiff; Mucius Scævola, the celebrated lawyer, then consul; and Appius Claudius, his father-in-law.” (Plutarch, _Tib. Gracchus_, 9.)
[648] Plutarch, _Tib. Gracchus_, 9.
[649] Aulus Gellius relates two passages from the speech of C. Gracchus, which we think ought rather to be ascribed to Tib. Sempronius Gracchus. In one, he has stated the case of a young noble who caused a peasant to be murdered because he made a joke upon him as he passed in a litter; in the other, he told the story of a consul who ordered the most considerable men in the town of Teanum to be beaten with rods, because the consul’s wife, going to bathe, had found the baths of the town not clean. (Aulus Gellius, X. 3.)
[650] Appian, _Civil Wars_, I. 12.
[651] Plutarch, _Tib. Gracchus_, 16.
[652] Appian, _Civil Wars_, I. 13.
[653] Plutarch, _Tib. Gracchus_, 12.
[654] Machiavelli, _Discourse on Titus Livius_, I. 37.
[655] Plutarch, _Tib. Gracchus_, 16.
[656] Appian, _Civil Wars_, I. 14.
[657] Plutarch, _Tib. Gracchus_, 16, 22.
[658] Plutarch, _C. Gracchus_, 5.
[659] They interdicted to the magistrates deposed by the people the exercise of all functions, and authorised criminal proceedings against the magistrate who had been the author of the illegal banishment of a citizen. The first of these struck openly at Octavius, whom Tiberius had deposed; the second at Popilius, who, in his prætorship, had banished the friends of Tiberius. (Plutarch, _C. Gracchus_, 8.)
[660] Appian, _Civil Wars_, I. 21.
[661] “In 556, the curule ediles Fulvius Nobilior and Flaminius distributed to the people a million of _modii_ of Sicilian wheat, at two _ases_ the bushel.” (Titus Livius, XXXIII. 42.)
[662] Appian, _Civil Wars_, I. 21.--Cicero, _Tusculan Disputations_, III. 20.
[663] Plutarch, _C. Gracchus_, 7. According to what Polybius says, the period of service was fixed at ten years, for we read in Plutarch: “Caius Gracchus said to the censors that, obliged only by the law to ten campaigns, he had made twelve.” (Plutarch, _C. Gracchus_, 4.)
[664] FIFTH PERIOD.--ROMAN COLONIES.
_Dertona_ (630). In Liguria, now _Tortona_.
_Fabrateria_ (630). Among the Volsci (_Latium Majus_). Now _Falvaterra_. A colony of the Gracchi.
_Aquæ Sextiæ_ (631); _Aix_ (Mouths of the Rhone). Cited erroneously as a colony, was only a _castellum_.
_Minervia_ (Scylacium) (632). In Calabria, now _Squillace_. A colony of the Gracchi.
_Neptunia_ (Tarentum) (632). In Calabria, now _Taranto_. A colony of the Gracchi.
_Carthago_ (Junonia). In Africa. A colony of the Gracchi, was only commenced.
_Narbo Martius_ (636). In Narbonnese Gaul, now _Narbonne_. Founded under the influence of the Gracchi.
_Eporedia_ (654). In Transpadane Gaul, now _Ivrea_.
In this period Rome ceases to found Latin colonies. The allied countries and the towns of the Latin name began to demand the right of city; the assimilation of Italy, in respect to language and manners, is indeed so advanced that it is superfluous, if not dangerous, to found new Latin cities.
The name of _Colonies of the Gracchi_ is given to those which were established essentially for the aid of the poor citizens, and no longer, as formerly, with a strategic view.
Carthage and Narbonne are the first two colonies founded beyond the limits of Italy, contrary to the rule previously followed. The only example which could be mentioned as appertaining to the previous period is that of _Italica_, founded in Spain by Scipio in 548, for those of his veterans who wished to remain in the country. They received the right of city, but not the title of colony. The inhabitants of _Aquæ Sextiæ_ must have been in much the same situation.
[665] Velleius Paterculus, II. 6, 15.--Plutarch, _C. Gracchus_, 7, 8.
[666] Appian, _Civil Wars_, I. 19 _et seq._
[667] Plutarch, _C. Gracchus_, 9.--Appian, _Civil Wars_, I. 23.
[668] Sallust, _Jugurtha_, 27.--Cicero, _Oration on the Consular Provinces_, 2, 15; _Oration for Balbus_, 27.
[669] Cicero, _Oration for Rabirius_, 4.
[670] Plutarch, _C. Gracchus_, 7, 12.--According to Velleius Paterculus (II. 6), “he would have extended this right to all the peoples of Italy as far as the Alps.”
[671] Pseudo-Sallust, _First Letter to Cæsar_, vii.--Titus Livius, XXVI. 22.
[672] “Aut censoria locatio constituta est, ut Asiæ, lege Sempronia.” Cicero, _Second Prosecution of Verres_, III.--See, on this question, Mommsen, _Inscriptiones Latinæ Antiquissimæ_, pp. 100, 101.
[673] In the province, the domain of the soil belongs to the Roman people; the proprietor is reputed to have only the possession or usufruct. (Gaius, _Institutes_, II. 7.)
[674] The senators were reproached with the recent examples of prevarication given by Cornelius Cotta, by Salinator, and by Manius Aquilius, the conqueror of Asia.
[675] Yet the _Epitome_ of Titus Livius (LX.) speaks of 600 knights instead of 300. (See Pliny, _Natural History_, XXXIII. 7.--Appian, _Civil Wars_, I. 22.--Plutarch, _C. Gracchus_, 7.)
[676] Plutarch, _C. Gracchus_, 12.
[677] Appian, _Civil Wars_, I. 24.
[678] Appian, _Civil Wars_, I. 17.
[679] “I am not one of those consuls who think that it is a crime to praise in the Gracchi, as magistrates whose counsels, wisdom, and laws carried a salutary reform into many parts of the administration.” (Cicero, _Second Speech on the Agrarian Law_, 5.)
[680] Appian, _Civil Wars_, I. 27.
[681] Sallust, _Jugurtha_, 31.
[682] Sallust, _Jugurtha_, 5.
[683] “Marius had only made his temper more unyielding.” (Plutarch, _Sylla_, 39.)--“Talent, probity, simplicity, profound knowledge of the art of war, Marius joined to the same degree the contempt of riches and pleasures with the love of glory.” (Sallust, _Jugurtha_, 63.)--Marius was born on the territory of Arpinum, at _Cereatæ_, now Casamari (the house of Marius).
[684] “Obtained the esteem of both parties.” (Plutarch, _Marius_, 4.)
[685] Sallust, _Jugurtha_, 85.
[686] Plutarch, _Marius_, 10.
[687] Plutarch, _Marius_, 19.
[688] Plutarch, _Marius_, 11.
[689] Plutarch, _Marius_, 28.
[690] Plutarch, _Marius_, 29.
[691] Titus Livius, XXIII. 22.
[692] In our opinion, _bellum sociale_, or _sociorum_, has been wrongly translated by “social war,” an expression which gives a meaning entirely contrary to the nature of this war.
[693] Velleius Paterculus, II. 15.
[694] LIST OF THE DIFFERENT CENSUSES:--
Year of Rome Census 187. 80,000. The first census under Servius Tullius. (Titus Livius, I. 44. --Dionysius of Halicarnassus, IV. 22.--Eutropius, I. 7.)
245. 130,000. (Plutarch, _Publicola_, 14.)
278. 110,000. (Upwards of). (Dionysius of Halicarnassus, IX. 25.)--119,309
according to Eutropius, I. 14; and 120,000 according
to G. Syncellus, 452, ed. Bonn.
280. 190,000. (Rather more than). (Dionysius of Halicarnassus, IX. 36.)
(Towards
286). 8,714. (_sic._) (Titus Livius,
_Epitome_, III., ed. O. Jahn.) Correct it
to 118,714.
295. 117,319. (Titus Livius, III. 24.)--117,219 according
to the _Epitome_.
331. 120,000. (Canon of Eusebius, Olympiad lxxxix. 2; 115,000 according
to another manuscript.) This passage is wanting in the
Armenian translation.
365. 152,573. (Pliny, _Natural History_, XXXIII. 16, ed. Sillig.)
415. 165,000. (Eusebius, Olymp. cx. 1.)
422} (Titus Livius, IX. 19.--G. Syncellus, _Chronographia_, to } 250,000. 525, has the number 260,000.) 435}
460. 262,321. (Titus Livius, X. 47; the _Epitome_, 272,320.--Eusebius,
Olymp. cxxi. 4, writes 270,000; the Armenian translator,
220,000.)
465. 272,000. (Titus Livius, _Epitome_, XI.)
474. 287,222. (Titus Livius, _Epitome_, XIII.)
479. 292,334. (Eutropius, II. 10.)--271,234 according to Titus Livius
(_Epitome_, XIV.).
489. 382,234. (Titus Livius, _Epitome_, XVI.) Correct it to 282,234.
502. 297,797. (Titus Livius, _Epitome_, XVIII.)
507. 241,212. (Titus Livius, _Epitome_, XIX.)
513. 260,000. (Eusebius, Olymp. cxxxiv. 4.)
534. 270,213. (Titus Livius, _Epitome_, XX.)
546. 137,108. (Titus Livius, XXII. 36.)--This enormous difference is wrongly
ascribed to the losses experienced in the first five years
of the Second Punic war, and Titus Livius states but a very
small difference, _minor aliquanto numerus quam qui ante
bellum fuerat_, which would give us cause to believe in
an error of the copyist in the number of the census,
so that we should read 237,108.
550. 214,000. (Titus Livius, XXIX. 37; _Fasti Capitolini_.)--The censors, as
is formally stated, had extended their operations to the
armies; in addition to which, many allies and Latins had
come to take their domicile in Rome, and had been included
in the census.
561. 143,704. (Titus Livius, XXXV. 9.) Here, also, there doubtless exists
an error; we must read 243,704. Perhaps, too, the censors
did not include in that number of citizens the soldiers
in campaign.
566. 258,318. (Titus Livius, XXXVIII. 36); _Epitome_, 258,310. Many allies
of the Latin name had been included in the census.
576. 288,294. (Titus Livius, _Epitome_, XLI.) The figures of the census of
preceding and following years lead us to adopt this number,
though the manuscripts give only 258,294.
581. 269,015. (Titus Livius, XLII. 10); _Epitome_, 267,231. “The reason
of the inferiority of the census of 581 was,” according to
Titus Livius, “the edict of the Consul Postumius, in virtue
of which those who belonged to the class of the Latin allies
were to return, to be taken for their censuses, in their
respective towns, according to the edict of the Consul
C. Claudius, so that there was not a single person of
the allies who was taken at Rome.” (Titus Livius, XLII. 10.)
586. 312,805. (Titus Livius, _Epitome_, XLV.)
591. 337,022. (Titus Livius, _Epitome_, XLVI.)
595. 328,316. (Titus Livius, _Epitome_, XLVII.)
600. 324,000. (Titus Livius, _Epitome_, XLVIII.)
608. 334,000. (Eusebius, Olymp. clviii. 3.)
613. 327,442. (Titus Livius, _Epitome_, LIV.)
618. 317,933. (Titus Livius, _Epitome_, LVI.)
623. 318,823. (Titus Livius, _Epitome_, LIX.)
629. 394,726. (Titus Livius, _Epitome_, LX.)
639. 394,336. (Titus Livius, _Epitome_, LXIII.)
667. 463,000. (Eusebius, Olymp. clxxiv. 1.)
684. 900,000. (Titus Livius, _Epitome_, XCVIII.)--Dio Cassius (XLIII. 25)
relates that the census ordered by Cæsar after the civil
war had presented a frightful diminution of the number of
the population (δεινἡ ὁλιγανθροπἱα). Appian (II. 102) says
that this number had only reached about the half of the
previous census. According to Plutarch (_Cæsar_, 55), upon
320,000 citizens counted before the war, Cæsar had only
found 150,000. They confounded the registers of the distribution
of wheat with the lists of the census. (See Suetonius,
_Cæsar_, 41.)
Augustus says expressly that between the years 684 and 726 there was no census taken, _post annum alterum et quadragesimum_. (_Monument of Ancyra_, tab. 2.)--The number of citizens whom he found at that epoch, 4,063,000, is about that which Cæsar might have declared. (Photius, _Biblioth._, cod. xcvii.--_Fragm. Histor._, ed. Müller, III. 606.)
726. 4,063,000. Closing of the lustrum by Augustus on his sixth consulship,
with M. Agrippa for his colleague. (_Monument of Ancyra._)
746. 4,233,000. Second closure of the lustrum by Augustus alone. (_Monument
of Ancyra_.)
767. 4,037,000. According to the _Monument of Ancyra_; 9,300,000 according
to the _Chronicle of Eusebius_; third closure of the lustrum
by Augustus and Tiberius Cæsar, his colleague, under
the consulate of Sex. Pompeius and Sex. Appuleius.
[695] These two words are found on the Italiote medals struck during the war. A denarius in the Bibliothèque Impériale presents the legend ITALIA in Latin characters, and, on the reverse, the name of Papius Mutilus in Oscan characters: , _Gai_, PAAPI + G (_ai fili_).
[696] This measure satisfied the Etruscans. (Appian, _Civil Wars_, I. 49.)
[697] Velleius Paterculus, II. 20.--Appian, _Civil Wars_, I. 49.
[698] See Note (^1) to page 226.
[699] “P. Sulpicius had sought by his rectitude the popular esteem: his eloquence, his activity, his mental superiority, and his fortune, made of him a remarkable man.” (Velleius Paterculus, II. 18.)
[700] Plutarch, _Marius_, 36.
[701] Plutarch, _Sylla_, 11.
[702] Appian, _Civil Wars_, I. 57.
[703] Appian, _Civil Wars_, I. 59. “Populus Romanus, Lucio Sylla dictatore ferente, comitiis centuriatis, municipiis civitatem ademit.” (Cicero, _Speech for his House_, 30.)
[704] “In conferring upon the peoples of Italy the right of Roman city, they had been distributed into eight tribes, in order that the strength and number of these new citizens might not encroach upon the dignity of the old ones, and that men admitted to this favour might not become more powerful than those who had given it to them. But Cinna, following in the steps of Marius and Sulpicius, announced that he should distribute them in all the tribes; and, on this promise, they arrived in crowds from all parts of Italy.” (Velleius Paterculus, II. 20.)
[705] Velleius Paterculus, II. 20.
[706] Plutarch, _Pompeius_, 3.
[707] Plutarch, _Sertorius_, 5.
[708] “Cinna counted on that great multitude of new Romans, who furnished him with more than three hundred cohorts, divided into thirty legions. To give the necessary credit and authority to his faction, he recalled the two Marii and the other exiles.” (Velleius Paterculus, II. 20.)
[709] _Quod parcius telum recepisset._ This expression appears to be borrowed from the combats of gladiators, which derived their origin from similar human sacrifices performed at the funerals. (See Cicero, _Speech for Roscius Amerinus_, 12.--Valerius Maximus, IX. xi. 2.)
[710] Plutarch, _Sylla_, 6.
[711] Appian, _Civil Wars_, I. 77.
[712] Appian, _Civil Wars_, I. 79.
[713] Appian, _Civil Wars_, I. 95.
[714] Velleius Paterculus, II. 27. The Samnites thus designated the Romans, in allusion to the wolf, the nurse of the founder of Rome. A Samnite medal represents the bull, the symbol of Italy, throwing the wolf to the ground. It bears the name of C. Papius Mutilus, with the title _Embratur_, , an Oscan word corresponding to the Latin _imperator_.
[715] “Thus terminated two most disastrous wars: the _Italic_, called also the _Social War_, and the _Civil War_; they had lasted together ten years; they had mown down more than a hundred and fifty thousand men, of whom twenty-four had been consuls, seven prætors, sixty ediles, and nearly two hundred senators.” (Eutropius, V. 6.)
[716] “Sylla fomented these disorders by loading his troops with largesses and profusions without bounds, in order to corrupt and draw to him the soldiers of the opposite parties.” (Plutarch, _Sylla_, 16.)
[717] Dio Cassius (XXXIV. cxxxvi. § 1) gives the number as 8,000; Appian as 3,000. Valerius Maximus speaks of three legions (IX. 2, § 1).
[718] “A great number of allies and Latins were deprived by one man of the right of city, which had been given to them for their numerous and honourable services.” (_Speech of Lepidus_, Sallust, _Fragm._, I. 5.)--“We have seen the Roman people, at the proposal of the dictator Sylla, take, in the comitia of centuries, the right of city from several municipal towns; we have seen it also depriving them of the lands they possessed.... As to the right of city, the interdiction did not last even so long as the military despotism of the dictator.” (Cicero, _Speech for his House_, 30.)
[719] Appian, _Civil Wars_, I. 95.--Velleius Paterculus, II. 28.
[720] Appian, _Civil Wars_, I. 95.
[721] Strabo, V. iv. 207.
[722] Dio Cassius, XXXIV. 137, § 1.
[723] Dio Cassius, XXXIV. 137.
[724] Valerius Maximus, IX. ii. 1.
[725] Plutarch, _Cato of Utica_, 21.
[726] Appian, _Civil Wars_, I. 96.--Titus Livius, _Epitome_, LXXXIX.
[727] Appian, I. 100.--Velleius Paterculus, II. 31.--The _auxilium_ was the protection accorded by the tribune of the people to whoever claimed it.
[728] Appian, _Civil Wars_, I. 100 _et seq._
[729] Appian, _Civil Wars_, I. (See, on an inscription raised by the freedmen in honour of the dictator, and which has been discovered in Italy, Mommsen, _Inscriptiones Latinæ Antiquissimæ_, p. 168.)
[730] Titus Livius, _Epitome_, LXXXIX.
[731] Appian, _Civil Wars_, I. 100.
[732] Appian, _Civil Wars_, I. 100.--In 574, the age required for the different magistracies had already been fixed. (Titus Livius, XL. 44.)
[733] Appian, _Civil Wars_, I. 101.--Titus Livius, _Epitome_, LXXXIX.
[734] Aulus Gellius, II. 24.
[735] Cicero, _Familiar Letters_, III. 6, 8, 10.
[736] Titus Livius, _Epitome_, LXXXIX.--Tacitus, _Annals_, XI. 22.--Aurelius Victor, _Illustrious Men_, lxxv.
[737] Cicero, _De Oratore_, II. 39.--“A law which, among the ancients, embraced different objects: treasons in the army, seditions at Rome, diminution of the majesty of the Roman people by the bad administration of a magistrate.” (Tacitus, _Annals_, I. 72.)
[738] Appian, _Civil Wars_, I. 104.
[739] He waited the death of the dictator to rob the treasury of a sum which he owed to the State. (Plutarch, _Sylla_, 46.)
[740] Appian, _Civil Wars_, I. 106.
[741] Sylla had taken the name of _Fortunate_ (_Felix_). (Mommsen, _Inscriptiones Latinæ Antiquissimæ_, p. 168), or of _Faustus_, according to Velleius Paterculus.
[742] “It cannot be denied that Sylla had then the power of a king, although he had restored the Republic.” (Cicero, _Speech on the Report of the Aruspices_, 25.)
[743] The celebrated German author, Mommsen (_Roman History_, III. 15), does not admit this date of 654. He proposes, under correction, the date of 652, for the reason that the ages required for the higher offices of State, since Sylla’s time, were thirty-seven for the edileship, forty for the prætorship, forty-three for the consulship, and as Cæsar was _curule ædile_ in 689, prætor in 692, consul in 695, he would, had he been born in 654, have filled each of these offices two years before the legal age.
This objection, certainly of some force, is dispelled by other historical testimony. Besides, we know that at Rome they did not always observe the laws when dealing with eminent men. Lucullus was raised to be chief magistrate before the required age, and Pompey was consul at thirty-four. (Appian, _Civil Wars_, I. 14.)--Tacitus speaks on this matter thus: “With our ancestors this magistracy (the questorship) was the prize of merit only, for every citizen of ability had then the right to aim at these honours; _even age was so little regarded, that extreme youth did not exclude from either the consulship or the dictatorship_.” (_Annals_, XI. 22.)--In any case, if the opinion of M. Mommsen be adopted, the birth of Cæsar must be referred to 651, not 652. For, if he was born in the month of July, 652, he could only be forty-three years of age in the month of July, 695; and as the nomination of the consuls preceded by six months their entering into office, it would be in the month of July, 694, when he would have attained the legal age, which would bring the date of his birth to the year 651. But Plutarch (_Cæsar_, 69), Suetonius (_Cæsar_, 88), and Appian (_Civil Wars_, II. 149) all agree in saying that Cæsar was fifty-six when he was assassinated on the 15th of March, 710, which fixes his birth in the year 654. On the other hand, according to Velleius Paterculus (II. 43), Cæsar was appointed flamen of Jupiter by Marius and Cinna when scarcely out of infancy, and at Rome infancy ended at about fourteen; and the consulship of Marius and Cinna being in 668, Cæsar, according to our calculation, would then, in fact, have entered on his fourteenth year. The same author adds that he was about eighteen in 672, when he left Rome to escape the proscriptions of Sylla, a new reason for retaining the preceding date.
Cæsar made his first campaign in Asia, at the taking of Mitylene, in 674 (Titus Livius, _Epitome_, LXXXIX.), which makes him twenty at the date of his entrance into the service. According to Sallust (_Catilina_, 49), when Cæsar was nominated grand pontiff in competition with Catulus, he was almost a youth (_adolescentulus_); and Dio Cassius says the same, in nearly the same terms. Doubtless they expressed themselves thus because of the great disproportion in the age of the two candidates. The expression of these authors, although unfitting, nevertheless agrees better with our reckoning, which ascribes thirty-seven years of age to Cæsar, than to the other, which gives him thirty-nine. Tacitus also, as we shall see in a note to a subsequent page, when speaking of the accusation against Dolabella, tends to make Cæsar too young rather than too old.
[744] The family of the _Julii_ was very ancient, and we find personages bearing this name from the third century of Rome. The first of whom history makes mention was C. Julius Julus, consul in 265. There were other consuls of the same family in 272, 281, 307, 324; consular tribunes in 330, 351, 362, 367; and a dictator, C. Julius Julus, in 402; but their filiation is little known. The genealogy of Cæsar begins in a direct line only from Sextus Julius Cæsar, prætor in 546. We borrow the genealogy of the family of the Julii from the _History of Rome by Families_, by the learned professor W. Drumann (Vol. III., page 120; Kœnigsberg, 1837), introducing one variation only, explained in Note (4) of page 290.
Sex. Jul. Cæsar, L. Jul. Cæsar.
prætor, 546. |
|
+-------------------------------+
| |
L. Jul. Cæsar, Sex. Jul. Cæsar,
prætor, 571. trib. mil., 573.
|
+-------------------------------+
| |
L. J. Cæsar, Sex. J. Cæsar, C. Jul. Cæsar.
prætor, 588. Cos., 597. |
| |
+----------------+ |
| | |
Sex. J. Cæsar, L. J. Cæsar. C. Jul. Cæsar.
prætor, 631. --Popillia. Marcia.
| |
+----------------+ +----------------------------------+
| | | | |
L. Jul. Cæsar, C. Jul. Cæsar. C. Jul. Cæsar, Julia. Sex. Jul. Cæsar,
Cos., 664. Strabo. prætor. --C. Marius Cos., 663.
Censor. ædil. cur., 664. --Aurelia. |
--Fulvia. | |
| | |
+-------------+ +------------------------------+ |
| | | | | |
L. Jul. Cæsar, Julia. C. JUL. CÆSAR, Julia, maj. Julia, min. Sex. Jul. Cæsar,
Cos., 690. --M. Antonius. Dictator. --L. Pinarius. M. A. Balbus. flam. Quirin.
| --P. Lentulus. --Cornelia.--+ --Q. Pedius. | |
| | | |
| | | |
L. Jul. Cæsar. Julia Atia Sex. Julius Cæsar.
--708. --Cn. Pomp. Mag. (moth. of Augustus). --708.
|
|
--Cn. Pompeius.
--Pompeia.
--Calpurnia.
The opinion most accredited with the ancients, on the origin of the name of Cæsar, was that Julius slew an elephant in a fight. In the Punic tongue _cæsar_ signifies “an elephant.” The medals of Cæsar, as grand pontiff, confirm this hypothesis; on the reverse is an elephant crushing a serpent beneath its feet. (Cohen, _Consular Medals_, plate xx. 10.)--We know that some symbols on the Roman medals are a species of canting heraldry. Pliny gives another etymology of the name of Cæsar: “Primusque Cæsarum a cæso matris utero dictus, qua de causa et _Cæsones_ appellati.” (_Natural History_, VII. 9.)--Festus (p. 57) thus expresses himself: “_Cæsar_ a _cæsarie_ dictus est; qui scilicet cum cæsarie natus est;” and page 45: “_Cæsariati_ (comati).”--Finally, Spartianus (_Life of Ælius Verus_, ii.) sums up in these words the greater part of the etymologies: “_Cæsorem_ vel ab elephante (qui lingua Mauroram _cæsar_ dicitur) in prœlio cæso, cum qui primus sic appellatus est, doctissimi et eruditissimi viri putant dictum; vel quia mortua matre, ventre cæso sit natus; vel quod cum magnis crinibus sit utero parentis effusus; vel quod oculis cæsiis et ultra humanum morem viguerit.” (See Isidore, _Origines_, IX. iii. 12.--Servius, _Commentary on the Æneid_, I. 290, and Constantine Manasses, p. 71.)
[745] Pliny, _Natural History_, VII. 53.--“Cæsar was in his sixteenth year when he lost his father.” (Suetonius, I.)
[746] “He sprang from the noble family of the _Julii_, and, according to an opinion long believed in, he derived his origin from Venus and Anchises.” (Velleius Paterculus, II. 41.)
[747] In fact, the _gens_ Marcia, one of the most illustrious patrician families in Rome, reckoned among its ancestors Numa Marcius, who married Pompilia, the daughter of Numa Pompilius, by whom he had Ancus Marcius, who was King of Rome after the death of Tullus Hostilius. (Plutarch, _Coriolanus_, I; _Numa_, 26.)
[748] Suetonius, _Cæsar_, vi. This passage, as generally translated, is unintelligible, because the translators render the words Martii Reges by _the Kings Martius_, instead of the family of Marcius Rex.
[749] Plutarch, _Cæsar_, 10.
[750] “So Cornelia, mother of the Gracchi; Aurelia, mother of Cæsar; Atia, mother of Augustus, all presided over the education of their children, we are told, and made them into great men.” (Tacitus, _Dialogue concerning Orators_, 28.)
[751] “Ingenii magni, memoriæ singularis, nec minus Græce quam Latine doctus.” (Suetonius, _On Illustrious Grammarians_, 7.)
[752] “A sermone Græco puerum incipere malo.” (Quintilian, _Institution of Oratory_, I. i.)
[753] Claudius, addressing a foreigner who spoke Greek and Latin, said, “Since thou possessest our two languages.” (Suetonius, _Claudius_, 42.)
[754] Καἱ σὑ, τἑκνον! (Suetonius, _Cæsar_, 82.)
[755] Suetonius, _Cæsar_, 56.
[756] “Still quite young, he seems to have attached himself to the kind of eloquence adopted by Strabo Cæsar, and he has even given, in his _Divination_, several passages, word for word, of the discourse of this orator for the Sardinians.” (Suetonius, _Cæsar_, 55.)
[757] Aulus Gellius, IV. 16.
[758] “For Cæsar and Brutus have also made verses, and have placed them in the public libraries. Poets as feeble as Cicero, but happier than he, in that fewer people knew what they had done.” (Tacitus, _Dialogue concerning Orators_, 21.)
[759]
Tu quoque, tu in summis, o dimidiate Menander,
Poneris, et merito, puri sermonis amator.
Lenibus atque utinam scriptis adjuncta foret vis
Comica, ut æquato virtus polleret honore
Cum Græcis; neque in hac despectus parte jaceres!
Unum hoc maceror et doleo tibi deesse, Terenti.
(Suetonius, _Life of Terence_, 5.)
[760] “Liberal to prodigality, and of a courage above human nature and even imagination.” (Velleius Paterculus, II. 41.)
[761] “He held, undeniably, the second rank among the orators of Rome.” (Plutarch, _Cæsar_, 3.)
[762] “Nam cui Hortensio, Lucullove, _vel Cæsari_, tam parata unquam adfuit recordatio, quam tibi sacra mens tua loco momentoque, quo jusseris, reddit omne depositum?” (Latinus Pacatus, _Panegyricus in Theodosium_, XVIII. 3.)--(Pliny, _Natural History_, VII. 25.)
[763] “Quamvis moderate soleret irasci, maluit tamen non posse.” (Seneca, _De Ira_, II. 23.)
[764] Plutarch, _Cæsar_, 4.
[765] Plutarch, _Cæsar_, 19.
[766] “To the external advantages which distinguished him from all the other citizens, Cæsar joined an impetuous and powerful soul.” (Velleius Paterculus, II. 41.)
[767] Suetonius, _Cæsar_, 15.
[768] “By his voice, his gesture, the grand and noble air of his person, he had a certain brilliant manner of speech, without the least artifice.” (Cicero, _Brutus_, 75; copied by Suetonius, _Cæsar_, 55.)
[769] Plutarch, _Cæsar_, 18.
[770] “From his first youth he was much used to horseback, and had even acquired the facility of riding with dropped reins and his hands joined behind his back.” (Plutarch, _Cæsar_, 18.)
[771] “He ate and slept without enjoying the pleasure of either, and only to obey necessity.” (Velleius Paterculus, II. 41.)
[772] Suetonius, _Cæsar_, 53.--(Plutarch, _Cæsar_, 18 and 58.)
[773] “And when,” says Cicero, “I look at his hair, so artistically arranged; and when I see him scratch his head with one finger, I cannot believe that such a man could conceive so black a design as to overthrow the Roman Republic.” (Plutarch, _Cæsar_, 4.)
[774] Suetonius, _Cæsar_, 45.--Cicero said likewise, “I suffered myself to be caught by the fashion of his girdle,” alluding to his hanging robe, which gave him an effeminate appearance. (Macrobius, _Saturnalia_, II. 3.)
[775] Dio Cassius, XLIII. 43.
[776] Velleius Paterculus, II. 41.
[777] Suetonius (_Cæsar_, 1) says that Cæsar was _designated_ (_destinatus_) flamen. Velleius Paterculus (II. 43), that he was _created_ flamen. In our opinion he was created, but not _inaugurated_, flamen. Now, as long as this formality was not accomplished, he was only the flamen designate. What proves that he had never been _inaugurated_ is, that Sylla could revoke it; and, on another hand, Tacitus says (_Annales_, III. 53) that, after the death of Cornelius Merula, the flamenship of Jupiter remained vacant for seventy-two years, without any interruption to the special worship of this god. So that, evidently, they did not count the flamenship of Cæsar as real, since he had never entered on his office.
[778] “Dimissa Cossutia ... quæ pretextato desponsata fuerat.” (Suetonius, _Cæsar_, 1.)--This passage from Suetonius clearly indicates that he was betrothed, and not married, to Cossutia; for Suetonius uses the word _dimittere_, which means “to _free_,” and not the word _repudiare_ in its true meaning; besides, _desponsata_ signifies _betrothed_.--Plutarch says that Cornelia was the first wife of Cæsar, though he pretends that he married Pompeia as his third. (Plutarch, _Cæsar_, 5.)
[779] Plutarch, _Cæsar_, 5.
[780] Velleius Paterculus, II. 41.
[781] “What an infamy to introduce into his house a pregnant woman, with her husband still living; and to thrust from it, ignominiously and cruelly, Antistia, whose father had just perished for the husband who repudiated her!” (Plutarch, _Pompey_, 8.)
[782] Suetonius, _Cæsar_, 1.
[783] Plutarch, _Cæsar_, 1.--Suetonius, _Cæsar_, 74.
[784] Suetonius, _Cæsar_, 74.
[785] Suetonius, _Cæsar_, 1.
[786] The vestals enjoyed great privileges: if they met by chance a criminal on his way to execution, he was set at liberty. (Plutarch, _Numa_, 14.)--Valerius Maximus (V. iv. 6) reports the following fact: “The vestal Claudia, seeing that a tribune of the people was about to drag her father, Appius Claudius Pulcher, with violence from his triumphal car, interfered between the tribune and him, by virtue of her right to oppose violence.”--Cicero (_Oration for Cœlius_, 14) likewise alludes to this celebrated anecdote.
[787] Suetonius, _Cæsar_, 1.
[788] Suetonius, _Cæsar_, 2.
[789] Suetonius, _Cæsar_, 2.--Pliny, XVI. 4.--Aulus Gellius, V. 6.
[790] C. Cæsar, grand pontiff, in his discourse for the Bithynians, thus expresses himself in his exordium:--“The hospitality which I have received from King Nicomedes, and the bond of friendship which unites me to those whose cause is under debate, do not permit me, Marcus Juncus, to decline this office (_that of being the advocate of the Bithynians_); for death ought not to efface from the memory of their kindred the recollection of those who have lived, and we could not, without the last degree of disgrace, abandon our clients, those to whom, after our kindred, we owe our support.” (Aulus Gellius, V. xiii. 1.)
[791] “Nothing damaged his reputation for chastity,” says Suetonius, “except his sojourn with Nicomedes; but the opprobrium which resulted from it was grave and lasting; it exposed him to the sneers of all. I will say nothing of those well-known verses of Calvus Licinius--
... ‘Bithynia quidquid
Et pedicator Cæsaris unquam habuit.’
I will be silent on the speeches of Dolabella and Curio the father, ... neither will I linger over the edicts in which Bibulus publicly exposed his colleague by speaking of him as the _queen of Bithynia_.... M. Brutus informs us that a certain Octavius, whose craziness allowed him to say what he would, being one day in a numerous assembly, called Pompey _king_, then saluted Cæsar by the name of _queen_. C. Memmius also reproaches him for having mixed himself up with other debauchees to present Nicomedes with cups and wine at table, and he quotes the names of several Roman merchants who were among the guests.... Cicero apostrophised him once in full Senate. Cæsar was defending there the cause of Nysa, daughter of Nicomedes; he recalled the obligations which he owed to this king. ‘Let us pass by all that, I beg you,’ cried Cicero: ‘we know only too well what he has given thee, and what he has received from thee.’ On his triumph over the Gauls, the soldiers, among other satirical verses which it was their custom to sing as they followed the car of the general, repeated these, which are well known:--
‘Gallias Cæsar subegit, Nicomedes Cæsarem.
Ecce Cæsar nunc triumphat, qui subegit Gallias;
Nicomedes non triumphat, qui subegit Cæsarem.’”
(Suetonius, _Cæsar_, 40.)
[792] Cicero, _Letters to Atticus_, II. 19.
[793] These reports, like other calumnies, were propagated by Cæsar’s enemies, such as Curio and Bibulus, and repeated in the ridiculous annals of Tanusius Geminus (Suetonius, _Cæsar_, 9), the authority of which Seneca despised. “Thou knowest that not much account is made of these annals of Tanusius, and how they are designated.” (Seneca, _Epistle_ 93.)--Catullus (xxxvi. 1) gives us that term of contempt to which Seneca alludes (_cacata charta_).
[794] “Marius had in his army a nephew, called Caius Lucius, who, overcome by a shameful passion for one of his subordinates, offered him an act of violence. The man drew his sword and killed him. Cited before the tribunal of Marius, instead of being punished he was loaded with praises by the consul, who gave him one of the crowns which were the usual reward of courage.” (Plutarch, _Marius_, 15.)
[795] “Cæsar was not vexed at being accused of loving Cleopatra; but he could not bear that they should say he had been loved by Nicomedes. _He swore it was a calumny._” (Xiphilinus, _Julius Cæsar_, p. 30, Paris edition, 1678.)
[796] Orosius, V. 23.
[797] Suetonius, _Cæsar_, 3.
[798] Florus, III. 23.
[799] Appian, I. 107.
[800] Suetonius, _Cæsar_, 3.
[801] Sallust, _Fragments_, I., p. 363.
[802] Florus, III. 23.
[803] Suetonius, _Cæsar_, 3.
[804] “The Romans regarded as honourable accusations which had no private enmity as their motive, and they liked to see young men attach themselves to the pursuit of the guilty, as generous dogs attack wild beasts.” (Plutarch, _Lucullus_, 1.)
[805] Plutarch, _Cæsar_, 4.--Asconius, _Discourse for Scaurus_, XVI. ii. 245, edit. Schütz.
[806] Valerius Maximus, VIII. ix. § 3.--“Cæsar was twenty-one years of age when he attacked Dolabella, in a speech which we still read to-day with admiration.” (Tacitus, _Dialogue on the Orators_, 34.)--According to the chronological order which we have adopted, Cæsar, instead of twenty-one, would have been twenty-three years old; but as Tacitus, in the same citation, also errs, by two years, in making Crassus, who had accused Carbo, nineteen instead of twenty-one, we may suppose that he has committed the same mistake with Cæsar. In fact, Crassus tells his own age in Cicero (_On the Orators_, III. 20, § 74): “Quippe qui _omnium maturrime_ ad publicas causas accesserim, annosque natus _unum et viginti_ nobilissimum hominem in judicium vocarim.”--Crassus, the orator, was born in 614; he accused Carbo in 635, the date given by Cicero.
[807] Plutarch, _Cæsar_, 3.--Asconius, _Commentaries on the Oration, “In Toga Candida,”_ pp. 84, 89, edit. Orelli.
[808] _Dialogue on the Orators_, 21.
[809] Cicero, _Oration for Cluentius_, 59. The manuscripts of Cicero bear _Cn. Decitius_.
[810] This island, now called _Fermaco_, is at the entrance of the Gulf of Assem-Kalessi. Pliny and Stephen of Byzantium are the only geographers who mention it, and the last tells us further, that it was here that Attalus, the famous lieutenant of Philip of Macedon, was slain by Alexander’s order.
[811] Polyænus, _Stratagems_, VII. 23.
[812] Suetonius, _Cæsar_, 4.
[813] Velleius Paterculus, II. 41.
[814] Plutarch, _Cæsar_, 2.
[815] Plutarch, _Crassus_, 8.
[816] Suetonius mentions, as an act of humanity, that their corpses alone were nailed to the cross, Cæsar having had them strangled beforehand to shorten their agony. (Suetonius, _Cæsar_, 74.--Velleius Paterculus, II. 42.)
[817] Suetonius, Cæsar, 4.
[818] Velleius Paterculus, II. 43.--Asconius, _On the Oration of Cicero against Pisa_; edit. Orelli.
[819] Velleius Paterculus, II. 53.
[820] Suetonius, _Cæsar_, 5.--Plutarch, _Cæsar_, 5.
[821] The tribunes by the nomination of the general were usually called _rufuli_, because they were established by the law of Rutilius Rufus; the military tribunes elected by the people were called _comitati_; they were held as veritable magistrates. (Pseudo-Asconius, _Commentary on the First Speech of Cicero against Verres_, p. 142, edit. Orelli; and Festus under _Rufuli_, p. 261, edit. Müller.)
[822] Plutarch, _Sertorius_, 15, 16.
[823] “The enemy was already master of the passes which lead to Italy; from the foot of the Alps, he (Pompey) drove him back to Spain.” (Sallust, _Letter from Pompey to the Senate_.)
[824] Velleius Paterculus, II. 30.--100,000 according to Appian (_Civil Wars_, I. 117).
[825] Plutarch, _Lucullus_, 8.
[826] Sallust, _Fragments_, III. 258.
[827] Appian, _Civil Wars_, I. xiv. 121.
[828] “The Republic, wounded and sick, so to say, had need of repose, no matter at what price.” (Sallust, _Fragments_, I. 68.)
[829] “We see how far are carried the jealousy and animosity which the virtue and activity of the new men light up in the heart of certain nobles. If we turn away our eyes never so little, what snares do they not lay for us! One would say that they were of another nature, another kind, so much are their feelings and wishes opposed to ours.” (Cicero, _Second Prosecution of Verres_, v. 71.)--“The nobility transmitted from hand to hand this supreme dignity (the consulship), of which they were in exclusive possession. Every new man, whatever his renown and the glory of his deeds, appeared unworthy of this honour; he was as if sullied by the stain of his birth.” (Sallust, _Jugurtha_, 63.)
[830] Sallust, _Catilina_, 52.
[831] Plutarch, _Lucullus_, 9.
[832] Cicero, _First Prosecution of Verres_, 8, 9, 12; _Second Prosecution_, i. 29.--Pseudo-Asconius, _On the first Prosecution of Verres_, page 145, edit. Orelli. The orations of Cicero are full of allusions to these agents for the purchase of votes and judges.
[833] “In these later years, the men who make a trade of intriguing in elections have been enabled, by diligence and address, to obtain from the citizens of their tribes all that they chose to demand. Endeavour, by any means you will, to make these men serve you sincerely and with the steadfast will to succeed. You would obtain it if men were as grateful as they ought to be; and you will obtain it, I am afraid, since, for two years, four societies of those most influential in elections--those of Marcus Fundanius, Quintas Gallius, Gaius Cornelius, and Gaius Orcivius--have engaged themselves for you. I was present when the causes of these men were entrusted to you, and I know what was promised to you, and what guarantees have been given to you by their associates.” (_On the Petition for the Consulship addressed to Cicero by his brother Quintus_, 5.)
[834] Cicero, _First Prosecution of Verres_, 13.
[835] “Each city of the conquered peoples has a patron at Rome.” (Appian, _Civil Wars_, II. 4.)
[836] Cicero, _Second Prosecution of Verres_, III. 89. Cicero adds in a letter, “We may judge, by the sufferings of our own fellow-citizens, of what the inhabitants of the provinces have to endure from the public farmers (_publicani_). When several tolls were suppressed in Italy, remonstrances were made not so much against the principle of taxation as against abuses in levying it, and the cries of the Romans on the soil of the country tell only too plainly what must be the fate of the allies at the extremity of the empire.” (_Letters to Quintus_, I. 1, § 33.)
[837] Dio Cassius, 86; _Fragments_, CCCI. edit. Gros.
[838] Cicero, _On Duties_, II. 17; _Letters to Quintus_, II. 6, § 4.--Plutarch, _Brutus_, 14.
[839] Florus, III. 21.
[840] “The name of C. Marius--of that great man who we may justly call the father of the country, the regenerator of our liberty, the saviour of the Republic.” (Cicero, _Speech for Rabirius_, 10.)--“I have, as your guarantee, your indignation against Sylla.” (Dio Cassius, XXXVI. 17, _Oration of Catulus to the Senate_.)--“Where can we find a personage (Marius) more serious, more firm, more distinguished by courage, circumspection, conscience?” (Cicero, _Speech for Balbus_, 25.)--“Not only do we suffer his acts (Sylla’s), but to prevent worse disasters, greater ills, we give them the sanction of public authority.” (Cicero, _Second Prosecution of Verres_, III. 35.)
[841] Plutarch, _Cæsar_, 6.
[842] Plutarch, _Pompey_, 12.
[843] Pompey slew Carbo, Perpenna, and Brutus, the father of the assassin of Cæsar, who had yielded themselves to him: the first had protected his youth and saved his patrimony. (Valerius Maximus, V. iii. v.)
[844] Count Franz de Champagny, _Les Cæsars_, I. p. 50.
[845] “It was in his character to show little regard for what he was ambitious to obtain.” (Dio Cassius, XXXVI. 7.)--“Pompey, with a heart as depraved as his face was pure.” (Sallust, _Fragments_, II. 176.)
[846] “At last, when Pompey, haranguing the people for the first time at the gates of the city, in his capacity of consul-designate, came to treat of the matter which seemed to have been most ardently expected, and let it be understood that he would re-establish the power of the tribunes, he was received with applause, and a slight murmur of assent; but when he added that the provinces were devastated and oppressed, the tribunals disgraced, the judges without shame, and that he wished to be watchful of these abuses, and to restore good order, then it was not by a simple murmur, but by unanimous acclamations, that the people testified their desires.” (Cicero, _First Prosecution of Verres_, 15.)
[847] Catulus, when asked his opinion on the re-establishment of the tribunary power, began in these authoritative words:--“The conscript fathers administer justice evilly and scandalously; and if, in the tribunals, they had but answered the expectations of the Roman people, the power of the tribunes would not have been so warmly regretted.” (Cicero, _First Prosecution of Verres_, 15.)
[848] “His enemies had nothing else to reproach him with than the preference which he gave to the people over the Senate.” (Plutarch, _Pompey_, 20.)
[849] “He seconded with all his might those who wished to restore the power of the tribunes.” (Suetonius, _Cæsar_, 5.)
[850] 7,100 talents. (Plutarch, _Crassus_, 1.)
[851] Plutarch, _Crassus_, 2.--Cicero, _On Duties_, I. 8.
[852] Plutarch, _Crassus_, 7.
[853] Plutarch, _Crassus_, 8.
[854] Plutarch, _Crassus_, 8.
[855] Plutarch, _Crassus_, 1, 16.
[856] “Cotta judicandi munus, quod C. Gracchus ereptum Senatui, ad equites, Sylla ab illis ad Senatum transtulerat, æqualiter inter utrumque ordinem partitus est.” (Velleius Paterculus, II. 32.)
[857] “Equidem mihi videor pro nostra necessitate, non labore, non opera, non industria defuisse.” (Certainly, I believe I have displayed all the zeal, all the endeavour, all the ability which our kinship demands.) Cæsar, quoted by Aulus Gellius, XIII. 3.--Nonius Marcellus, “_On the different significations of words_,” under the word _Necessitas_.
[858] Sallust, _Fragments_, I. 68.
[859] Plutarch, _Pompey_, 21.
[860] Plutarch, _Cæsar_, 5.--Suetonius, _Cæsar_, 6.
[861] Plutarch, _Cæsar_, 5.
[862] The images of Æneas, of Romulus, and of the Kings of Alba Longa also figured in the funeral canopy of the Julia family. (Tacitus, _Annales_, IV. 9.)
[863] Plutarch, _Cæsar_, 5.--Velleius Paterculus, II. 43.
[864] Cicero, _Oration on the Manilian Law_, 12; _For Fonteius_, 2.
[865] Cæsar, _Civil War_, I. 37.
[866] “Sextus Pompeius Cordubam tenebat, quod ejus provinciæ caput esse existimabatur.” (Cæsar, _The War in Spain_, III.--Plutarch, _Cæsar_, 17.)
[867] Cicero, _Second Prosecution of Verres_, II. 13.--Paulus Diaconus, under the word _Conventus_.--Müller, p. 41.
[868] Cicero, _Second Prosecution of Verres_, II. 20, 24, 30; IV. 29.--_Familiar Letters_, XV. iv.
[869] Pliny, _Natural History_, III. i., and IV. xxxv. The three _conventus_ of Lusitania were held at Emerita, Pax Julia (_Béja_), and at Scalabis: the four of Bætica were, Gades, Corduba, Astijo, Hispalis (_Cadiz_, _Cordova_, _Ecija_, and _Seville_).
[870] Dio Cassius, XLIV. 39, 41.
[871] “From the beginning of my questorship, I have shown a special affection for the province.” (Speech of Cæsar to the Spaniards, at Hispalis, _Commentaries, The War in Spain_, 43.)
[872] Plutarch, _Cæsar_, 5.
[873] Titus Livius, XXI. 21.--Florus, II. 17.
[874] Plutarch, _Parallel between Alexander and Cæsar_, 6.--Suetonius, _Cæsar_, 7.
[875] Suetonius, _Cæsar_, 8.
[876] Suetonius, _Cæsar_, 8.
[877] Velleius Paterculus, II. 31.
[878] Daughter of Q. Pompeius Rufus, and Fausta, daughter of Sylla. (Plutarch, _Cæsar_, 5.--Suetonius, _Cæsar_, 6.)
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History of Julius Cæsar, Vol. 1 of 2Chapter V: Consulship of Cæsar and Bibulus (4)
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