Chapter VIII: The Combatants Salute

APRIL-MAY, 1519.

THE EMBASSY FROM THE SHORE—THE NEW INTERPRETER—MARINA—HER
APPEARANCE AND QUALITY—HER ROMANTIC HISTORY—SHE CLEAVES
TO THE SPANIARDS AND TO CORTÉS—AND BECOMES ONE OF THE
MOST IMPORTANT CHARACTERS OF THE CONQUEST—THE SPANIARDS
LAND AND FORM AN ENCAMPMENT—THE GOVERNOR COMES WITH
PRESENTS—THE SPANIARDS ASTONISH THE NATIVES—WHO REPORT
ALL TO MONTEZUMA—CORTÉS SENDS THE MONARCH PRESENTS—COUNCIL
CALLED IN MEXICO—MONTEZUMA DETERMINES NOT TO RECEIVE THE
STRANGERS—RECIPROCATES IN PRESENTS A HUNDREDFOLD—CORTÉS
PERSISTS—MONTEZUMA DECLINES MORE FIRMLY—OLMEDO ATTEMPTS
CONVERSION—TEUHTLILE, OFFENDED, WITHDRAWS HIS PEOPLE FROM THE
CAMP OF THE SPANIARDS.

Under San Juan de Ulua the fleet of Cortés rests at anchor, lying lazily there, its fiery purpose clothed in peaceful white, like a snow-capped volcano basking in the sunlight. The ships had been watched from afar by expectant eyes; and now from the wondering multitude that lines the Chalchiuhcuecan[149] shore come two large canoes, whose occupants step to the deck of the flag-ship and reverentially ask for the Tlatoani. Their language is new to Aguilar; none of the company can understand it. What is to be done? Modestly speaks one of the female slaves, “These are Mexicans, sent by Cuitlalpitoc,[150] cacique of the nearest town, to welcome the white chief and offer their devotion. They would likewise know whence he comes, and why.”

Instantly all eyes are on the speaker, who under their continued gaze draws back, abashed at her own temerity, while the warm blood mantles beneath its clear olive confine, and the breath comes inconstant between parted lips. Cortés regards her as she stands there unconscious of the important service she has rendered him; for possessed she the power of Thetis, to assume any form she pleased, the fair interpreter could not at this juncture have appeared before the chief in any other aspect half so fascinating. Who is she? The one baptized Marina, at Tabasco; and who, being the greatest lady there, was given to Puertocarrero, the greatest gentleman present. Why had she been given to Puertocarrero? Why had not the chief chamberer himself taken her? Cortés had weightier matters on his mind. He was playing for empire, and would not now stop to divide the petty winnings with his men. By and by right royally will he reward the unsanctified within him for its abstinence. As for this girl, he seems now for the first time to see her.[151] Had Marina, the slave, been born in other lands, under different auspices, to what exalted sphere might not her personal loveliness and beauty of character have entitled her!

They say she was fair for an Indian; very beautiful she certainly is, and of that order of loveliness that captivates the understanding no less than the passions. The old as well as the young are ravished with her beauty, even as with Helen were the elders of Troy. She is about eighteen, and in form and features perfect; her long hair falling over smooth, round shoulders, and from large lustrous eyes radiating a tender melancholy that overspreads the face and tones to harmony whatever falls beneath its influence. Sweet and frank in her disposition, she is nevertheless resolute enough upon occasion; yet in her ordinary mood there is a rare grace and femininity, in which she is as liquid and pellucid as a passage in Herodotus. There is no shame in her blush, nothing bordering on conscious inferiority in her bearing; nothing that these or any other beings may do unto her can lessen her self-respect. She scarcely knows she is a slave, the plaything of passion; she finds the world made so, men the stronger and wickeder, and she has but to acquiesce.[152]

Cortés is deeply interested. As if from heaven some bright being had been sent to his assistance, so comes to him Marina now. What is her history? Strangely romantic. She is the daughter of a cacique, born at Painala, eight leagues from Goazacoalco. While yet a child her father died; and upon a son, the fruit of a second marriage, the mother centred all her affections. To secure to him the succession and inheritance which rightly belonged to the daughter, Marina was given as a slave to some travelling merchants of Xicalanco, while a slave girl who had just died was passed off for Marina and buried with the usual stately ceremonies.[153] Arrived at Tabasco, Marina was sold to the cacique, and by him transferred to the Spaniards. With a mind elastic and quick to learn, to her native Mexican tongue she added at Tabasco a knowledge of the Maya, becoming afterward proficient in Spanish. And now no longer slave, save to the passion love, she is to queen it for a while as consort of the conqueror, becoming in the conquest second only in power and importance to Cortés himself, whom with her whole soul she loves, and to whom alone she clings after the departure presently of Puertocarrero for Spain. Accompanying the invaders as interpreter and adviser, she shares their hardships and rejoices in their successes. For is not the daring commander lord of her heart and person? Moreover, what claim upon her has a nation which drives her into solitude beyond its border, and for no crime? Therefore, if her newly found friends sicken, she nurses them; if they despair, she comforts them. Nevertheless she cannot forget her people, but freely exerts her influence in their behalf, saving many a life and many a town from destruction. Toward the end both races vie in showing her their admiration, gratitude, and respect; and although to the Indian the invaders become more and more objects of execration, yet he never mentions with aught but loving reverence the name Malintzin, or Malinche, as in his tongue is called Marina.[154]

To the embassy of Cuitlalpitoc Cortés makes friendly answer. He will explain his purposes to the cacique in person. Meanwhile the messengers are regaled with food; presents are given them, and gold is shown as something Spaniards delight in. Then they return to the shore, which appears not very inviting, with its broad reach of sand and sandy hillocks whirled up by the northers. Likewise vegetation hereabout is stunted, larger trees appearing only in the distance. The place had been recommended by Grijalva, however, as possessing good anchorage, and the people as being rich and hospitable.[155]

Early on Good Friday Cortés landed, planted guns upon the hillock, and began the construction of a fortified camp, consisting of houses, huts, and sheds, high in the centre of which was placed a large cross. Informed of this, the cacique sent men to carry timber, plaster the walls, and put up awnings. Food was also provided, and feather-work and gold were presented Cortés, with the information that the governor would visit him presently. Meanwhile the natives flocked in to trade, so that on Saturday the place presented the appearance of a fair, rather than the encampment of an invading army.

On Easter Sunday, while preparations were made for mass, Cuitlalpitoc arrived with his chief, Teuhtlile, governor of the province, whose residence was at Cuetlachtlan, eight leagues away.[156] Attending them was a large retinue of nobles, and slaves[157] bearing presents. Cortés, with an escort, advanced to receive them, and after interchange of courtesies led the way to the altar, draped in native cotton fabrics, where Father Olmedo celebrated mass,[158] aided by Father Juan Diaz, Aguilar, and a trained choir. The service over, Cortés invited the chiefs to dinner, and there informed them that he was a captain of the greatest monarch the sun smiled on, Charles V. of Spain, who, hearing of Montezuma’s fame, had sent him presents and a message, which must be delivered in person immediately.[159] How easy the way to him who knows it! Had Cortés but spoken the simple word, “I am Quetzalcoatl, come to resume my rule,” he might possibly at one time have ridden midst hosannas to the capital, and seated himself without resistance on Montezuma’s throne.

But the minion of an earthly monarch is quite a different being from the fair god in the eyes of the Aztec officers, who answer somewhat haughtily, “Be it known to you that our master is the inferior of none; and for the present let these gifts suffice.” Saying which the signal is given; the slaves advance and deliver their burdens, consisting in part of food, cotton fabrics more than ten bales, brilliant feather-work, and a cacaxtli, or basket, filled with wrought gold set with rare stones and pearls. Cortés expressed thanks, and gave for Montezuma in return a carved and inlaid arm-chair, some engraved marcasite laid in musk-scented cotton, a bright red cap, a gold medal stamped with the figures of St George and the dragon, twisted strings of beads, and other articles; and would the emperor deign to wear the cap and occupy the chair when it became his pleasure to receive him? To the chiefs were also given some trifles. Teuhtlile promised to deliver to Montezuma the gifts and the message. Then pointing to the gilt helmet of a soldier, which resembled in form the head-dress of the idol Quetzalcoatl, he expressed a desire to show it to Montezuma. “Take it,” said Cortés, “and bring it back filled with gold-dust, that we may show our emperor what kind of metal you have.”[160]

Observing the native painters transcribing to amatl-paper the several novelties, and wishing to impress them further, Cortés mounted a horse, and ordered the troops to fall into line and the cannons to be charged. The infantry first passed in review to the sound of music with arms and banners displayed. Then came the cavalry with the best riders, led by Alvarado, dashing past in varied and swift evolutions. The graceful movements of the great animals, their rearing and prancing, and above all their speed; the flashing swords, the glittering armor, all seemed to these simple people like a scene from the supernatural. Their admiration was changed to terror, however, when the guns belched flames and smoke, and sent midst many thunderings the stone balls scudding along the beach or crashing among the trees. All, even their own fears, were faithfully depicted by the painters. On leaving, Teuhtlile gave orders to supply the Spaniards with every necessary, for which purpose two thousand of his people were detailed to attend them, particularly to bring wood, water, and food. For their accommodation another cluster of huts was erected, so that within these few days two towns arose on the sands of Chalchiuhcuecan. Cuitlalpitoc, who remained for a time to superintend the service, received from his guests the name of Ovandillo.[161]

Montezuma was quickly in possession of all these facts; and when he saw the gifts, and read the picture writings, and learned how a woman, beautiful as the sun, talked to his people in their own language; more particularly when he compared the helmet with that worn by Huitzilopochtli, and was told that the terrible strangers insisted on an interview, apprehension filled his soul.[162] Cuitlahuatzin, his brother, and Cacama of Tezcuco, were summoned to aid in telling him what to do. The council was divided. There was the popular belief regarding Quetzalcoatl with its attendant prognostics; on the other hand these strangers did not behave like gods. They had human appetites, overthrew the idols, claimed allegiance to another power, and had proved themselves vulnerable at Potonchan. Yet could beings wholly terrestrial so live without women, mount gigantic deer, and tame the lightning? Cacama thought they should have a hearing. The national honor demanded it; beside, refusal implied fear. Cuitlahuatzin saw in the visitation only evil to the commonwealth, and urged expulsion. The gods should decide; and very foolish gods they would have been to vote admission to their destroyers. And now behold the fatal folly of Montezuma! Instead of vigorous action toward the end determined on, he adopted a middle course. He would decline the interview, yet not rudely drive the strangers hence, lest, peradventure, they might be gods and successfully oppose him. He would send them liberal gifts, and beseech them to depart, thus exposing at once his weakness and his wealth.[163]

A diplomate of the first nobility was accordingly despatched to the sea-shore. With him went Teuhtlile, returning after only a week’s absence.[164] Numerous natives were in attendance, among them over a hundred slaves. Bowing low before Cortés, who had on this occasion put on greater pomp than usual, the envoy touched the earth with his hand, carrying it to his lips, and then he swung the copal censer.[165] Together with Teuhtlile he thereupon seated himself beside Cortés; and it was remarked how much alike they looked, the Spanish commander and the Aztec envoy, who, perhaps, had been selected for this reason, with the aid of the portraits made by the native painters, and as a mark of honor to the white captain. The soldiers not inappropriately called him the Mexican Cortés.[166]

The slaves were then directed to lay down the presents; among which were thirty bales of cotton fabrics, from gauzy curtains to heavy robes, white, colored, plain, and figured,[167] interwoven with feathers or embroidered with gold and silver thread; feathers and plumes of all colors, embroidered sandals, and marcasite mirrors. All these, however, were trifles beside the gold, the beautiful glittering gold which was now disclosed, and likewise the silver. First there was a disk of the yellow metal, representing the sun with its rays, as large as a carriage wheel, ten spans in diameter, ornamented in demi-relief and valued at thirty-eight hundred pesos de oro.[168] A companion disk of solid silver, of the same size, and equally ornamented, represented the moon.[169] Then there were thirty golden ducks, well fashioned; a number of other pieces in form of dogs, lions, monkeys, and other animals; ten collars, a necklace with over one hundred pendent stones called emeralds and rubies by the Spaniards; twelve arrows, a bow with cord stretched, two staves each five palms in length; fans, bracelets, and other pieces, all of fine gold, beside a number of silver. What could have delighted the Spaniards more? One thing only, and that was not wanting—the gilt helmet returned full of virgin gold, fine dust and coarse, with a plentiful mixture of nuggets of various sizes and shapes, all fresh from the placers. The value of this was three thousand pesos, and appreciation was attracted not so much by the amount as by the significance of the gift, as Bernal Diaz remarks, for it afforded a sure indication of the existence of rich mines in the country. “It was this gift which cost Montezuma his head,”[170] says Torquemada.

The words which followed fell on closed ears. These so greatly admired gifts are but a slight token of the high regard of the emperor, who would be pleased to form a friendship with his king; but he could not think of troubling Cortés to come to him through a hostile country; besides, he was ailing. Everything the visitors might wish to aid their departure would be instantly supplied. This and more. Poor, foolish monarch! As well might he ask the ravenous wolf to depart after giving it to lick a little blood from his scratched hand. For the gifts, a thousand thanks; but after so long a voyage, undertaken solely for the purpose, the Spanish captain dared not face his master without having seen the great Montezuma. As for the road, its difficulties or dangers were nothing. Would the chiefs present their monarch these further articles, and bring speedy answer?[171]

Meanwhile discussion was in order among the Spaniards, and speculation as to what should be done. Some advised immediate advance on Montezuma’s capital; some, fearful of the nation’s strength, as manifested by its arts and refinements, favored return to Cuba for reinforcements. Cortés let them talk, but said little. Traffic at first was freely permitted among the men,[172] and as the result was meagre Cortés did not think it worth while to require of them a division. To this irregularity certain of the Velazquez leaders objected, demanding at least that the royal fifth should be deducted; the commander therefore ordered gold to be received only by Gonzalo Mejía, as treasurer.[173]

Ten days elapsed before Teuhtlile returned, without the envoy,[174] but followed by a file of slaves bearing, among other things, as a present to the Spanish king, ten loads of rich feathers and robes, some gold figures valued at three thousand pesos, and four chalchiuite stones, each declared to be worth a load of gold, but of no value to Europeans.

Teuhtlile then stated that further messages to the emperor were useless, since the desired interview could not be granted. He hoped the Spaniards would content themselves with the promised supplies and depart in peace.

Turning to his companions, Cortés said: “Truly this must be a great lord, and rich; and, God willing, some day we will visit him.” Just then the bell struck for Ave María, and instantly, with uncovered heads, the soldiers were kneeling round the cross. The priests, ever ready to preach their faith where an opportunity presented, were soon at work. His words, however, made a bad impression on the governor, as had also the evasive answer of Cortés to his message. He bade a cold farewell, and the next morning the Spaniards awoke to find the native encampment deserted, and even the supplies carried away. Precautions were now taken against probable attack, by sending on board the provisions and all cumbrous articles, leaving embarkation easy at any moment.[175]

FOOTNOTES

[149] See _Native Races_, iv. 434. Duran’s native records
call this the ‘port’ of Chalchuihqueyacan. _Hist. Ind._,
MS., ii. 389. The spelling by different authorities differs
greatly. Clavigero, and Veytia, _Hist. Ant. Méj._, iii. 377,
give April 21 as the date of arrival, while Bustamante, in
_Sahagun_, _Hist. Conq._ (ed. Mex. 1845), 135, makes it the
22d. Year Ce Acatl. _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Rel._, 411. Sahagun,
_Hist. Conq._, i. 7., says 13 conejos.

[150] _Torquemada_, i. 387. Bernal Diaz writes Pitalpitoque,
named by the Spaniards Ovandillo. _Hist. Verdad._, 25.
Herrera, Pitalpitoc. Solis, followed by Robertson, Pilpatoe.
Bernal Diaz and Gomara name Teuhtlile, the chief governor
of the province, who lived farther in the interior, as the
sender.

[151] According to Gomara, _Hist. Mex._, 40, and Herrera,
dec. ii. lib. v. cap. iv., this new interpreter is not
discovered until four days later.

[152] ‘Entremetida, é desembuelta,’ slabbers that lecherous
old soldier Bernal Diaz. To call women loose comes well
from men who spend their lives in making them so. If, as
has been stated, the women of her native district have
borne a reputation not altogether enviable, whose fault is
it? Not theirs, truly. That this girl was the mistress of
men, under the circumstances, detracts not one iota from
her good name in the minds of right-thinking persons; nay,
it detracts nothing from her purity of mind, her honesty,
or her innate morality. ‘Reprehensible medio de asegurarla
en su fidelidad,’ says Solis, _Hist. Conq. Mex._, i. 119,
otherwise so ready to cover up the defects of his hero.

[153] _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 24-5. According to
Gomara she was born in Viluta, in the direction of Jalisco,
the daughter of rich parents, related to the cacique.
From them she was stolen by traders and sold in Xicalanco.
_Hist. Mex._, 40. The town and district may be a corruption
of Huilotlan, in Xalatzinco, which Ixtlilxochitl, _Hist.
Chich._, 287, gives as her native place, and this may be
identical with the present Oluta or Holuta, near Acayucan,
on the isthmus of Tehuantepec. Painala is no longer known.
Fossey, who travelled through the region, states that
tradition makes Xaltipan or Altipan her birthplace, and in
support of this belief a mountain is pointed out, close to
the town, bearing the name of Malinche. _Mexique_, 26-7;
_Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._ (Bustamante ed.), i. 41; _Berendt_, in
_Salazar_, _Méx. en 1554_, 178; _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. v.
cap. vi.; Sahagun, _Hist. Conq._ i. 15, mentions Teticpac,
and Oviedo names Mexico as Marina’s native place, iii.
259, while Saavedra undertakes to reconcile the different
statements by supposing that her family came originally
from Jalisco, west of Anáhuac, to Mexico city, and thence
to Goazacoalco. Her high intelligence indicates that she
was educated in the capital. _Dic. Univ._, ix. 774.

[154] Mexicans being unable to pronounce the ‘r,’ Marina
became Malina, to which the _tzin_ was added in respect,
equivalent to doña or lady. Malinche was a Spanish
corruption, which was at times applied by the Indians to
Cortés, as the lord and companion of Marina, and Juan Perez
de Arteaga had also the appellation added to his name, from
being so often with her. _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._,
52. Another conjecture is that her original name was Malina,
or Malinalli, signifying ‘twisted thing,’ the term for one
of the Mexican days, applied in accordance with a native
custom of giving children the name of their birthday. The
name indeed is not uncommon, the lord of Tlachquiauhco, for
instance, being called Malinal or Malinaltzin. _Vetancvrt_,
_Teatro Mex._, ii. 31, 40. On finding her own name so similar
to Marina, the Spanish priest gave her this at the font.
The Indians usually acquired a surname after they grew up,
and Tenepal is that found for Marina. _Sigüenza y Góngora_,
_Paraiso Occid._, 38; _Salazar y Olarte_, _Conq. Mex._, 217;
_Arróniz_, _Orizaba_, 171, 182. To Cortés she bore a son,
who was recognized by his father and raised to the rank
of a knight of Santiago. While on the way with Cortés to
Honduras, in 1524, she was legally married to Captain Juan
Jaramillo. This took place at Ostoticpac, near Orizaba, and
excited no little comment. Some believe that the arrival of
Cortés’ wife was the cause of the marriage; but although
this may have led to his separation from Marina, it could
not have affected the marriage, since the wife was already
dead. Cortés no doubt found her an incumbrance, and sought to
be rid of it in a manner honorable to her at least. Gomara
accuses him of having made Jaramillo drunk for the purpose.
_Hist. Mex._, 251; but this Bernal Diaz corrects. He knew
one of the witnesses at the ceremony. _Hist. Verdad._, 25.
Jaramillo had achieved a certain prominence as commander of
one of the brigantines which aided in the siege of Mexico,
and in other affairs, and is said to have been an hidalgo.
Ixtlilxochitl marries her to Aguilar, probably because this
seemed a fit union. _Hist. Chich._, 287. _Camargo_, _Hist.
Tlax._, 143. Shortly after her marriage the army halted at
Goazacoalco, whither all the chiefs of the neighborhood were
summoned to tender submission and to receive instruction in
the faith. Among them was a young cacique with his mother,
whose resemblance to Marina at once called the attention of
all acquainted with the story, and led to her recognition
as the heartless parent. The old dame feared for her life,
but Marina reassured her with tender caresses, excusing her
conduct as controlled by the deceased stepfather, and cheered
her with a number of presents. She presented her husband, and
referred with fond pride to the son she had given to Cortés.
Both mother and half-brother accepted baptism, he receiving
the name of Lázaro, and she that of Marta, an appropriate
name for one who perhaps lived long enough to lament the
ruin of her people and country, an indirect result of her
unnatural treatment of Marina. Bernal Diaz, who witnessed
all this, and became further acquainted with the family,
declares Gomara wrong, and says: ‘Conoci á su madre, y á
su hermano,’ concluding ‘todo esto que digo, se lo oî muy
certificadamente, y se lo jurò, amen.’ _Hist. Verdad._,
25; _Clavigero_, _Storia Mess._, iii. 12-14; _Cogolludo_,
_Hist. Yucathan_, 38. Returning to Mexico, she received
lands there and in her native province, but took up her
residence in the capital, where her husband held a prominent
position through his wealth and offices, such as regidor and
as the first alférez of the city. ‘Recibieron pʳ Alferes
de esta Ciudad a Juan Xaramillo.’ ‘Primer Alferes.’ _Libro
de Cabildo_, MS., 216. Reference is made to lots and other
grants made to him and his wife Doña Marina, on March 14,
1528, and other dates. _Id._ Both held repartimientos, one
of which lay in Xilotepec. Marina appears to have been still
living in Mexico city in 1550, impressing her memory upon
the hearts of the grateful people, over whose welfare she
even now watches. Invoked by them, her spirit is frequently
encountered in its twilight flights on errands of mercy and
consolation, issuing from the ancient groves of Chapultepec,
where centres the recollection of Aztec glories. Ballads
still perpetuate her virtues, and many a nature’s monument
bears proudly the beloved name of Malintzin. Tradition also
transforms her into a naiad who daily rises from the pool
of Chapultepec, singing divinely. _Rodriguez_, _Anáhuac_,
461. She appears to have had several children by Cortés.
Peralta mentions five besides Martin, of whom two died
while young. The three remaining were daughters, of whom
two became nuns, and the third, Leonor, the wife of Martin
de Tolosa. _Nat. Hist._, 75. This is not wholly correct,
however, for in the Libro de Gobierno del Virey Mendoza is
a document, dated April, 1550, wherein the viceroy grants
a petition from her in favor of her grandson, Don Alonso de
Estrada, son of Luis de Saavedra, deceased, and encomendero
of Tilantongo town. Alaman’s notes, in _Prescott’s Mex._
(Mex. 1844), ii. 268-9. In _Cortés_, _Residencia_, i. 123,
ii. 70, 101, witnesses refer also to a daughter of the
interpreter Marina, with whom Cortés is accused of having
tampered, as he did with the mother. If so, this can hardly
be Saavedra’s wife, but a Tabascan child; yet Marina’s
master would not have presented a woman incumbered with a
child when he sought to do honor to the Spaniards. Saavedra
allows Marina to proceed to Spain with her husband, who
procured for her a high position at court. Here she died,
leaving several children, from whom descended some of the
first families in Spain. _Dic. Univ._, ix. 778. But this
authority is too full of blunders to be relied upon. Ideal
portraits are given in _Carbajal Espinosa_, _Hist. Mex._,
ii. 65, and _Zamacois_, _Hist. Méj._, ii. 350.

[155] I have said, as the native record interpreted by
Tezozomoc and Duran relates, that the fleet is sighted
and reported long before it reaches San Juan de Ulua—from
Tabasco, says Vetancvrt, _Teatro Mex._, ii. 114. Montezuma,
who had already begun to hope that the strangers would never
return, becomes sad with apprehension; yet he orders special
relays to be stationed on the route to the coast, in order
to bring speedy news, commands his lieutenant to furnish the
strangers with all they need, and sends Tlillancalqui, the
messenger who met Grijalva, to ascertain their object. He
is instructed to declare that Montezuma holds the throne as
mere deputy at the disposal of the white god, for he supposes
that it is Quetzalcoatl, as before. If the god intends to
proceed to Mexico the roads will be cleaned, and the towns
and stations prepared for his accommodation. Tlillancalqui
delivers his message, together with a necklace of gold set
with precious stones, and in his eagerness to please the
strange beings he offers fowl and tortilla to horses as
well as men. Cortés signifies his wish to go to Mexico,
and asks that chiefs be sent to guide him. Tlillancalqui
hurries back with the message, leaving orders to supply the
Spaniards with all they desire. _Duran_, _Hist. Ind._, MS.,
ii. 389-96; _Tezozomoc_, _Hist. Mex._, ii. 250-3. According
to the version by Sahagun and Torquemada, Montezuma sends
the same messengers whom he despatched the year before to
seek Grijalva, but who arrived too late. Their names are
Yohualychan, the leader, Tepuztecatl, Tizahua, Huehuetecatl,
and Hueycamecatleca. With them are sent the presents
already prepared for Grijalva, and the sacerdotal vestments
of Quetzalcoatl. On reaching the flag-ship they inquire
for their king and god Quetzalcoatl. At first surprised,
Cortés the next moment catches the clue. Seating himself
on an improvised throne, surrounded by a large suite, he
orders the messengers to appear. Being told that he is the
personage whom they seek, they prostrate themselves, kissing
the deck. The leader thereupon addresses him: ‘Welcome,
god and master; long have we, your servants and vassals,
waited for you. Montezuma, your vassal and lieutenant, sends
us to salute you, and begs the acceptance of this small
present and these precious ornaments, once used by you as
our king and god.’ They now array him in the vestments of
Quetzalcoatl, adding also many ornaments pertaining to the
gods Tezcatlipoca and Tlalocatecuhtli, as if to proclaim him
the greatest of the gods. The most attractive pieces are a
bejewelled and plume head-dress, and a necklace of precious
stones. ‘Is this all the gift of welcome that you bring?’
asks Cortés. ‘Lord and king, it is all that was given us
for your Majesty,’ was the reply. They are given food and
accommodation for the night. In order to impress upon them
the full extent of Spanish power, they are tied hands and
feet while the horses are exhibited, the arms displayed, and
the guns fired. They are then told that the white men have
heard the fame of Mexican warriors, as able to overcome ten
or even twenty times superior numbers, and desire a proof
thereof by fighting them in equal force. Swords and shields
are given them, but they decline, pleading their character
as mere envoys. They are thereupon insulted as cowards, and
told that the white men will descend upon their country,
kill all who resist, take possession of the government, and
secure better presents than those sent them. The messengers
now hurry back to Mexico without informing any one on the
way of what has occurred. _Torquemada_, i. 381-4; _Sahagun_,
_Hist. Conq._, i. 7-11; _Sigüenza y Góngora_, _El Fenix_,
MS., 273-8.

[156] Teudilli, or Quitaluor, from Cotosta, is Gomara’s
corrupt form. _Hist. Mex._, 39. Herrera calls Teuthlille
the chief governor, and Pitalpitoe a chief. dec. ii.
lib. v. cap. iv. Teutile, captain-general, and Pilpatoe,
governor. _Solis_, _Hist. Mex._, i. 119. Teotlili arrives
on Monday. _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, 286. ‘Tendile,
y Pitalpitoque eran Gouernadores de vnas Prouincias que se
dizen, Cotastlan, Tustepeque, Guazpaltepeque, Tlatalteteclo,
y de otros pueblos que nueuamẽte teniã sojuzgados.’
_Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 26. He means, however, that
Tendile is the chief governor. Pinotl had evidently left.
Cuetlachtlan province appears to have extended from Rio
Papaloapan, or Alvarado, to Rio de la Antigua.

[157] Ixtlilxochitl and Gomara place the number attending
at over 4,000.

[158] Here Solis takes Bernal Diaz to task for asserting
that mass had been already said on Friday. _Hist. Mex._,
i. 121. But the scholar is too severe upon the soldier,
whose head is true enough, however may be his tongue.

[159] ‘All Gomara’s fictions,’ sneers Las Casas, _Hist.
Ind._, iv. 484, who ignores Marina’s ability to interpret,
and thinks the interview was limited to the simplest
expressions conveyed by signs.

[160] _Carta del Ayunt._, ubi sup., 19. Gomara, _Hist.
Mex._, 39-41, while he does not refer to a helmet, states
that Cortés asked for gold, as a remedy for heart disease,
from which he and his men were suffering.

[161] ‘Dexo alli dos hombres principales, como capitanes,
con hasta dos mil personas entre mugeres y hombres de
servicio, y fuese a Cotosta.’ _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 41.
He left over 1000 to wait upon the Spaniards, and over
1000 to carry supplies. _Las Casas_, _Hist. Ind._, iv. 482;
_Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, 287; Bernal Diaz, _Hist.
Verdad._, 26, supposes that Teuhtlile went in person to
Mexico, but not so Gomara and Ixtlilxochitl.

[162] ‘Y desque viò el casco, y el que tenia su Huichilobos,
tuuo por cierto, que eramos del linage de los que les
auian dicho sus antepassados, que vendrian á señorear
aquesta tierra.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 26.
This statement is followed by a cut at Gomara for giving
unreliable information. _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlasc._, 141.
The native version of Sahagun and Torquemada describes how
the messengers are sprinkled with fresh human blood, as
customary with important bearers of news, before presenting
themselves before Montezuma. They arouse his admiration by
speaking of the wonders beheld, of the penetrating swords,
the sulphurous smell of the thunder smoke, and of the
intoxicating food; but when they relate how outrageously
they have been treated and how the strangers threatened
to conquer the country, then the emperor wept, and with
him all the city. _Sahagun_, _Hist. Conq._, i. 12-13;
_Torquemada_, i. 385-6; _Acosta_, _Hist. Ind._, 515-18.
Brasseur de Bourbourg incorporates all this native version
in his narrative, and allows Teuhtlile to reach Mexico
with his report a few days after these messengers, thus
confirming their account. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 75-6.
Duran writes that on hearing of Cortés’ eagerness to obtain
guides for Mexico, Montezuma began to grieve deeply over the
prospect of having to resign and die. The envoy consoled
him by representing the benignity of the white gods, but
he nevertheless set about to arrange for the safety of his
children. _Hist. Ind._, MS., ii. 396-7; _Tezozomoc_, _Hist.
Mex._, ii. 253.

[163] _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, 287-8; _Camargo_,
_Hist. Tlasc._, 141-2; _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. ix.
Torquemada refers to the similar mistake of King Hezekiah
of Judea, in exhibiting to the Assyrian envoys his wealth,
and thus attracting invaders, i. 391, 404.

[164] This seems an incredibly short time in a country
without horses, for Mexico lies over 200 miles by road
from this part of the coast; but with numerous relays of
runners and litter-bearers the distance would not take long
to cover. ‘Estas mensajerias fuerõ en vn dia, y vna noche
del real de Cortés a Mexico, que ay setenta leguas y mas.’
_Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 41.

[165] Torquemada. 389, assumes this to have been in token of
divine adoration, but the ceremony was a quite common mark
of respect for distinguished persons. See _Native Races_,
ii. 284. ‘Nos llamaron Teules ... ó dioses.’ ‘Hence when
I say Teules, or Gods, it may be understood to mean us,’
says Bernal Diaz with conscientious pride. _Hist. Verdad._,
32. But the _teu_ or _teo_ prefix to names must be accepted
in the same light as the incense burning, and in this case
equivalent to ‘hero.’ See also _Clavigero_, _Storia Mess._,
iii. 19. ‘Demonios’ is Oviedo’s translation of teules, iii.
500.

[166] Some writers doubt the ability of native painters to
have given a sufficiently accurate portrait; but with the
aid of explanatory signs there was little difficulty.

[167] Some of them were checkered, which to Peter Martyr
is a sufficient proof that the Mexicans played chess, dec.
v. cap. x.

[168] _Carta del Ayunt. de V. Cruz_, in _Cortés_, _Cartas_,
29. ‘Pessaba la de oro quatro mill y ochoçientos pessos
... tenia nueve palmos y medio de anchura é treynta de
çircunferençia,’ says Oviedo, who inspected the presents at
Seville, evidently with mathematical precision, iii. 259.
‘Pesaua cien marcos, hecha como Sol, y con muchos follajes,
y animales de relieue.’ _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 42. Peter
Martyr, dec. iv. cap. ix., describes the central figure as
a king enthroned, surrounded with foliated ornaments. In
the above _Carta del Ayunt._ a peso de oro and a castellano
are shown to be equivalent, and a marco contains fifty
castellanos. Writers differ widely in their calculations to
reduce these coins to modern values, Prescott estimating the
castellanos at $11.67 in United States money, and Ramirez,
in a critical note thereupon, at $2.93. _Prescott’s Mex._,
i. 321; also edition Mex. 1845, app. ii. 79-92. See note
on coins in _Hist. Cent. Am._, this series, i. 192-3.
Clemencin, in _Mem. Real Acad. de Hist._, vi. illust. 20,
525-45, enters fully into the subject.

[169] Weighing 48 marcos. _Carta del Ayunt._, loc. cit.
‘De cincuenta y tantos marcos, ternia de gordor como un
toston de á 4 reales,’ says Las Casas, who examined the
gifts in Spain. _Hist. Ind._, iv. 485-6. ‘Otra mayor rueda
de plata.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 26. Robertson,
_Hist. Am._, ii. 16, 449, misunderstanding Diaz, places
the value of this disk at 20,000 pesos or £5000.

[170] _Monarq. Ind._, i. 390. ‘Valdria el oro y la plata
que allí habia 20 ó 25,000 castellanos, pero la hermosura
dellas y la hechura, mucho más.’ _Las Casas_, ubi sup.
‘Podia valer este presente veynte mil ducados, o pocos mas.
El qual present tenian para dar a Grijalua.’ _Gomara_,
_Hist. Mex._, 42. ‘Q’lo reparta cõ los Teules que cõsigo
trae,’ says Bernal Diaz, _Hist. Verdad._, 27, intimating
that another present was coming for the white emperor;
but it was applied to the expedition treasury like nearly
everything obtained by trade or seizure. _Herrera_, dec.
ii. lib. v. cap. v; _Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt. iii.
115. Brasseur de Bourbourg estimates the gold disk alone
at 357,380 francs. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 85. Peter Martyr,
dec. iv. cap. ix., gives a detailed description of several
of the presents.

[171] This time the presents for the chiefs were some
embroidered shirts, silk sashes and other things, while to
the emperor he sent a Florentine goblet, gilt and enamelled
with figures, three Holland shirts, and some bead articles,
not a very costly return for what he had received. Bernal
Diaz, _Hist. Verdad._, 27, and Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v.
cap. vi., enumerate the presents given to them. ‘Teudilli
... le rogo mucho, q pues estaua mal aposentado en el cãpo
y arenales, se fuesse con el a vnos lugares seys o siete
leguas de alli.’ But Cortés declined to leave the camp.
_Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 43.

[172] ‘Y aquel oro que rescatauamos dauamos â los hombres
que traiamos de la mar, que iban â pescar, â trueco de su
pescado.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 27. If so it was
probably after the Indians deserted.

[173] Gomara refers to an order to stop all barter for
gold, with a view to let it appear that the Spaniards cared
not for the metal, and thus to induce the Indians to make
no secret of the manner in which it was obtained. _Hist.
Mex._, 39. As if the natives had not already learned what
we wanted, sneers Bernal Diaz.

[174] ‘Que se dezia Quintalbor, no bolvió mas, porque auia
adolecido en el camino.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 27.

[175] According to Gomara, _Hist. Mex._, 45, Cortés told the
governor that he would not leave without seeing Montezuma.
Solis elaborates this as usual into a long speech, to which
Teuhtlile replies with threats, and turning his back stalks
out of the camp. _Conq. Mex._, i. 153-5; _Herrera_, dec.
i. lib. v. cap. vi.