Chapter XXVII: Retreat to Tlascala

JULY, 1520.

FATAL MISTAKE OF THE MEXICANS—A BRIEF RESPITE ALLOWED THE
SPANIARDS—THE REMNANT OF THE ARMY AT TLACOPAN—THEY SET OUT
FOR TLASCALA—AN EVER INCREASING FORCE AT THEIR HEELS—REST AT
THE TEPZOLAC TEMPLE—CORTÉS REVIEWS HIS DISASTERS—THE MARCH
CONTINUED AMIDST GREAT TRIBULATION—ENCOUNTER OF THE GRAND
ARMY—IMPORTANT BATTLE AND REMARKABLE VICTORY—ARRIVAL AT
TLASCALA—THE FRIENDLY RECEPTION ACCORDED THEM THERE.

What would Emperor Charles have said to Hernan Cortés had they met on the morning after the Sorrowful Night! It is related of Xerxes that with a golden crown he rewarded a pilot who had saved his life, and thereupon ordered him beheaded for having sacrificed in the operation the lives of so many of his Persian subjects. Now Cortés had not saved the emperor’s life, nor yet the emperor’s gold; he had sacrificed many lives, and had little to show for them. Had Charles been there, and had he valued Spaniards as did Xerxes Persians, he might have cut off the Estremaduran’s head; but Cortés was yet worth to Charles more than all that had been thus far lost in New Spain.

Prosperity implies ability; adversity, weakness of mind and character. In the high-souled and chivalrous, prosperity tends to yet loftier heights, while adversity sinks the unfortunate still lower; nevertheless, the fortitude and dignity which come to the really great under misfortune are among the grandest sights in this universe. I have said that Cortés might have ridden to Mexico over palm branches, midst hosannas, had he but known it; but had he done so, there would have been no greatness attending the act. The door of peaceable exit from the city of Mexico had long been open to him; but to have accepted Montezuma’s invitation hence would not have raised Cortés in the estimation either of himself or of his soldiers.

After all the terrible disasters of the Noche Triste the Spaniards were not wholly forsaken by fortune, though they called it the irrepressible Santiago on his milk-white steed who caused the Mexicans to neglect their opportunity of vigorously pursuing the fugitives beyond the last channel, and in their helpless state to exterminate them. Yet we cannot help asking why Santiago did not come to their assistance sooner, and save them untold woe. The Spaniards, however, were not captious in their criticisms of benefactors, and so a small stone was erected on the Tacuba road in honor of the mounted saint.[845] If we would have the real cause why the Mexicans did not follow up the Spaniards, we may find it in their greed for spoils, as Sahagun observes, which detained the warriors, especially round the channels. A thorough search was soon instituted by them; the canals were dragged, and quantities of arms, baggage, and personal effects were secured, beside the gold and jewels which had been taken by the Spaniards. Their own dead they decently buried, while those of the Spaniards and their allies were more summarily disposed of, and the whole road cleared of obstructions and whatever might infect the atmosphere.[846]

According to Gomara the discovery of the bodies of Montezuma’s son and heir and other princes created such sorrow that pursuit was on this account suspended. It seems not unreasonable that the natives should have charged their death wounds to the Spaniards, who, rather than see men like King Cacama free to create mischief, should have preferred to dispatch them, offering, Medea-like, a bribe to reverence and love with a view to retard the Colchian pursuers.[847] Although this accusation could not be proven, their death was nevertheless to be avenged. At least forty Spaniards and a number of allies had been captured during the night, and at the obsequies, which were of the most imposing order, they added solemnity to the occasion by yielding their hearts’ blood; while those who, according to native tradition, turned back to hold the fort for three days before they swelled the throng of victims, were reserved for the coronation soon to follow.

The respite from close pursuit had enabled the fugitive army to join, in detached groups, the nucleus already gathered under Jamarillo in one of the squares of Tlacopan,[848] the capital of the smallest tripartite state, half a league from Mexico. A sorry spectacle was this remainder of the brilliant army which had so lately entered Mexico as conquerors. A haggard, bleeding, ragged crowd, dreggy with mire and smeared with gore, many without weapons, and without a vestige of their baggage and war stores. When Cortés arrived with the last remnant the sun was rising, and fearing the danger of an attack in the narrow streets, such as had made the sallies in Mexico so disastrous, he hastened to conduct his men into the open field. The movement was made none too soon, for immediately after the scouts gave warning of approaching hosts, magnified to a hundred thousand or more, speedily the war shrieks again broke on the ears of the startled troops. The Mexicans had sent word to Tlacopan and the neighboring towns to intercept the fugitives, and assistance coming with the dawn they joined in the attack.[849]

A Tlascaltec chief had recommended a northward course, round the lakes, as the least exposed to pursuit, and offered himself as guide.[850] The march was accordingly directed north-westward through some maizefields, with Cortés leading. The enemy were upon them before the rear left the city, and several soldiers fell in the onslaught. A short distance before them rose the hill of Totoltepec, Bird Mountain,[851] surmounted by a temple with several strong buildings,[852] and a small village. This appeared an eligible spot for the rest which they so much needed. Crossing the Tepzolac Creek, at its foot, Cortés ordered the advance guard, under Ordaz, to capture it, while he faced the pursuers. Little resistance was offered at the temple, but the general was hotly pressed, as the enemy perceived that their prey was about to escape. At this juncture it was said that the Vírgen de los Remedios appeared, and by casting dust into the eyes of the foe enabled the Spaniards to effect their escape with little loss into the temple. “By this time,” writes Cortés, “we had not a horse that could run, or a horseman who could lift an arm, or a foot-soldier who could move.”[853]

A few additional intrenchments were thrown up, and the necessary guards posted to watch the baffled enemy, who perceiving the strength of the place contented themselves with flinging their missiles and filling the air with shouts. Feeling comparatively secure, the troops abandoned themselves to rest round blazing fires. The food found in the place, although insufficient for the demands of the half-starved men, afforded some comfort, which was increased by grateful sleep.[854]

Thus were refreshed the wounded and disheartened. And with grateful hearts the remnant of the brave army returned thanks to God for deliverance. Some, however, attributed their escape to the presence among them of the image of the Vírgen de los Remedios, which Rodriguez de Villafuerte is said to have afterward placed in the great temple of Mexico. It had been brought here by the owner, although some supposed it might have come over of its own accord, as it is said to have miraculously done in later times when detained in Mexico against its will.[855] Some years after the Noche Triste it was found on this hill under a bush, by a converted cacique named Juan de Tobar, who kept it for a long time, and then by divine direction built a hermitage for it on the hill, where it had been found. The many miracles reported of the shrine induced the City of Mexico in 1574 to adopt it as a patron, and by the following year the simple chapel was replaced by a fine temple worthy of the sanctity of the image which has absorbed so large a share of holy pilgrimage.[856]

The review held on Remedios Hill revealed the full extent of the blow suffered, “one which Spaniards alone could have endured,” says Peter Martyr. At the beginning of the siege the army mustered twelve hundred and fifty Spaniards and six thousand allies, with arms and ammunition in abundance, and now little more than five hundred soldiers and less than two thousand allies remained.[857] The baggage, artillery and ammunition, intrusted to the trains of carriers, had all been lost, and a great portion of the arms carried by the men, so that only twelve battered cross-bows and seven firelocks could be counted. What better commentary could we have on the night’s disaster! The side arms were fortunately better preserved, and there were twenty-four horses left, now the only formidable element of the army.[858] Of the treasure none could tell what had been saved, the holders keeping the fact secret. It was whispered, however, that Cortés had taken good care of the portion appropriated by him, Bernal Diaz, among others, insisting that with the first party conducted by the general to Tlacopan went a number of carriers with gold bars and jewels. Among these is said to have been some of the royal treasure, but the officers declared that it had all been lost, including the mare with the fifth proper, and the account books and records. The loss of the papers, however unfortunate for history, must have been rather convenient to Cortés, at least, who had a fancy for adjusting facts and figures to suit his schemes.[859]

Deeply stricken was Cortés, and bitterly did he repent of the mistakes which had contributed to this sad result: of having left Alvarado in charge to follow his rash bent; of having treated Montezuma and his chiefs so inconsiderately on his arrival; and, above all, the faulty arrangements for the flight by night.[860] His had been the greatest conquest yet undertaken in the New World, and his the greatest disaster. The men of Narvaez had suffered most, partly, it is said, because they were most eager to burden themselves with gold, but rather because they were inexperienced, and assigned chiefly to the rear. It was the gaps in the ranks of his veterans that touched Cortés most. Gone was the dear dandy Francisco de Salcedo, whom slovenly comrades should no more trouble! The cavalry, so sadly depleted, missed among its number the dashing Láres[861] and the brave Morla. Neither could Botello be injured by the curses freely given him for his false reading of the stars.[862] The death which most deeply moved Cortés, however, was that of the true-hearted and brave Velazquez, whose standing and influence, as a relative of the Cuban governor and as a man of high birth, had so greatly assisted the general in carrying out his schemes. Cortés had in return conferred on him some of the most important commissions, ever regarding him as among the truest of his friends. With him had died his native wife, Elvira, the daughter of the Tlascaltec lord Maxixcatzin, and nearly every prisoner.[863]

With so many losses to deplore, it proved a solace for Cortés to find present his favorite captains, Sandoval, Alvarado, and Olid. His interpreters were also here, and foremost the loving Marina, whose life, together with that of Luisa, Xicotencatl’s daughter, was due to the zealous care of the latter’s brothers. Martin Lopez, the ship-builder, also survived, and the sight of him assisted to give the thoughts of the general a hopeful bent, rousing in his enterprising spirit projects for vengeance and recuperation. Remnants though they were, his forces were still larger than those with which he had overcome Narvaez, and which he had till then regarded as sufficient for the conquest of the empire. The experience gained and a knowledge of the country were in themselves an army; and, thank fortune, he had some gold, and better still, allies. Tlascala was now his hope. Everything, indeed, depended on the little republic, and whether it would afford him shelter and aid. He knew that the loss of so many of its warriors under his banner had brought wide-spread affliction, which might turn to hatred toward him as the cause. Thereupon he talked to the Tlascaltec chiefs who were yet alive, and endeavored to stir in them the thirst for revenge, and excite their desires for rich spoils and increased domain.[864]

* * * * *

Besiegers and besieged sat watching each other the whole day, but the latter made no signs of stirring. Thinking that they would not venture forth for some time, many of the former began to file off homeward, leaving, nevertheless, a strong force round the hill. Cortés feared that the morrow would bring them back with reinforcements and make escape difficult. Trusting again therefore to the darkness, now joined to the more advantageous circumstance of an open field, he set forth, leaving the fires blazing to lull the watchfulness of the foe. Eight captains were appointed for the different sections to maintain the arranged order of march,[865] Cortés with a portion of the cavalry taking the rear, as the post of danger. The rest of the horsemen led the van, while the sound infantry formed a cordon for the centre, wherein the wounded were carried in hammocks, or hobbled along on hastily prepared crutches, a few being taken up behind the horsemen. The rear had hardly left the temple before the enemy were upon them with swords and lances, many of the captured and recovered weapons of the Spaniards being now used against themselves. But the attack was not severe, partly because the pursuers had been reduced to irregular bands from the mainland settlements, whose chief object was plunder. At dawn the town of Calacoayan was sighted, and on approaching it the mounted scouts came in a ravine upon an ambuscade formed by its warriors. Believing them to be numerous the horsemen galloped back, and joined by others returned to charge. It is related that the leader halting for a moment to arrange for the attack, a soldier became impatient, and hoisting an improvised flag on his lance he called out, “Santiago! follow me who dare!” The rest responded, and the enemy was routed with slaughter.[866] The town was ransacked for food and fired as a warning to the assailants. The march was resumed, and the plain of Tizaapan reached, but owing to the fight at the town and the constant skirmishing only three leagues were made that day. Toward sunset they reached the hamlet of Teuculhuacan, and took peaceable possession of the temple for the night.[867]

At noon on the 3d the march was resumed, with quickened steps and with less interruption. Though persistent in harassing, the pursuers fled whenever the cavalry charged, and took refuge on the hill-slopes, flinging with their missiles jeers and insults. “Women!” they cried; “cowards, who fight only when mounted! You are going whence none of you shall escape!” The latter threat was frequently heard, but its meaning failed as yet to be understood. There was a worse enemy than the Mexicans, however, and that was hunger, which made itself severely felt, “although Spaniards can endure its pangs better than any other nation,” vaunts Gomara, “and this band of Cortés’ better than all.” Eagerly they scanned the road side for fruit or roots, and many ate grass, while the Tlascaltecs threw themselves upon the ground and begged their gods to take pity upon them.[868] One soldier opened a dead body and ate the liver, and when Cortés heard of it he ordered the man hanged, but the sentence was not executed. The route, at first craggy, passed through the towns of Quauhtitlan and Tepotzotlan, along the lake of Zumpango, to Citlaltepec, where camp was formed. The inhabitants had fled, but food was there to eat, and even to carry on their journey, and there they remained all the next day.[869]

On the morning of the 5th of July they skirted the lake and turned westward to Tlascala, pursued by increasing forces;[870] owing to which, or to the roughness of the road, or to the guide, less progress was made than on the previous day, and camp was pitched at the deserted hamlet of Xoloc. The following day they proceeded toward the Azaquemecan Mountains, and halted at the town Zacamolco.[871] Observing a mysterious movement among the Indians on the slope, Cortés set out with five horsemen and a dozen foot-soldiers to reconnoitre. After skirting the mountain he came in sight of a large army,[872] with a portion of which he came to close quarters, the fleet natives having gained on the foot-soldiers in making the turn of the hill. In the mêlée Cortés was badly wounded in the head.[873] He retreated to camp and had the wound bandaged, and the forces were hurried away from the town, which appeared too exposed for an attack. The Indians pursued them so closely that two men were killed and a number wounded, beside four or five horses. One of the animals died, and although the troops deplored its loss, the meat proved acceptable, for roasted maize with a little fruit had been their only food for several days.[874] Camp appears to have been formed for the night in a hamlet among the hills, the enemy being left on the opposite western slope of the range.

A serious encounter being apprehended the next day, additional crutches and hammocks were prepared for those of the wounded who had hitherto been carried on horseback, so as to leave the cavalry free in its movements.[875] Before dawn on July 7th[876] the march was resumed, in the hope of eluding the forces in the rear, little suspecting that this was but a wing of the main body now preparing to surround them. They had proceeded about a league, and were on the point of entering the large plain of Otumba,[877] when the scouts came galloping back with the information that the whole field was filled with warriors in battle array. The hearts of the Spaniards sank within them. They were hoping to escape an enemy such as this.[878] Cortés ordered a halt, and with his captains talked over the situation. Retreat was out of the question, and to turn aside would be useless. “We must charge upon this host,” said Cortés; “we must make our path through its very centre. Remember your dead comrades; remember your God; comport yourselves like Christian soldiers, and this idolatrous horde will melt before you like the morning mist.” He thereupon issued the necessary instructions for charging and resisting, and for protecting the disabled. The horsemen were to ride with loose rein, lancing at the faces, so as to break the enemy’s lines, and open a path for the infantry, who were to follow and thrust their sidearms at the bowels of their assailants.[879]

Commending themselves to the virgin, and invoking the aid of Santiago, the troops advanced and entered the plain, skirted on the east by the lower ranges of the Tlaloc, which inclosed in the distance the town of Otumba. The sight was as grand as it was terrifying. In every direction were seemingly endless columns, with flowing plumage, brilliant shields of varied designs, and above and beyond these a forest of glittering iztli points. “It was the finest army Spaniards ever encountered in the Indies,” exclaims Bernal Diaz. Their number was legion, and the richness of their attire signified the presence of the strength and nobility of the empire. The original estimate was doubled, and that was increased fourfold, until, like Don Quixote’s sheep, two hundred thousand seemed small. Aware of the route taken and the destination of the Spaniards, Cuitlahuatzin had sent orders to the caciques of Otumba, Teotihuacan, Calpulalpan, and adjoining region, to mass their forces here and exterminate the intruders. This order came most opportune, for at the time a fair was held at Otumba, which attracted a large concourse, from which volunteers were readily obtained for so laudable an object, represented not only as easy of achievement, but as profitable from the spoils that were to follow. A strong force from the lake region had come to form the nucleus of the army, the command of which was assumed by Cihuacatzin, lord of Teotihuacan.[880]

The sight of the sorry remnant of the Spanish army was greeted by the native host with triumphant shouts, trumpet blasts, and the clashing of weapons. Nothing should now prevent their escape; they were doomed! Cautiously the Indians advanced to surround them; for though the wounded and bedraggled band was small, it still looked viperish. Like the French in Egypt the Mexicans might have said that the centuries were looking down on them from the mystic towers of Teotihuacan, consecrated to the sacred past. It was natural enough for them to feel glad and proud; surely the invaders had brought them misery enough to justify any return. But let them not forget that there are still strong men, now nerved to desperation. And just beyond the mountain fringe, toward which pointed their holy banner of the cross, was a promised land, ‘the land of bread,’ and, as they hoped, of trusty friends.

Cortés did not wait for them to advance too near before he made a charge. With head and arm bandaged he led the cavalry, which in parties of five rushed at the enemy, lancing straight at the face, and opening a way for the infantry, which followed at a quick pace, thrusting sword and pike as they had been directed.[881] This tactic disconcerted the natives somewhat, and discarding their projectile weapons the front ranks seized on lances, two-handed swords, and heavy clubs, encouraging one another by shouting the names of their towns and districts. After breaking the lines the horsemen turned to open another path in the direction of the infantry, throwing the Indians in a disorderly pressure one against the other, and keeping them in a state of apprehension as to where the mounted avalanche would next roll over them. Again the horsemen turned, dashing close along the flanks of the troops, scattering the intermediate assailants in confusion, and rendering them an easy prey to the foot-soldiers. Swift as the wind the gallant Sandoval flew past, crying to his comrades: “We win to-day, señores! We win to-day, God helping us!” María de Estrada was likewise there, cheering onward the men, and sharing danger with the foremost of the brave.

It would indeed seem to persons of less confidence than the Spaniards that some supernatural power had been necessary on this day to deliver them. Nor did the Tlascaltecs belie their fame as warriors, for they fought like lions, as the soldier-chronicler declares, the chief Calmecahua being particularly conspicuous for his bravery.[882]

For a while the horsemen had it all their own way, chiefly, as Cortés observes, because the enemy consisted of such disorganized masses as to prevent one another either from fighting or fleeing; but as they became more used to the Spanish tactics they offered firmer resistance. The horse of the general being so severely struck in the mouth as to become unmanageable, Cortés dismounted and turned it loose to seek another. The injured animal, seemingly imbued with its master’s spirit, dashed at the enemy in mad career, creating quite a panic in its course. The cavalry took advantage of the confusion to follow, partly with a view to secure the animal; after regaining the main body they indulged in a brief rest. The heat no less than the fighting had tired out both men and horses; but there was for them little respite, for no sooner had the foes observed their inaction than they closed in round them with renewed courage. “Thrust well and deep,” came the order to the soldiers, “for they are all chiefs!” And so they seemed, from their rich dress, their elaborate devices, and their glittering ornaments. Cortés now mounted a horse whose viciousness had hitherto consigned him to the baggage department,[883] and again the cavalry formed, this time in more compact order. But the enemy, ever relieved by fresh men, maintained the firmness with which they had begun the charge, and both horsemen and foot-soldiers found the pressure becoming greater and the fight hotter. Thus the battle continued during the greater part of the forenoon,[884] the natives evidently as fresh as ever, and the Spaniards visibly failing. “We thought surely that this was to be our last day,” writes Cortés, “in view of the great strength of the Indians and the little resistance they could find in us, tired as we were, and nearly all wounded, and faint with hunger.”

A feeling of suffocation and deathly despair comes over the Spaniards as the dusky host fold them in closer and yet fiercer embrace. Hot falls the blood-reeking breath upon their faces, as, flushed with success and sure of their victims, the foe lay hold of the Spaniards to drag them away to the sacrifice. Rare offerings to the gods, indeed, are these magnificent men! And such they will surely become if Mary, Santiago, or the ready genius of Cortés appears not quickly to the rescue! But how shall there be rescue? What rescue is there to the sinking ship alone in mid-ocean? Can this Cortés for the release of his comrades baffle death like Hercules for the release of Alcestis?

So it would seem. Behold yonder grand personage, borne aloft in open litter, high over the others, with plumed head-dress, and above it the gold-net standard, the _tlahuizmatlaxopilli_, set with precious feathers, and secured to his back by a staff, according to custom.[885] This is the generalissimo of all the native forces there gathered, and around him are the flower of the army in feathered armor of rich designs, guarding with zealous care the banner, and encouraging the rest to renewed efforts and brave deeds. Cortés sees him, and his purpose for weal or woe is fixed almost before his comrades are aware of the chieftain’s approach; for he comes as captain of the hounds to be in at the death of these Spanish foxes. Cortés is well aware of the importance attached by natives to the person of the general, and to the safe-keeping of the standard. In these centre all the hope of their armies: success is theirs so long as they remain; but once brought low, and the Indian regards all as lost. Even at this juncture Cortés does not fail to observe the increased firmness and spirit among the warriors as the banner approaches. Here, then, is the one chance more, which is all the brave man asks. With a quick motion to his mounted followers, pointing to the sacred insignia, and as if he would throw the whole might of Spain into his brief words, Cortés cries out: “Señores, let us break with them! In the name of God and St Peter, señores, let us close with them!” Not a man there but knew that the next moment would determine all, would determine the fate of every Spaniard in New Spain.

Throwing themselves with the compact force of one of their own cannon-balls against the heaving mass, they mow an instant path to the charmed centre. The wave of disorder strikes the sacred guard, while the unruly horse of Cortés, bearing him unresistingly onward, overturns the litter of the generalissimo, and hurls the bearers to the ground. “Victory!” shouts Cortés, when he recovers his breath; and “victory! victory!” echo his people, while Juan de Salamanca plunges his lance into the body of the prostrate chief, and seizing the sacred banner, presents it to the general as his rightful trophy.[886]

The welcome cry of Cortés electrified the whole Spanish line, while the warriors lately so triumphant stood stupefied with dismay. With the disappearance of the palladium their courage had fallen, while the Spanish soldiers, with the confidence and strength of joy, rushed from wing to wing upon them. The warriors wavered; then, with one more searching glance in the direction of the guiding emblem, they became convinced that their leader had indeed fallen. Consternation followed; the panic from the centre overtook the more distant, and valiantly as they had fought before, as cravenly did they now flee.[887]

Forgetful of wounds and hunger, and regardless of the imminent danger attending such a course, the Spaniards pursued the foolish fugitives, thrusting and slashing at them until they had killed twenty thousand—a round figure, truly, and one which accords well with the estimates of the entire force. But after all, what the natives had hitherto suffered must have been little compared with the present slaughter, for their dead lay very thick along the line of retreat. Hardly one among the Spaniards had come off scathless, while few of the poor Tlascaltecs were left to share in the rich spoils.[888]

After recalling the troops from their bloody pursuit, the first care of Cortés was to see that the wounded soldiers had rest and refreshment. Then a solemn thanksgiving service was held, and right earnestly did they all join in its offering. Cortés ascribed the victory to St Peter, as with his name on his lips he had made the miraculous charge. But Santiago was the soldiers’ favorite, as they declared he was present and fought with them; and near the village of Tenexcalco a chapel was afterward erected to commemorate his appearance.[889]

Obviously this battle was the most important so far in the New World; and it must ever be regarded as one of the most remarkable in history. The natives were probably much less numerous than the estimates of the boastful victors; still they were immensely superior in number and condition to the Spaniards, enfeebled by recent defeat, by wounds, and want. Further, the latter had no fire-arms wherewith to terrify the natives, only swords and pikes. Their main advantage lay in their horses, their discipline, and the genius of their leader;[890] all strengthened by the enthusiasm born of a national pride, and a certain knowledge that failure meant utter destruction.

Fatigued as all were, and weakened from battle, Cortés resolved nevertheless to push on toward Tlascala the same day, fearing that the enemy might be shamed into a rally, or receive such reinforcements to their already immense numbers as to encourage them to return. In this he was not mistaken, for Cuitlahuatzin had ordered Tezcuco, Chalco, and neighboring districts to send larger forces, and so insure an assumed victory for the Otumban army. The reinforcements appear to have been already in motion when news came of the defeat, accompanied by the rumor that a Tlascaltec army was on the way to aid the Spaniards. The hasty march eastward of the fugitives offered in itself sufficient encouragement for straggling marauders from the surrounding villages to follow in their wake and harass them with occasional missiles.[891]

By night the town of Temalacayocan[892] was reached, and here the army obtained some food and camped in and around the temple. Badly wounded as he was, Cortés took charge of the watch, for sleep had no power over his mind at that moment. Before him rose invitingly the ranges of the Tlascaltec border, where he hoped to find a haven. It was only hope, however; for Cortés came not as before, heralded as the invincible conqueror, to whose bravery and deeds the warlike republic was delighted to offer homage; nor with the vision of the mighty Montezuma bending before him; nor with the prospect of entering to assume control of a great empire. All this was changed. He had lost his former prestige, and could present himself only as a fugitive to seek protection for a remnant of his army. And this at the hands of those who might yet smart under the stigma of defeat by a handful, and who might now find it prudent and convenient to accept the friendship and wealth of the victorious Aztecs. What if the people of Tlascala should reject him? “We were not very confident in finding the natives of the said province faithful and friends of ours,” writes Cortés; “for we feared that they, on seeing us so dismembered, might seek our lives, in order to recover the liberty which they formerly enjoyed. This thought and fear kept us in as great an affliction as when we marched along harassed by those of Culúa.”[893] Nevertheless he sought to cheer his men with hopes for the best, and to remind them how necessary it was, now above all, to guard their conduct so as to give rise to no jealousies or unpleasantness, since even a petty quarrel might raise a whirlwind to overwhelm them. Should God, however, not permit them to rest in Tlascala, they must recall their many glorious victories over greater forces than could henceforth be brought against them, and be prepared with stout hearts and vigorous arms to meet the issue.

The march was resumed in the morning with the usual precautions, although the pursuers fell off as the border was approached. Soon the Spaniards reached a fountain on the slope of a hill, close to an ancient fortress, which marked the boundary of the republic.[894] Resting there for a while, they drank of the water and were refreshed. Then they passed on to Hueyotlipan, a town of three or four thousand families, about four leagues from the capital.[895] Here food was obtained in sufficient abundance, yet not without the stimulus of presents. The women, however, were most sympathetic in their offers to tend the wounded, although only too many were deep in mourning and clamoring for vengeance for brothers, sons, or husbands, who had fallen during the retreat. The captains did their best to console them with the prospect of speedy victories, with bitter retaliation on the hated Aztecs. Whatever doubt yet remained of Tlascaltec disposition was dispelled in the afternoon by the arrival of the lords, including the ruler of Huexotzinco, with a large suite, bearing provisions and other presents, and cheering the hearts of the discomfited with the most cordial greeting. They still showed admiration for the white heroes, and extended a sympathy for their sufferings which displayed itself even to tears. This feeling was particularly strong in Maxixcatzin, the most powerful of the four chiefs, who gently upbraided Cortés and his captains for not having listened to his warnings. Remonstrances were now out of place, however, and he and his could only bid them welcome, and tender their estates and services. They were to regard themselves as in their own house. Their escape from the plots and overwhelming forces of the Mexicans had raised them and their prowess in the estimation of the Tlascaltecs, and they were prepared, as friends and as vassals of the Spanish king, to shed their last drop of blood in the task of avenging the common injury suffered at the hands of their ancient enemies. How inexpressibly dear is the prospect of revenge! The hatred of the Tlascaltecs for the Mexicans was too deep to be smothered by one reverse, and the desire to avenge their fallen brethren intensified it. When the news came of the hostile gathering at Otumba they had endeavored to procure reinforcements for their allies, but had not been able to collect a sufficient number in time.[896]

Cortés was deeply moved by the kind expressions and offers accorded him, and sought in every way to strengthen this so vital friendship. He exhibited profound grief over the death of so many Tlascaltec allies, and sympathized in particular with Maxixcatzin over the loss of his daughter Elvira, who had fallen with her husband Velazquez. He also distributed presents, chiefly such as had been obtained from the Otumba battle-field, and induced his men to follow the example. Maxixcatzin’s heart was completely won by the gift of the banner taken from the Mexican generalissimo,[897] and other chiefs were gladdened with different trophies. The troops remained at Hueyotlipan for three days,[898] in order to recruit somewhat, and then, assisted by a number of carriers, they passed on to the capital. Here the whole population came forth, headed by the lords, to welcome them, with music, and flowers, and acclamations.[899] Cortés was taken in charge by Maxixcatzin and lodged in his palace; Alvarado became the guest of old Xicotencatl, and the others received every attention. The reception concluded with a series of festivities.[900]

FOOTNOTES

[845] ‘Esto despues lo declararon los mismos Indios.’
_Vetancvrt_, _Teatro Mex._, pt. iii. 143. Nor do they omit
the ever recurring story of the virgin image casting dust
into the eyes of the pursuers.

[846] The Tlascaltec and Cempoalan bodies were thrown among
the reeds, and the Spanish into deeper water. _Sahagun_,
_Hist. Conq._ (ed. 1840), 126-7.

[847] Duran and Ixtlilxochitl make the murders take place
in the Spanish quarters, as we have seen. Sahagun permits
two of Montezuma’s sons to fall between the last channel
and Popotla, while guiding the fugitives. _Hist. Conq._,
33 (ed. 1840), 122. Gomara assumes also that the pursuers
may have been content with the injury inflicted, or cared
not to renew the fight on more open ground. _Hist. Mex._,
161. Solis attributes the respite wholly to the discovery
of the bodies. _Hist. Mex._, ii. 185-6.

[848] ‘Llegado á la dicha ciudad de Tacuba, hallé toda la
gente remolinada en una plaza, que no sabían dónde ir.’
_Cortés_, _Cartas_, 136. ‘Hasta cerca de Tlacupan hasta un
lugar que se llama _Tilihucan_.’ _Sahagun_, _Hist. Conq._,
33. ‘Tacuba ... is at the present day chiefly noted for the
large and noble church which was erected there by Cortez.’
_Latrobe’s Rambler_, 128.

[849] Gomara assumes that the Tlacopan people were not
aware of the broken condition of the troops. Now they
joined the 40,000 Mexicans who had set forth prepared for
pursuit. _Hist. Mex._, 161. ‘Yà auian venido de Mexico....
dar mandado a Tacuba, y a Escapuçalco, y a Tenayuca, para
que nos saliessen al encuentro.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist.
Verdad._, 106. The Mexicans were disgusted with those of
Tlacopan for their neglect. _Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. x.
cap. xii.

[850] ‘Un Angel de Guarda, ó San Pedro, como otros quieren,
ó Santiago Apostol,’ observes the enthusiastic Lorenzana. _Cortés_,
_Hist. N. España_, 145.

[851] ‘Totolpec.’ _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, 302;
Toltotepec is Vetancurt’s misspelling. ‘Cerro llamado de
Muteczuma.’ _Lorenzana_, ubi sup.

[852] ‘Una torre y aposento fuerte.’ _Cortés_, _Cartas_,
136. ‘Vnas caserias q̄ en vn cerro estauan, y alli jũto a vn
Cu, e adoratorio, y como fortaleza.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist.
Verdad._, 107. ‘A este templo llamaron de la Vitoria, y
despues nuestra Señora de los remedios.’ _Herrera_, dec.
ii. lib. x. cap. xii. Sahagun calls the rise Acueco, and
places upon it the Otomí village of Otoncapulco. _Hist.
Conq._ (ed. 1840), 122. Vetancurt follows, _Teatro Mex._,
pt. iii. 143, while Camargo calls it Tzacuyocan. The
variations in Sahagun’s editions lead Torquemada to say that
the Spaniards moved the same day from Otoncalpulco pueblo
to Acueco, an Otomí village, i. 504-5. This, Brasseur de
Bourbourg follows. The Spaniards may have passed through it
on departing, but would hardly move from a stronghold to a
probably open village while surrounded by enemies. If food
was the object, the able-bodied soldiers would have made a
sally for it. It appears that the army camped for the night
on the hill now occupied by the Remedios shrine, and in the
fortress-like temple, to which a small village was attached.
Alzate, however, who took pains to inquire into the subject,
found that the natives applied the name Otoncapulco, not
to the Remedios hill, but to the mountain, three fourths
of a league off. On this mountain he found the ruins of a
strong building, and none on the hill, whence he assumes
that the camp was not made on the site of the shrine, but
on the mountain. _Gacetas de Lit._, ii. 457-9. Bustamante
accepts this view, but Archbishop Lorenzana, whose testimony in the
matter must be reliable, says: ‘Se conservan aun algunos
vestigios de la antigua Fortaleza, y esta se ha convertido
dichosamente en el célebre Santuario de N. Sra. de los
Remedios.’ _Cortés_, _Hist. N. España_, p. xiii. He also
intimates that the Otoncapulco name is misapplied. Hence it
may be assumed that the common application of Otoncapulco
to this hill is due to a misinterpretation of Sahagun’s
versions, which have been greatly tampered with, for that
matter, and that the ruins mentioned by Lorenzana had disappeared
by the time Alzate examined the place.

[853] _Cartas_, 136; _Cabrera_, _Escudo Armas_, 110. ‘Aqui se
señalò mucho Gonçalo Dominguez, hombre diestro y valiente.’
_Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xii. Prescott makes several
blunders and omissions in connection with this day.

[854] A few stragglers managed to reach the camp, and
among them one Sopuerta, who had escaped death by feigning
it. _Herrera_, ubi sup. Sahagun states that Otomís from
Teucalhuican, and from the immediate neighborhood, no doubt,
brought food, and invited the Spaniards to the former town,
a few leagues from there. _Hist. Conq._, 33. Torquemada
follows him, but the story is probably an exaggeration.

[855] It has been shown previously, by testimony not
accessible till later years, that the image placed in
the great temple was a picture on a tablet, while that of
Remedios is a doll. But, of course, the image that could
move through the air could also transform its shape. Bernal
Diaz assumes, as we have seen, that Montezuma had ordered
the image to be cared for; yet many believe that Rodriguez
secured it before or after the massacre, while the more
pious prefer to suppose that he could not find it, for want
of time, perhaps, and that it moved miraculously to the
camp. _Acosta_, _Hist. Ind._, 524; _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist.
Chich._, 302. After the departure of the troops the image
hid itself on the spot, or Rodriguez, tired of the burden
which had saved his life, ungratefully left it there. It
is also supposed to have been carried to Tlascala ere it
reappeared on its later site. _Cabrera_, _Escudo Armas_,
106 et seq.; _Alaman_, _Disert._, i. 122. Lorenzana accepts
it as the image from Mexico’s temple. _Cortés_, _Hist. N.
España_, 138.

[856] It has frequently been brought to Mexico, and is
still brought to avert epidemics and other ills, to bring
rain or other blessings. When detained it would travel
back of its own accord to the shrine, a proof of which was
afforded by the travel stains on the dress. One rainy night
it arrived covered with mud. _Latrobe’s Rambler_, 133.
Thompson describes it as ‘a little alabaster doll, with the
nose broken, and the eye out ... about eight inches high.’
Her wardrobe and jewels are valued at over $1,000,000.
_Recollections_, 103-9. He gives an account of the veneration
for the image and its miraculous power. The history of its
origin and worship is to be found in a multitude of books,
among which may be mentioned, _Medina_, _Chrón. S. Diego
Mex._, 30 et seq.; _Cabrera_, _Escudo Armas_, 106 et seq.;
_Bustamante_, _Mem. Piedad Mex._, 1-52.

[857] Cortés prudently limits, and we must add untruthfully,
the loss to 150 soldiers and some 2000 allies. It is with
a view to this estimate that he reduced the force brought
into Mexico to 570 men, to which must be added the 140
composing the garrison. Deducting the 150 lost, 560 remain,
and since he would hardly overestimate the number, for
obvious reasons, this figure is probably near the truth.
Bernal Diaz musters 1300 at Tlascala, and has 80 at Mexico.
Deducting from this 800 men stated to have been lost before
entering Tlascala, not counting those who fell in other
provinces, leaves about 580; yet he acknowledges only
440 alive. _Hist. Verdad._, 108 et seq. Herrera is also
contradictory, admitting in one place 500, and in another
‘less than’ 400 soldiers and 600 allies. Oviedo reduces the
soldiers to 340. iii. 513. Vetancurt adopts Bernal Diaz’
440 soldiers and Herrera’s 600 allies. Prescott hastily
declares Gomara as nearest to the truth, yet he departs from
him in the result. With regard to the allies, he reckons
the full number of all who were brought to Mexico, while it
is pretty obvious, from figures and facts, that a portion
must have been allowed to return home during the inaction
of the emperor’s captivity. The list of losses, as given
by different authorities, stands as follows: 150 soldiers,
over 2000 allies, _Cortés_; over 200 soldiers, over 2000
allies, _Lejalde_, _Probanza_; nearly 200 soldiers, over
1000 allies, _Solis_; 300 soldiers, over 2000 allies, at
one bridge, _Sahagun_, 122; 450 soldiers, 4000 allies,
_Gomara_, followed by Ixtlilxochitl, Clavigero, Camargo,
and others; over 500 soldiers in all New Spain, _Carta del
Ejército_; over 600 soldiers, _Robertson_; over 600 soldiers,
_B. V. de Tapia_, in _Ramirez_, _Proceso contra Alvarado_,
38; 800 soldiers in all New Spain, _Cortés_, _Residencia_,
i. 42; 870 soldiers in all New Spain, _Bernal Diaz_; 1170
soldiers, 8000 allies, _Cano_, in _Oviedo_, iii. 551.

[858] The loss in horses varies from 45, in _Cortés_, to
56, in _Lejalde_, _Probanza_, both acknowledging 24 left.

[859] ‘Perdidose todo el oro y joyas y ropa,’ etc. _Cortés_,
_Cartas_, 135. It had been confided to Tlascaltecs, and was
nearly all lost, says their chief. _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._,
169-70. The officers testified afterward before public
notary: ‘Se perdió todo el dicho oro é joyas de SS. AA., é
mataron la yegua que lo traia.’ _Lejalde_, _Probanza_, in
_Icazbalceta_, _Col. Doc._, i. 425. Two witnesses during the
residencia of Cortés stated that the general had two mares,
one given to carry the royal treasures and the other laden
with his own. The latter being lost, he claimed the other
to be his, and in this manner appropriated 45,000 pesos or
more which belonged to the king. _Cortés_, _Residencia_,
i. 69, 101-2. Not long after the retreat he called on all
to declare, under penalty, what gold they had saved of that
taken from the unappropriated piles. From those who did so
the treasures were taken, although it was understood that
they had been given to them. All this Cortés kept. _Id._,
101-2, 241-2; ii. 402. Many refused to surrender, and since
the leaders had also secured shares from the common pile,
the order to reveal possession thereof was not enforced,
says Bernal Diaz. He adds that one third was to be retained
by the possessor as a reward. Cortés kept as a forced loan
what had been surrendered. _Hist. Verdad._, 117-18. The
loss of treasure, that thrown away by carriers and pressed
soldiers, or sunken with their bodies, has been estimated at
from several hundred thousand pesos to over two millions,
in the values of that time; to which Wilson sarcastically
objects, that ‘nothing was really lost but the _imaginary
treasure_, now grown inconveniently large, and which had
to be accounted for to the emperor. The _Conquistador_ was
too good a soldier to hazard his gold; it was therefore in
the advance, and came safely off.’ _Conq. Mex._, 412-13.

[860] ‘Si esta cosa fuera de dia, por ventura no murieran
tantos,’ adds Gomara, _Hist. Mex._, 161. While grieving he
recognized ‘el manifiesto milagro que la reyna de los angeles
su abogada, el apostol San Pedro, y el de los egércitos
Españoles Santiago, habian hecho en haberse escapado él.’
_Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, 302. Vetancurt moralizes on
the flight as a chastisement by God, who saved the remnant
to spread the faith. _Teatro Mex._, pt. iii. 145-6.

[861] On a later page Bernal Diaz says he fell at Otumba.
_Hist. Verdad._, 107, 246.

[862] Herrera attempts to save somewhat the reputation of
the astrologer by the statement that he prophesied death
for himself or his brother.

[863] Every one, say Cortés and Herrera; but Ixtlilxochitl
states that one sister of King Cacama was saved, and he
intimates that one or two of his brothers also escaped.
He is contradictory, however. _Hist. Chich._, 302, 390.
The one who escaped must have been Cuicuitzcatl, the newly
made king of Tezcuco. Brasseur de Bourbourg adds two of
his brothers, probably from misinterpreting Ixtlilxochitl.
_Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 339.

[864] Ixtlilxochitl names some of the chiefs to whom these
offers were made. _Hist. Chich._, 302.

[865] Ávila, a veritable martinet, maimed a soldier with
a blow for stepping from the ranks to pluck some fruit.
_Herrera_, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xii. The same story has
been told of Ávila in Cempoala.

[866] Cortés allows the five scouts to defeat the enemy,
who are frightened by the supposition that a larger force
is upon them. _Cartas_, 137. Herrera is more explicit
with regard to the ambuscade, and makes Ordaz lead up the
reinforcements. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xii.

[867] ‘Mas no cenar.’ _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 162. Sahagun
states, however, that this was the town to which the Otomís
had on the preceding day invited them, chiefly because
they were related to the Otomís of the Tlascaltec division
under Cortés. _Hist. Conq._, 34-5. A risky proceeding,
if true, for an isolated community, on whom might fall
the vengeance of the hostile Mexicans. In the account of
the route followed to Tlascala Cortés is still the best
guide, for he not only kept a record, but wrote his report
while the occurrences were yet fresh. He is wanting in
details, however, and fails to give names to localities.
These omissions are remedied by Sahagun, who now seems
more reliable. Other authors are vague or misleading for
the route, but the occasional incidents told by them are
noteworthy. Bernal Diaz indicates only one stopping place,
Quauhtitlan evidently, before Otumba is reached. Camargo
skips to a place adjoining Otumba, and Ixtlilxochitl takes
the army to Quauhximalpan, a place which modern maps locate
south of Remedios. He resumes the northern route, but names
some towns that cannot be identified. Gomara adheres pretty
well to Cortés, but his commentator, Chimalpain, supplies
names for places, which differ from Sahagun and indicate a
deviation from the extreme northern course, as will be seen.
Torquemada follows chiefly Sahagun, whom he recommends.
Orozco y Berra has closely studied the journey, and throws
much light on it, more so than any other writer; yet his
conclusions are not always satisfactory. _Itinerario del
Ejercito Español_, in _Mex. Not. Ciudad._, 246 et seq. I have
already spoken at length, in _Native Races_, iii. 231-6,
on the life and writings of Father Sahagun, and will here
refer only to the twelfth book of his _Historia General_,
inserted by Bustamante, at the beginning of the set, under
the title of _Historia de la Conquista de Mexico_. This
copy is from one found by Muñoz in the Franciscan convent
of Tolosa, in Navarre. Another copy of the twelfth book,
in possession of Conde de Cortina, claimed as the true
original, was published separately by the same editor, at
Mexico, 1840, with lengthy notes from Clavigero and other
writers to complete the chain of events, and to comment on
the suppression in the former issue of statements concerning
Spanish misdeeds. It has also an additional chapter. Neither
copy, however, corresponds quite to that used by Torquemada,
who in more than one instance quotes passages that are
startling compared with the modified expressions in the
others. The severity of the friar toward Spanish conquerors
was no doubt a strong reason for the suppression of his
work. The twelfth book begins with Grijalva’s arrival and
the omens preceding it, and carries the narrative of the
conquest down to the fall of Mexico. According to his own
statement, on page 132, it is founded to a great extent on
the relations given him by eye-witnesses, soldiers who had
assumed the Franciscan robe and associated daily with the
friar; but much is adopted, with little or no critique,
from superstitious natives, the whole forming a rather
confusing medley, so that it is difficult to extract the
many valuable points which it contains. This difficulty is,
of course, not encountered by such followers as Bustamante
and Brasseur de Bourbourg, and similar supporters of native
records or anti-Spanish versions.

In the _Native Races_ I give the traits which characterize
the French abbé and his famous works on Central American
culture and antiquities, and it remains only to refer
briefly to his version of the conquest, comprised in the
fourth volume of the _Histoire des Nations Civilisées_.
His pleasing style lends attraction to every page, but his
faults become more conspicuous from the comparison presented
by a vast array of authorities, revealing the indiscreet
and enthusiastic readiness to accept native tales, or
anything that favors the hypotheses by which he is ruled,
and in the disposition to build magnificent structures on
airy foundation. His version, indeed, strives rather to
narrate the conquest from a native standpoint, and to use
Spanish chronicles only as supplementary authority. To
this end he relies chiefly on the now well known writings
of Sahagun, Ixtlilxochitl, Camargo, and Torquemada, and it
is but rarely that he is able to quote the often startling
original manuscripts possessed only by himself.

[868] ‘Mordiendo la tierra, arrancando yeruas, y alçãdo los
ojos al cielo, dezian, dioses no nos desampareys en este
peligro, pues teneys poder sobre todos los hombres, hazed
que con vuestra ayuda salgamos del.’ _Herrera_, dec. ii.
lib. x. cap. xii.

[869] Herrera conforms to Cortés and Gomara in admitting a
stay of two nights at one place, but makes this Tecopatlan,
called ‘duck town,’ from its many fowl. This is evidently
Tepotzotlan. But it was not near the lake like Citlaltepec,
and ‘duck town’ applies rather to a lake town, in this
region, at least. Cortés also writes, in _Cartas_, 137,
‘fuimos aquel dia por cerca de unas lagunas hasta que
llegamos á una poblacion,’ and this does not apply well
to Tepotzotlan, which lies a goodly distance from the
lakes, requiring certainly no march along ‘some’ lakes to
reach it. Hence the Citlaltepec of Sahagun must be meant.
This author, however, supposes the Spaniards to stay one
night at each place. _Hist. Conq._, 36 (ed. 1840), 129.
Ixtlilxochitl calls the place after Tepotzotlan, Aychqualco.
_Hist. Chich._, 302. At Tepotzotlan, says Vetancurt, some
of the people remained to receive the Spaniards—this is
in accordance with one of Sahagun’s versions—and here
remained to hide the son of Montezuma, whom he supposes to
have escaped with the troops. _Teatro Mex._, pt. iii. 144.
According to Chimalpain’s interpretation the Spaniards stay
the two nights at Quauhtitlan, and thence proceed by way of
Ecatepec, now San Cristóbal, skirting the northern shore of
Tezcuco Lake, and on to Otumba. _Hist. Conq._, i. 304-5.
This route certainly appears the most direct, but there
is no authority for it. The sentence from Cortés might no
doubt be adopted equally well for this road; but Sahagun,
Ixtlilxochitl, and Herrera name towns which lie east and
north of the Zumpango Lake, and during the rainy season
now prevailing the passages between the lakes were rather
swampy. Tezcuco was beside too close for the fleeing army.
Alaman accepts the route south of Zumpango, _Disert._, i.
122, against which nearly all the above reasons apply.

[870] ‘Nos convenia ir muchas veces fuera de camino.’
_Cortés_, _Cartas_, 138. Owing to the guide’s inefficiency,
adds Gomara, _Hist. Mex._, 162.

[871] Sahagun also calls the mountain, or the slope, Tona.
His confusing versions sometimes reverse all the names.
Cortés places it two leagues from the last camp.

[872] ‘Detrás dél [hill] estaba una gran ciudad de mucha
gente.’ _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 138. Zacamolco is also called a
large town. There could hardly be two large towns so close
together in a district like this, so that the other must
have been Teotihuacan, ‘city of the gods,’ with its ancient
and lofty pyramids, sacred to all Anáhuac, and one of the
chief centres of pilgrimage. For description of ruins, see
_Native Races_, iv. 529-44.

[873] ‘Con un golpe de piedra en la cabeza tan violento,
que abollando las armas, le rompió la primera tunica del
cerebro.’ So Solis defines the wound, which afterward grew
dangerous. _Hist. Mex._, ii. 203. He supposes that it was
received at Otumba.

[874] ‘Le comieron sin dexar [como dizen] pelo ni huesso.’
_Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 162. ‘La cabeza cupo a siete o
ocho.’ The horse was Gamboa’s, on which Alvarado was saved
after his leap. _Herrera_, ii. x. xii.; _Bernal Diaz_,
_Hist. Verdad._, 107. Ixtlilxochitl says that Zinacatzin,
of Teotihuacan, killed it—he whom we shall find leading
the enemy on the morrow.

[875] ‘Y pareció que el Espíritu Santo me alumbró con este
aviso,’ exclaims Cortés, _Cartas_, 139. Many a soldier
carried a comrade on his back. _Gomara_, _Hist. Mex._, 163.

[876] According to Cortés, whose dates I have already shown
to be reliable. He makes it a Saturday. Prescott makes it
the 8th, a mistake which has been copied by several writers,
including Brasseur de Bourbourg and Carbajal Espinosa.

[877] ‘Llanos de la provincia de Otupam.’ The battle taking
place near Metepec. _Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, 302-3.
Plain of Otumpan, also called Atztaquemecan. _Camargo_,
_Hist. Tlax._, 170. ‘Los Llanos de Apan.’ ‘El Valle de
Otumba.’ _Lorenzana_, in _Cortés_, _Hist. N. España_, xiv.
148. Clavigero calls it the plain of Tonan, derived from
Sahagun, who applies the name to the slope of the range
bordering it.

[878] Following the intimation given by Sahagun, Torquemada
states that the enemy came pouring in from rear and sides
to surround the troops, i. 508.

[879] While they were halting, writes Ojeda, a big Indian
with club and shield advanced to challenge any Spaniard to
single combat. Ojeda responded, but in advancing against
the man his negro slave followed him, and either the sight
of two frightened the native or he sought to decoy them,
for he retreated into a copse. _Herrera_, ii. x. xiii.

[880] _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, 171-2; _Torquemada_, i.
509. Ixtlilxochitl spells the name Zihuatcatlzin, and
Oviedo calls it Xiaquetenga, based probably on that of the
Tlascaltec chief. _Duran_, _Hist. Ind._, MS., ii. 480. ‘La
flor de Mexico, y de Tezcuco, y Saltocan.’ _Bernal Diaz_,
_Hist. Verdad._, 108.

[881] Solis clears the way with volleys, but only seven
muskets remained and no ammunition.

[882] Camargo states that he lived to an age exceeding 130
years. Heroes in all ages have enjoyed the privilege of
not being tied down to laws governing ordinary mortals.

[883] An ill-natured brute, which attacked the enemy
with teeth and hoofs. He did good service all through the
following campaign, till he fell in one of the last battles
of the great siege. _Camargo_, _Hist. Tlax._, 172.

[884] ‘Duró este terrible conflicto por mas de cuatro
horas.... Llegado el medio dia, con el intolerable trabajo
de la pelea, los españoles comenzaron á desmayar.’ _Sahagun_,
_Hist. Conq._ (ed. 1840), 132.

[885] ‘En vnas Andas, vn Caballero mandando, con vna
Rodela Dorada, y que la Vandera, y Señal Real, que le
salia por las Espaldas, era vna Red de Oro, que los Indios
llamaban Tlahuizmatlaxopilli, que le subia diez palmos.’
_Torquemada_, i. 509. ‘Su vandera tendida, con ricas armas
de oro, y grandes penachos de argenteria.’ _Bernal Diaz_,
_Hist. Verdad._, 108. Ixtlilxochitl calls the gold net
_matlaxopili_. _Hist. Chich._, 303. Camargo more correctly
agrees with Torquemada.

[886] The accounts of this incident vary greatly. According
to Bernal Diaz ‘Cortes dió vn encuẽtro cõ el cauallo al
Capitã Mexicano, hizo abatir su vãdera ... quiẽ siguiò
al Capitan q̄ traia la vandera que aun no auia caido del
encuentro que Cortes le diò, fue vn Juan de Salamanca,
natural de Ontiueros, con vna buena yegua ouera, que le
acabò de matar.’ _Hist. Verdad._, 108. The banner could
not have fallen without the general. Gomara intimates that
Cortés charged alone against the ‘capitan general, y diole
dos lançadas, de que cayo y murio.’ _Hist. Mex._, 163.
This is also substantially the view of Duran and Camargo.
Herrera leaves the impression that Salamanca alone follows
Cortés in the charge, and cuts off the head and banner of
the commander after his chief had wounded and overthrown
him. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xiii. Torquemada, Clavigero,
Prescott, and others, also assume that Cortés lances the
generalissimo, but they let the cavalry follow. Sahagun, who
obtained his information from participants that afterward
became friars, merely states that Cortés and one other led
the charge, which resulted in the overthrow of the general
and his banner. _Hist. Conq._ (ed. 1840), 132. Cortés
is still more reticent in saying: ‘quiso Dios que murió
una persona dellos, que debia ser tan principal, que con
su muerte cesó toda aquella guerra.’ _Cartas_, 139. The
assumption that Cortés overthrew the commander with his
lance rests chiefly on the fact that Cortés as leader of
the charge receives credit for everything that happens.
Writers also forget that the commander was carried aloft in
a litter the better to observe the movements of the army.
His burdened carriers would with greater likelihood have
been overthrown by the horses or in the disorder created
by their advance. This supposition is confirmed by Cortés’
reference to the affair, wherein he gives credit to none
for the act, his usual custom when some one else performed
a noteworthy deed. He was seldom chary in giving credit to
himself for achievements, as may be gathered alone from his
account of the stay in Mexico City, which announces that
he it was who tore down the idols, who captured the temple
after another had failed to do so, who single-handed covered
the retreat of his comrades on the Tlacopan causeway on
the morning preceding the flight, and who with less than a
score that ‘dared stay with him’ protected the retreat of
the last remnant from the city. The supposition receives
further support from the permission given by the emperor to
Salamanca to add to his escutcheon the trophy taken from
the commander. This implies that although the victory was
due to Cortés he could not have inflicted the mortal wound.
Salamanca became alcalde mayor of Goazacoalco. _Bernal
Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._, 108, 111.

[887] ‘Los principales, lleuarõ cõ grã llanto, el cuerpo de
su general,’ says Herrera; but this is doubtful, to judge
also from his subsequent observations.

[888] ‘Murieron ... casi todos los amigos de los españoles,
y algunos de ellos mismos.’ _Sahagun_, _Hist. Conq._ (ed.
1840), 132. Solis acknowledges only wounded, of whom two
or three died afterward. _Hist. Mex._, ii. 203. Cortés did
not escape additional wounds, from which he was soon to
suffer intensely.

[889] The natives were particularly ready to testify to
this supernatural aid, as Camargo relates, _Hist. Tlax._,
172, perhaps for their own credit, as good converts and
brave warriors.

[890] ‘Never,’ writes Gomara, ‘did a man show such prowess as
he, and never were men so well led. He by his own personal
efforts saved them.’ _Hist. Mex._, 163. ‘Se tuuo la vitoria
despues de Dios, por el valor de Cortés.’ _Herrera_, dec.
ii. lib. x. cap. xiii. While quite prepared to uphold the
general as a hero, Bernal Diaz takes exception to this
praise as unjust to his many followers, who not only did
wonders in sustaining him, but in saving his life. _Hist.
Verdad._, 111.

[891] Ixtlilxochitl assumes that another army was encountered
and routed with great slaughter, a few leagues ahead, at
Teyocan. _Hist. Chich._, 303.

[892] _Ixtlilxochitl._ Chimalpain calls it Apam, which
appears to have been situated farther north. Lorenzana
refers to all this extent as the plains of Apan, the name
which it now bears. Camargo names the plains of Apantema,
Tacacatitlan, and Atlmoloyan as traversed by the army to
reach Tlascala. _Hist. Tlax._, 172.

[893] _Cartas_, 140. ‘Pues quizà sabiamos cierto, que nos
auian de ser leales, ò que voluntad ternian.’ _Bernal Diaz_,
_Hist. Verdad._, 108.

[894] Brasseur de Bourbourg gives to a village here
the name of Xaltelolco. _Hist. Nat. Civ._, iv. 352.
Ixtlilxochitl refers to it as Huexoyotlipan, and states
that Citlalquiauhtzin came up with food and presents from
the lords.

[895] Cortés calls the town Gualipan; Bernal Diaz, Gualiopar;
Gomara, Huazilipan; Herrera gives it 2000 houses.

[896] ‘Yo queria,’ said Maxixcatzin, ‘yr en vuestra busca
con treynta mil guerreros.’ _Bernal Diaz_, _Hist. Verdad._,
109. This is confirmed by the Aztec version of Duran, which
says that the rumor of Tlascaltec preparations helped to
intimidate the proposed Mexican reinforcements for Otumba.
_Hist. Ind._, MS., ii. 483. According to Oviedo, 50,000
warriors, followed by 20,000 carriers, met the Spaniards
at the frontier, iii. 514. Camargo extends the number to
200,000, ‘who came too late, but served nevertheless to
check pursuit from the enemy.’ _Hist. Tlax._, 173. Gomara
stamps Oviedo’s statement as hearsay, but adds that the
Tlascaltecs declared themselves prepared to return with
the Spaniards at once against Mexico. This Cortés declined
to do for the present, but allowed a few soldiers to join
a band in pursuit of marauding stragglers. _Hist. Mex._,
164. The delay in collecting the proposed reinforcements
may have been due to the small faction hostile to the
Spaniards, headed by the captain-general, Xicotencatl the
younger, who seems never to have forgiven the disgrace of
defeat which they had been the first to inflict upon him. He
had accompanied the lords to Hueyotlipan, perhaps to gloat
over the misfortune of his victors. According to Herrera,
Captain Juan Paez—Torquemada writes Perez—was one of the
invalids at Tlascala, and to him 100,000 warriors had been
offered to go to the aid of his general; but he declined,
on the ground that his strict orders were to remain with
his 80 men at Tlascala. For this he was naturally upbraided
by Cortés as a coward, fit for hanging. The story is not
very probable. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xiv,; _Torquemada_,
i. 512.

[897] ‘Que estimó él mucho, y puso por una de sus armas.’
_Ixtlilxochitl_, _Hist. Chich._, 303.

[898] _Cortés_, _Cartas_, 140. Bernal Diaz intimates one day.

[899] ‘Cõ mas de duzientos mil hombres en orden: yuan las
mugeres, y niños, en la delantera.’ _Herrera_, dec. ii.
lib. x. cap. xiii. This order may have been intended to
signify peace and welcome.

[900] Camargo differs from Bernal Diaz, in intimating that
all were lodged in Maxixcatzin’s palace, while Ixtlilxochitl
assumes that Cortés was the guest of Xicotencatl. ‘Magiscacin
me trajo una cama de madera encajada, con alguna ropa ... y
á todos hizo reparar de lo que él tuvo.’ _Cortés_, _Cartas_,
141.