Chapter XXVI: Military Employment of Negroes (2)

"The two States reached nearly the same _results_ by
different methods. The unanimous declaration of the officers
at Cambridge, in the winter of 1775, _against_ the
enlistment of slaves,--confirmed by the Committee of
Congress,--had some weight, I think, with the Connecticut
Assembly, so far as the formal enactment of a law
_authorized_ such enlistments was in question. At the same
time, Washington's license to _continue_ the enlistment of
negroes was regarded as a rule of action both by the
selectmen in making up, and by the State Government in
accepting, the quota of the towns. The process of
draughting, in Connecticut, was briefly this: The
able-bodied men, in each town, were divided into 'classes:'
and each class was required to furnish one or more men, as
the town's quota required, to answer a draught. Now, the
Assembly, at the same session at which the proposition for
enlisting slaves was rejected (May, 1777), passed an act
providing that any _two_ men belonging to this State, 'who
should procure an able-bodied soldier or recruit to enlist
into either of the Continental battalions to be raised from
this State,' should themselves be exempted from draught
during the continuance of such enlistment. Of recruits or
draughted men thus furnished, neither the selectmen nor
commanding officers questioned the _color_ or the civil
_status_: white and black, bond and free, if 'able-bodied,'
went on the roll together, accepted as the representatives
of their 'class,' or as substitutes for their employers. At
the next session (October, 1777), an act was passed which
gave more direct encouragement to the enlistment of slaves.
By this existing law, the master who emancipated a slave was
not released from the liability to provide for his support.
This law was now so amended, as to authorize the selectmen
of any town, on the application of the master,--after
'inquiry into the age, abilities, circumstances, and
character' of the servant or slave, and being satisfied
'that it was likely to be consistent with his real
advantage, and that it was probable that he would be able to
support himself,'--to grant liberty for his emancipation,
and to discharge the master 'from any charge or cost which
may be occasioned by maintaining or supporting the servant
or slave made free as aforesaid.' This enactment enabled the
selectmen to offer an additional inducement to enlistment
for making up the quota of the town. The slave (or servant
for term of years) might receive his freedom; the master
might secure exemption from draught, and a discharge from
future liabilities, to which he must otherwise have been
subjected. In point of fact, some hundreds of blacks--slaves
and freemen--were enlisted, from time to time, in the
regiments of the State troops and of the Connecticut line.
_How_ many, it is impossible to tell: for, from first to
last, the company or regimental rolls indicate _no
distinctions_ of color. The _name_ is the only guide, and,
in turning over the rolls of the Connecticut line, the
frequent recurrence of names which were exclusively
appropriated to negroes and slaves, shows how considerable
was their proportion of the material of the Connecticut
army; while such surnames as 'Liberty.' 'Freeman,'
'Freedom,' &c, by scores, indicate with what anticipations,
and under what inducements, they entered the service.

As to the efficiency of the service they rendered, I can say
nothing from the records, except what is to be gleaned from
scattered files such as one of the petitions I send you. So
far as my acquaintance extends, almost every family has its
traditions of the good and faithful service of a black
servant or slave, who was killed in battle, or served
through the war, and came home to tell stories of hard
fighting, and draw his pension. In my own native town,--not
a large one,--I remember five such pensioners, three of
whom, I believe, had been slaves, and, in fact, _were_
slaves to the day of their death; for (and this explains the
uniform action of the General Assembly on petitions for
emancipation) neither the towns nor the State were inclined
to exonerate the master, at a time when slavery was becoming
unprofitable, from the obligation to provide for the old age
of his slave."[546]

Gen. Varnum, a brave and intelligent officer from Rhode Island, early urged the employment of Negro soldiers. He communicated his views to Gen. Washington, and he referred the correspondence to the governor of Rhode Island.

GEN. WASHINGTON TO GOV. COOKE.

HEADQUARTERS, 2d January, 1778

SIR:--Enclosed you will receive a copy of a letter from
General Varnum to me, upon the means which might be adopted
for completing the Rhode Island troops to their full
proportion in the Continental army. I have nothing to say in
addition to what I wrote the 29th of the last month on this
important subject, but to desire that you will give the
officers employed in this business all the assistance in
your power.

I am with great respect, sir,
Your most obedient servant,
G. WASHINGTON.

"To GOVERNOR COOKE."[547]

The letter of Gen. Varnum to Gen. Washington, in reference to the employment of Negroes as soldiers, is as follows:--

GEN. VARNUM TO GEN. WASHINGTON.

"CAMP, January 2d, 1778.

"SIR:--The two battalions from the State of Rhode Island
being small, and there being a necessity of the state's
furnishing an additional number to make up their proportion
in the Continental army; the field officers have represented
to me the propriety of making one temporary battalion from
the two, so that one entire corps of officers may repair to
Rhode Island, in order to receive and prepare the recruits
for the field. It is imagined that a battalion of negroes
can be easily raised there. Should that measure be adopted,
or recruits obtained upon any other principle, the service
will be advanced. The field officers who go upon this
command, are Colonel Greene, Lieutenant Colonel Olney, and
Major Ward; seven captains, twelve lieutenants, six ensigns,
one paymaster, one surgeon and mates, one adjutant and one
chaplain.

"I am your Excellency's most obedient servant,
"J.M. VARNUM.

"TO HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON."[548]

Gov. Cooke wrote Gen. Washington as follows:--

"STATE OF RHODE ISLAND, &c,
"PROVIDENCE, January 19th, 1778.

"SIR:--Since we had the honor of addressing Your Excellency
by Mr. Thompson, we received your favor of the 2d of January
current, enclosing a proposition of Gen. Varnum's for
raising a battalion of negroes.

"We in our letter of the 15th current, of which we send a
duplicate, have fully represented our present circumstances,
and the many difficulties we labor under, in respect to our
filling up the Continental battalions. In addition thereto,
will observe, that we have now in the state's service within
the government, two battalions of infantry, and a regiment
of artillery who are enlisted to serve until the 16th day of
March next; and the General Assembly have ordered two
battalions of infantry, and a regiment of artillery, to be
raised, to serve until the 16th of March, 1779. So that we
have raised and kept in the field, more than the proportion
of men assigned us by Congress.

"The General Assembly of this state are to convene
themselves on the second Monday of February next, when your
letters will be laid before them, and their determination
respecting the same, will be immediately transmitted to Your
Excellency.

"I have the honor to be, &c.,
"NICHOLAS COOKE.

"TO GEN. WASHINGTON."[549]

The governor laid the above letters before the General Assembly, at their February session; and the following act was passed:--

"Whereas, for the preservation of the rights and liberties
of the United States, it is necessary that the whole powers
of government should be exerted in recruiting the
Continental battalions; and whereas, His Excellency Gen.
Washington hath enclosed to this state a proposal made to
him by Brigadier General Varnum, to enlist into the two
battalions, raising by this state, such slaves as should be
willing to enter into the service; and whereas, history
affords us frequent precedents of the wisest, the freest,
and bravest nations having liberated their slaves, and
enlisted them as soldiers to fight in defence of their
country; and also whereas, the enemy, with a great force,
have taken possession of the capital, and of a greater part
of this state; and this state is obliged to raise a very
considerable number of troops for its own immediate defence,
whereby it is in a manner rendered impossible for this state
to furnish recruits for the said two battalions, without
adopting the said measure so recommended.

"It is voted and resolved, that every able-bodied negro,
mulatto, or Indian man slave, in this state, may enlist into
either of the said two battalions, to serve during the
continuance of the present war with Great Britain.

"That every slave, so enlisting, shall be entitled to, and
receive, all the bounties, wages, and encouragements,
allowed by the Continental Congress, to any soldier
enlisting into their service.

"It is further voted and resolved, that every slave, so
enlisting, shall, upon his passing muster before Col.
Christopher Greene, be immediately discharged from the
service of his master or mistress, and be absolutely FREE,
as though he had never been encumbered with any kind of
servitude or slavery.

"And in case such slave shall, by sickness or otherwise, be
rendered unable to maintain himself, he shall not be
chargeable to his master or mistress; but shall be supported
at the expense of the state.

"And whereas, slaves have been, by the laws, deemed the
property of their owners, and therefore compensation ought
to be made to the owners for the loss of their service,--

"It is further voted and resolved, that there be allowed,
and paid by this state, to the owner, for every such slave
so enlisting, a sum according to his worth; at a price not
exceeding £120 for the most valuable slave; and in
proportion for a slave of less value.

"Provided, the owner of said slave shall deliver up to the
officer, who shall enlist him, the clothes of the said
slave; or otherwise he shall not be entitled to said sum.

"And for settling and ascertaining the value of such
slaves,--

"It is further voted and resolved, that a committee of five
be appointed, to wit:

"One from each county; any three of whom, to be a quorum, to
examine the slaves who shall be so enlisted, after they
shall have passed muster, and to set a price upon each slave
according to his value, as aforesaid.

"It is further voted and resolved, that upon any ablebodied
negro, mulatto, or Indian slave, enlisting as aforesaid, the
officer who shall so enlist him, after he shall have passed
muster, as aforesaid, shall deliver a certificate thereof,
to the master or mistress of said negro, mulatto, or Indian
slave; which shall discharge him from the service of his
said master or mistress, as aforesaid.

"It is further voted and resolved, that the committee who
shall estimate the value of any slave, as aforesaid, shall
give a certificate of the sum at which he may be valued, to
the owner of said slave; and the general treasurer of this
state is hereby empowered and directed to give unto the said
owner of the said slave, his promissory note, as treasurer,
as aforesaid, for the sum of money at which he shall be
valued, as aforesaid, payable on demand, with interest at
the rate of six per cent. per annum; and that said notes,
which shall be so given, shall be paid with the money which
is due to this state, and is expected from Congress; the
money which has been borrowed out of the general treasury,
by this Assembly, being first re-placed."[550]

This measure met with some opposition, but it was too weak to effect any thing. The best thing the minority could do was to enter a written protest.

"PROTEST AGAINST ENLISTING SLAVES TO SERVE IN THE ARMY.

"We, the subscribers, beg leave to dissent from the vote of
the lower house, ordering a regiment of negroes to be raised
for the Continental service, for the following reasons,
viz.:

"1st. Because, in our opinion, there is not a sufficient
number of negroes in the state, who would have an
inclination to enlist, and would pass muster, to constitute
a regiment; and raising several companies of blacks, would
not answer the purposes intended; and therefore the attempt
to constitute said regiment would prove abortive, and be a
fruitless expense to the state.

"2d. The raising such a regiment, upon the footing proposed,
would suggest an idea and produce an opinion in the world,
that the state had purchased a band of slaves to be employed
in the defence of the rights and liberties of our country,
which is wholly inconsistent with those principles of
liberty and constitutional government, for which we are so
ardently contending; and would be looked upon by the
neighboring states in a contemptible point of view, and not
equal to their troops; and they would therefore be unwilling
that we should have credit for them, as for an equal number
of white troops; and would also give occasion to our enemies
to suspect that we are not able to procure our own people to
oppose them in the field; and to retort upon us the same
kind of ridicule we so liberally bestowed upon them, on
account of Dunmore's regiment of blacks; or possibly might
suggest to them the idea of employing black regiments
against us.

"3d. The expense of purchasing and enlisting said regiment,
in the manner proposed, will vastly exceed the expenses of
raising an equal number of white men; and at the same time
will not have the like good effect.

"4th. Great difficulties and uneasiness will arise in
purchasing the negroes from their masters; and many of the
masters will not be satisfied with any prices allowed.

"JOHN NORTHUP, GEORGE PIERCE,
"JAMES BABCOK, JR., SYLVESTER GARDNER,
"OTHNIEL GORTON, SAMUEL BABCOCK."[551]

Upon the passage of the Act, Gov. Cooke hastened to notify Gen. Washington of the success of the project.

"PROVIDENCE, February 23d, 1778.

"SIR:--I have been favored with your Excellency's letter of
the [3d instant,][552] enclosing a proposal made to you by
General Varnum, for recruiting the two Continental
battalions raised by this state.

"I laid the letter before the General Assembly at their
session, on the second Monday in this month; who,
considering the pressing necessity of filling up the
Continental army, and the peculiarly difficult circumstances
of this state, which rendered it in a manner impossible to
recruit our battalions in any other way, adopted the
measure.

"Liberty is given to every effective slave to enter the
service during the war; and upon his passing muster, he is
absolutely made free, and entitled to all the wages,
bounties and encouragements given by Congress to any soldier
enlisting into their service. The masters are allowed at the
rate of £120, for the most valuable slave; and in proportion
to those of less value.

"The number of slaves in this state is not great; but it is
generally thought that three hundred, and upwards, will be
enlisted.

"I am, with great respect, sir,

"Your Excellency's most obedient, humble servant,
"NICHOLAS COOKE.

"TO GEN. WASHINGTON."[553]

Where masters had slaves in the army, they were paid an annual interest on the appraised value of the slaves, out of the public treasury, until the end of the military service of such slaves.[554] If owners presented certificates from the committee appointed to appraise enlisted Negroes, they were paid in part or in full in "Continental loan-office certificates."[555]

The reader will remember, that it has been already shown that Negroes, both bond and free, were excluded from the militia of Massachusetts; and, furthermore, that both the Committee of Safety and the Provincial Congress had opposed the enlistment of Negroes. The first move in the colony to secure legal enlistments and separate organizations of Colored troops was a communication to the General Assembly of Massachusetts, 3d of April, 1778.

"_To the Honorable Council, and House of Representatives,
Boston, or at Roxbury._

"HONORED GENTLEMEN,--At the opening of this campaign, our
forces should be all ready, well equipped with arms and
ammunition, with clothing sufficient to stand them through
the campaign, their wages to be paid monthly, so as not to
give the soldiery so much reason of complaint as it is the
general cry from the soldiery amongst whom I am connected.

"We have accounts of large re-enforcements a-coming over
this spring against us; and we are not so strong this
spring, I think, as we were last. Great numbers have
deserted; numbers have died, besides what is sick, and
incapable of duty, or bearing arms in the field.

"I think it is highly necessary that some new augmentation
should be added to the army this summer,--all the
re-enforcements that can possibly be obtained. For now is
the time to exert ourselves or never; for, if the enemy can
get no further hold this campaign than they now possess, we
[have] no need to fear much from them hereafter.

"A re-enforcement can quick be raised of two or three
hundred men. Will your honors grant the liberty, and give me
the command of the party? And what I refer to is negroes. We
have divers of them in our service, mixed with white men.
But I think it would be more proper to raise a body by
themselves, than to have them intermixed with the white men;
and their ambition would entirely be to outdo the white men
in every measure that the fortune of war calls a soldier to
endure. And I could rely with dependence upon them in the
field of battle, or to any post that I was sent to defend
with them; and they would think themselves happy could they
gain their freedom by bearing a part of subduing the enemy
that is invading our land, and clear a peaceful inheritance
for their masters, and posterity yet to come, that they are
now slaves to.

"The method that I would point out to your Honors in raising
a detachment of negroes;--that a company should consist of a
hundred, including commissioned officers; and that the
commissioned officers should be white, and consist of one
captain, one captain-lieutenant, two second lieutenants; the
orderly sergeant white; and that there should be three
sergeants black, four corporals black, two drums and two
fifes black, and eighty-four rank and file. These should
engage to serve till the end of the war, and then be free
men. And I doubt not, that no gentleman that is a friend to
his country will disapprove of this plan, or be against his
negroes enlisting into the service to maintain the cause of
freedom, and suppress the worse than savage enemies of our
land.

"I beg your Honors to grant me the liberty of raising one
company, if no more. It will be far better than to fill up
our battalions with runaways and deserters from Gen.
Burgoyne's army, who, after receiving clothing and the
bounty, in general make it their business to desert from us.
In the lieu thereof, if they are [of] a mind to serve in
America, let them supply the families of those gentlemen
where those negroes belong that should engage.

"I rest, relying on your Honor's wisdom in this matter, as
it will be a quick way of having a re-enforcement to join
the grand army, or to act in any other place that occasion
shall require; and I will give my faith and assurance that I
will act upon honor and fidelity, should I take the command
of such a party as I have been describing.

"So I rest till your Honors shall call me; and am your very
humble and obedient servant,

"THOMAS KENCH,

"In Col. Craft's Regiment of Artillery, now on Castle
Island.

"CASTLE ISLAND, April 3, 1778."

A few days later he addressed another letter to the same body.

"_To the Honorable Council in Boston._

"The letter I wrote before I heard of the disturbance with
Col. Seares, Mr. Spear, and a number of other gentlemen,
concerning the freedom of negroes, in Congress Street. It is
a pity that riots should be committed on the occasion, as it
is justifiable that negroes should have their freedom, and
none amongst us be held as slaves, as freedom and liberty is
the grand controversy that we are contending for; and I
trust, under the smiles of Divine Providence, we shall
obtain it, if all our minds can be united; and putting the
negroes into the service will prevent much uneasiness, and
give more satisfaction to those that are offended at the
thoughts of their servants being free.

"I will not enlarge, for fear I should give offence; but
subscribe myself

"Your faithful servant,
"THOMAS KENCH.

"CASTLE ISLAND, April 7, 1778."[556]

On the 11th of April the first letter was referred to a joint committee, with instructions "to consider the same, and report." On the 17th of April, "a resolution of the General Assembly of Rhode Island for enlisting Negroes in the public service" was referred to the same committee. In the Militia Act of 1775, the exceptions were, "Negroes, Indians, and mulattoes." By the act of May, 1776, providing for the re-enforcement of the American army, it was declared that, "Indians, negroes, and mulattoes, shall not be held to take up arms or procure any person to do it in their room." By another act, passed Nov. 14, 1776, looking toward the improvement of the army, "Negroes, Indians, and mulattoes" were excluded. During the year 1776 an order was issued for taking the census of all males above sixteen, but excepted "Negroes, Indians, and mulattoes." But after some reverses to the American army, Massachusetts passed a resolve on Jan. 6, 1777, "for raising every seventh man to complete our quota," "without any exceptions, save the people called Quakers." This was the nearest Massachusetts ever got toward recognizing Negroes as soldiers. And on the 5th of March, 1778, Benjamin Goddard, for the selectmen, Committee of Safety, and militia officers of the town of Grafton, protested against the enlistment of the Negroes in his town.

It is not remarkable, in view of such a history, that Massachusetts should have hesitated to follow the advice of Thomas Kench. On the 28th of April, 1778, a law was draughted following closely the Rhode-Island Act. But no separate organization was ordered; and, hence, the Negroes served in white organizations till the close of the American Revolution.

There is nothing in the records of Virginia to show that there was ever any legal employment of Negroes as soldiers; but, from the following, it is evident that free Negroes _did_ serve, and that there was no prohibition against them, providing they showed their certificates of freedom:--

"And whereas several negro slaves have deserted from their
masters, and under pretence of being free men have enlisted
as soldiers: For prevention whereof, _Be it enacted_, that
it shall not be lawful for any recruiting officer within
this commonwealth to enlist any negro or mulatto into the
service of this or either of the United States, until such
negro or mulatto shall produce a certificate from some
justice of the peace for the county wherein he resides that
he is a free man."[557]

Maryland employed Negroes as soldiers, and sent them into regiments with white soldiers. John Cadwalder of Annapolis, wrote Gen. Washington on the 5th of June, 1781, in reference to Negro soldiers, as follows:--

"We have resolved to raise, immediately, seven hundred and
fifty negroes, to be incorporated with the other troops; and
a bill is now almost completed."[558]

The legislature of New York, on the 20th of March, 1781, passed the following Act, providing for the raising of two regiments of blacks:--

"SECT. 6.--And be it further enacted by the authority
aforesaid, that any person who shall deliver one or more of
his or her able-bodied male slaves to any warrant officer,
as afore said, to serve in either of the said regiments or
independent corps, and produce a certificate thereof,
signed by any person authorized to muster and receive the
men to be raised by virtue of this act, and produce such
certificate to the Surveyor-General, shall, for every male
slave so entered and mustered as aforesaid, be entitled to
the location and grant of one right, in manner as in and by
this act is directed; and shall be, and hereby is,
discharged from any future maintenance of such slave, any
law to the contrary notwithstanding: And such slave so
entered as aforesaid, who shall serve for the term of three
years or until regularly discharged, shall, immediately
after such service or discharge, be, and is hereby declared
to be, a free man of this State."[559]

The theatre of the war was now transferred from the Eastern to the Middle and Southern colonies. Massachusetts alone had furnished, and placed in the field, 67,907 men; while all the colonies south of Pennsylvania, put together, had furnished but 50,493,--or 8,414 _less_ than the single colony of Massachusetts.[560] It was a difficult task to get the whites to enlist at the South. Up to 1779, nearly all the Negro soldiers had been confined to the New-England colonies. The enemy soon found out that the Southern colonies were poorly protected, and thither he moved. The Hon. Henry Laurens of South Carolina, an intelligent and observing patriot, wrote Gen. Washington on the 16th of March, 1779, concerning the situation at the South:--

"Our affairs [he wrote] in the Southern department are more
favorable than we had considered them a few days ago;
nevertheless, the country is greatly distressed, and will be
more so unless further reinforcements are sent to its
relief. Had we arms for three thousand such black men as I
could select in Carolina, I should have no doubt of success
in driving the British out of Georgia, and subduing East
Florida, before the end of July."[561]

Gen. Washington sent the following conservative reply:--

"The policy of our arming slaves is in my opinion a moot
point, unless the enemy set the example. For, should we
begin to form battalions of them, I have not the smallest
doubt, if the war is to be prosecuted, of their following us
in it, and justifying the measure upon our own ground. The
contest then must be, who can arm fastest. And where are our
arms? Besides, I am not clear that a discrimination will not
render slavery more irksome to those who remain in it. Most
of the good and evil things in this life are judged of by
comparison; and I fear a comparison in this case will be
productive of much discontent in those, who are held in
servitude. But, as this is a subject that has never employed
much of my thoughts, these are no more than the first crude
ideas that have struck me upon the occasion."[562]

The gifted and accomplished Alexander Hamilton, a member of Washington's military family, was deeply interested in the plan suggested by the Hon. Henry Laurens, whose son was on Washington's staff. Col. John Laurens was the bearer of the following remarkable letter from Hamilton to John Jay, President of Congress.

"HEADQUARTERS, March 14, 1779.

"To JOHN JAY.

"DEAR SIR,--Col. Laurens who will have the honor of
delivering you this letter, is on his way to South Carolina,
on a project which I think, in the present situation of
affairs there, is a very good one, and deserves every kind
of support and encouragement. This is, to raise two, three,
or four battalions of negroes, with the assistance of the
government of the State, by contributions from the owners in
proportion to the number they possess. If you should think
proper to enter upon the subject with him, he will give you
a detail of his plan. He wishes to have it recommended by
Congress to the State: and, as an inducement, that they
should engage to take those battalions into Continental pay.

"It appears to me, that an expedient of this kind, in the
present state of Southern affairs, is the most rational that
can be adopted, and promises very important advantages.
Indeed, I hardly see how a sufficient force can be collected
in that quarter without it; and the enemy's operations there
are growing infinitely more serious and formidable. I have
not the least doubt that the negroes will make very
excellent soldiers with proper management; and I will
venture to pronounce, that they cannot be put into better
hands than those of Mr. Laurens. He has all the zeal,
intelligence, enterprise, and every other qualification,
necessary to succeed in such an undertaking. It is a maxim
with some great military judges, that, with sensible
officers, soldiers can hardly be too stupid; and, on this
principle, it is thought that the Russians would make the
best troops in the world, it they were under other officers
than their own. The King of Prussia is among the number who
maintain this doctrine; and has a very emphatic saying on
the occasion, which I do not exactly recollect. I mention
this because I hear it frequently objected to the scheme of
embodying negroes, that they are too stupid to make
soldiers. This is so far from appearing to me a valid
objection, that I think their want of cultivation (for their
natural faculties are probably as good as ours), joined to
that habit of subordination which they acquire from a life
of servitude, will make them sooner become soldiers than our
white inhabitants. Let officers be men of sense and
sentiment; and the nearer the soldiers approach to machines,
perhaps the better.

"I foresee that this project will have to combat much
opposition from prejudice and self-interest. The contempt we
have been taught to entertain for the blacks makes us fancy
many things that are founded neither in reason nor
experience; and an unwillingness to part with property of so
valuable a kind will furnish a thousand arguments to show
the impracticability or pernicious tendency of a scheme
which requires such a sacrifice. But it should be
considered, that, if we do not make use of them in this way,
the enemy probably will; and that the best way to
counteract the temptations they will hold out will be to
offer them ourselves. An essential part of the plan is to
give them their freedom with their muskets. This will secure
their fidelity, animate their courage, and, I believe, will
have a good influence upon those who remain, by opening a
door to their emancipation. This circumstance, I confess,
has no small weight in inducing me to wish the success of
the project, for the dictates of humanity, and true policy,
equally interest me in favor of this unfortunate class of
men.

"With the truest respect and esteem,
"I am, Sir, your most obedient servant,
"ALEX. HAMILTON."[563]

The condition of the Southern States became a matter of Congressional solicitude. The letter of Col. Hamilton was referred to a special committee on the 29th of March, 1779. It was represented that South Carolina especially was in great danger. The white population was small; and, while there were some in the militia service, it was thought necessary to keep as large a number of whites at home as possible. The fear of insurrection, the desertion[564] of Negroes to the enemy, and the exposed condition of her border, intensified the anxiety of the people. The only remedy seemed to lie in the employment of the more fiery spirits among the Negroes as the defenders of the rights and interests of the colonists. Congress rather hesitated to act,--it was thought that that body lacked the authority to order the enlistment of Negroes in the States,--and therefore recommended to "the states of South Carolina and Georgia, if they shall think the same expedient, to take measures immediately for raising three thousand able-bodied negroes." After some consideration the following plan was recommended by the special committee, and adopted:--

"IN CONGRESS, March 29, 1779.

"The Committee, consisting of Mr. Burke, Mr. Laurens, Mr.
Armstrong, Mr. Wilson, and Mr. Dyer, appointed to take into
consideration the circumstances of the Southern States, and
the ways and means for their safety and defence, report,--

* * * * *

"That the State of South Carolina, as represented by the
delegates of the said State and by Mr. Huger, who has come
hither at the request of the Governor of the said State, on
purpose to explain the particular circumstances thereof, is
unable to make any effectual efforts with militia, by reason
of the great proportion of citizens necessary to remain at
home to prevent insurrections among the negroes, and to
prevent the desertion of them to the enemy.

"That the state of the country, and the great numbers of
those people among them, expose the inhabitants to great
danger from the endeavors of the enemy to excite them either
to revolt or desert.

"That it is suggested by the delegates of the said State and
by Mr. Huger, that a force might be raised in the said State
from among the negroes, which would not only be formidable
to the enemy from their numbers, and the discipline of which
they would very readily admit, but would also lessen the
danger from revolts and desertions, by detaching the most
vigorous and enterprising from among the negroes.

"That, as this measure may involve inconveniences peculiarly
affecting the States of South Carolina and Georgia, the
Committee are of the opinion that the same should be
submitted to the governing powers of the said States; and if
the said powers shall judge it expedient to raise such a
force, that the United States ought to defray the expense
thereof: whereupon,

"Resolved, That it be recommended to the States of South
Carolina and Georgia, if they shall think the same
expedient, to take measures immediately for raising three
thousand able-bodied negroes.

"That the said negroes be formed into separate corps, as
battalions, according to the arrangements adopted for the
main army, to be commanded by white commissioned and
non-commissioned officers.

"That the commissioned officers be appointed by the said
States.

"That the non-commissioned officers may, if the said States
respectively shall think proper, be taken from among the
non-commissioned officers and soldiers of the Continental
battalions of the said States respectively.

"That the Governors of the said States, together with the
commanding officer of the Southern army, be empowered to
incorporate the several Continental battalions of their
States with each other respectively, agreeably to the
arrangement of the army, as established by the resolutions
of May 27, 1778; and to appoint such of the supernumerary
officers to command the said negroes as shall choose to go
into that service.

"Resolved, That Congress will make provision for paying the
proprietors of such negroes as shall be enlisted for the
service of the United States during the war a full
compensation for the property, at a rate not exceeding one
thousand dollars for each active, able bodied negro man of
standard size, not exceeding thirty-five years of age, who
shall be so enlisted and pass muster.

"That no pay or bounty be allowed to the said negroes, but
that they be clothed and subsisted at the expense of the
United States.

"That every negro who shall well and faithfully serve as a
soldier to the end of the present war, and shall then return
his arms, be emancipated, and receive the sum of fifty
dollars."[565]

Congress supplemented the foregoing measure by commissioning young Col. Laurens to carry forward the important work suggested. The gallant young officer was indeed worthy of the following resolutions:--

"Whereas John Laurens, Esq., who has heretofore acted as
aide-de-camp to the Commander-in-chief, is desirous of
repairing to South Carolina, with a design to assist in
defence of the Southern States;--

"_Resolved_, That a commission of lieutenant-colonel be
granted to the said John Laurens, Esq."[566]

He repaired to South Carolina, and threw all his energies into his noble mission. That the people did not co-operate with him, is evidenced in the following extract from a letter he subsequently wrote to Col. Hamilton:--

"Ternant will relate to you how many violent struggles I
have had between duty and inclination,--how much my heart
was with you, while I appeared to be most actively employed
here. But it appears to me, that I should be inexcusable in
the light of a citizen, if I did not continue my utmost
efforts for carrying the plan of the black levies into
execution, while there remain the smallest hopes of
success."[567]

The enemy was not slow in discovering the division of sentiment among the colonists as to the policy of employing Negroes as soldiers. And the suspicions of Gen. Washington, indicated to Henry Laurens, in a letter already quoted, were not groundless. On the 30th of June, 1779, Sir Henry Clinton issued a proclamation to the Negroes. It first appeared in "The Royal Gazette" of New York, on the 3d of July, 1779.

"By his Excellency Sir HENRY CLINTON, K.B. General and
Commander-in-chief of all his Majesty's Forces within the
Colonies laying on the Atlantic Ocean, from Nova Scotia to
West-Florida, inclusive, &c., &c., &.

"PROCLAMATION.

"Whereas the enemy have adopted a practice of enrolling
NEGROES among their Troops, I do hereby give notice That all
NEGROES taken in arms, or upon any military Duty, shall be
purchased for [_the public service at_] a stated Price; the
money to be paid to the Captors.

"But I do most strictly forbid any Person to sell or claim
Right over any NEGROE, the property of a Rebel, who may take
Refuge with any part of this Army: And I do promise to every
NEGROE who shall desert the Rebel Standard, full security to
follow within these Lines, any Occupation which he shall
think proper.

"Given under my Hand, at Head-Quarters, PHILLIPSBURGH, the
30th day of June, 1779.

"H. CLINTON.

"By his Excellency's command,

"JOHN SMITH, _Secretary_."

The proclamation had effect. Many Negroes, weary of the hesitancy of the colonists respecting acceptance of their services, joined the ministerial army. On the 14th of February, 1780, Col. Laurens wrote Gen. Washington, from Charleston, S.C., as follows:--

"Private accounts say that General Prevost is left to
command at Savannah; that his troops consist of the Hessians
and Loyalists that were there before, re-enforced by a corps
of blacks and a detachment of savages. It is generally
reported that Sir Henry Clinton commands the present
expedition."[568]

Lord Cornwallis also issued a proclamation, offering protection to all Negroes who should seek his command. But the treatment he gave them, as narrated by Mr. Jefferson in a letter to Dr. Gordon, a few years after the war, was extremely cruel, to say the least.

"Lord Cornwallis destroyed all my growing crops of corn and
tobacco; he burned all my barns, containing the same
articles of the last year, having first taken what corn he
wanted; he used, as was to be expected, all my stock of
cattle, sheep, and hogs, for the sustenance of his army, and
carried off all the horses capable of service; of those too
young for service he cut the throats; and he burned all the
fences on the plantation, so as to leave it an absolute
waste. _He carried off also about thirty slaves. Had this
been to give them freedom, he would have done right_; but it
was to consign them to inevitable death from the small-pox
and putrid fever, then raging in his camp. This I knew
afterwards to be the fate of twenty-seven of them. I never
had news of the remaining three, but presume they shared the
same fate. When I say that Lord Cornwallis did all this, I
do not mean that he carried about the torch in his own
hands, but that it was all done under his eye; the situation
of the house, in which he was, commanding a view of every
part of the plantation, so that he must have seen every
fire. I relate these things on my own knowledge, in a great
degree, as I was on the ground soon after he left it. He
treated the rest of the neighborhood somewhat in the same
style, but not with that spirit of total extermination with
which he seemed to rage over my possessions. Wherever he
went, the dwelling-houses were plundered of every thing
which could be carried off. Lord Cornwallis's character in
England would forbid the belief that he shared in the
plunder; but that his table was served with the plate thus
pillaged from private houses, can be proved by many hundred
eye-witnesses. From an estimate I made at that time, on the
best information I could collect, I suppose _the State of
Virginia lost, under Lord Cornwallis's hand, that year,
about thirty thousand slaves; and that, of these,
twenty-seven thousand died of the small-pox and camp-fever,
and the rest were partly sent to the West Indies and
exchanged for rum, sugar, coffee, and fruit; and partly sent
to New York, from whence they went, at the peace, either to
Nova Scotia or to England. From this last place, I believe,
they have been lately sent to Africa._ History will never
relate the horrors committed by the British Army in the
Southern States of America."[569]

Col. Laurens was called from the South, and despatched to France on an important mission in 1780. But the effort to raise Negro troops in the South was not abandoned.

On the 13th of March, 1780, Gen. Lincoln, in a letter to Gov. Rutledge of South Carolina, dated at Charleston, urged the importance of raising a Negro regiment at once. He wrote,--

"Give me leave to add once more, that I think the measure of
raising a black corps a necessary one; that I have great
reason to believe, if permission is given for it, that many
men would soon be obtained. I have repeatedly urged this
matter, not only because Congress have recommended it, and
because it thereby becomes my duty to attempt to have it
executed, but because my own mind suggests the utility and
importance of the measure, as the safety of the town makes
it necessary."

James Madison saw in the emancipation and arming of the Negroes the only solution of the vexatious Southern problem. On the 20th of November, 1780, he wrote Joseph Jones as follows:--

"Yours of the 18th came yesterday. I am glad to find the
Legislature persist in their resolution to recruit their
line of the army for the war; though, without deciding on
the expediency of the mode under their consideration, would
it not be as well to liberate and make soldiers at once of
the blacks themselves, as to make them instruments for
enlisting white soldiers? It would certainly be more
consonant with the principles of liberty, which ought never
to be lost sight of in a contest for liberty: and, with
white officers and a majority of white soldiers, no
imaginable danger could be feared from themselves, as there
certainly could be none from the effect of the example on
those who should remain in bondage; experience having shown
that a freedman immediately loses all attachment and
sympathy with his former fellow-slaves."[570]

The struggle went on between Tory and Whig, between traitor and patriot, between selfishness and the spirit of noble consecration to the righteous cause of the Americans. Gen. Greene wrote from North Carolina on the 28th of February, 1781, to Gen. Washington as follows:--

"The enemy have ordered two regiments of negroes to be
immediately embodied, and are drafting a great proportion of
the young men of that State [South Carolina], to serve
during the war."[571]

Upon his return to America, Col. Laurens again espoused his favorite and cherished plan of securing black levies for the South. But surrounded and hindered by the enemies of the country he so dearly loved, and for the honor and preservation of which he gladly gave his young life, his plans were unsuccessful. In two letters to Gen. Washington, a few months before he fell fighting for his country, he gave an account of the trials that beset his path, which he felt led to honorable duty. The first bore date of May 19, 1782.

"The plan which brought me to this country was urged with
all the zeal which the subject inspired, both in our Privy
Council and Assembly; but the single voice of reason was
drowned by the howlings of a triple-headed monster, in which
prejudice, avarice, and pusillanimity were united. It was
some degree of consolation to me, however, to perceive that
truth and philosophy had gained some ground; the suffrages
in favor of the measure being twice as numerous as on a
former occasion. Some hopes have been lately given me from
Georgia; but I fear, when the question is put, we shall be
outvoted there with as much disparity as we have been in
this country.

"I earnestly desire to be where any active plans are likely
to be executed, and to be near your Excellency on all
occasions in which my services can be acceptable. The
pursuit of an object which, I confess, is a favorite one
with me, because I always regarded the interests of this
country and those of the Union as intimately connected with
it, has detached me more than once from your family; but
those sentiments of veneration and attachment with which
your Excellency has inspired me, keep me always near you,
with the sincerest and most zealous wishes for a continuance
of your happiness and glory."[572]

The second was dated June 12, 1782, and breathes a despondent air:--

"The approaching session of the Georgia Legislature, and the
encouragement given me by Governor Howley, who has a
decisive influence in the counsels of that country, induce
me to remain in this quarter for the purpose of taking new
measures on the subject of our black levies. The arrival of
Colonel Baylor, whose seniority entitles him to the command
of the light troops, affords me ample leisure for pursuing
the business in person; and I shall do it with all the
tenacity of a man making a last effort on so interesting an
occasion."[573]

Washington's reply showed that he, too, had lost faith in the patriotism of the citizens of the South to a great degree. He wrote his faithful friend:--

"I must confess that I am not at all astonished at the
failure of your plan. That spirit of freedom, which, at the
commencement of this contest, would have gladly sacrificed
every thing to the attainment of its object, has long since
subsided, and every selfish passion has taken its place. It
is not the public but private interest which influences the
generality of mankind; nor can the Americans any longer
boast an exception. Under these circumstances, it would
rather have been surprising if you had succeeded; nor will
you, I fear, have better success in Georgia."[574]

Although the effort of the Legislature of Connecticut to authorize the enlistment of Negroes in 1777 had failed, many Negroes, as has been shown, served in regiments from that State; and a Negro company was organized. When white officers refused to serve in it, the gallant David Humphreys volunteered his services, and became the captain.

"In November, 1782, he was, by resolution of Congress,
commissioned as a Lieutenant-Colonel, with order that his
commission should bear date from the 23d of June, 1780, when
he received his appointment as aide-de-camp to the
Commander-in-chief. He had, when in active service, given
the sanction of his name and influence in the establishment
of a company of colored infantry, attached to Meigs',
afterwards Butler's, regiment, in the Connecticut line. He
continued to be the nominal captain of that company until
the establishment of peace."[575]

The following was the roster of his company:--

"_Captain_,
DAVID HUMPHREYS.

_Privates_,

Jack Arabus, Brister Baker, John Ball,
John Cleveland, Cæsar Bagdon, John McLean,
Phineas Strong, Gamaliel Terry, Jesse Vose,
Ned Fields, Lent Munson, Daniel Bradley,
Isaac Higgins, Heman Rogers, Sharp Camp,
Lewis Martin, Job Cæsar, Jo Otis.
Cæsar Chapman, John Rogers, James Dinah,
Peter Mix, Ned Freedom, Solomon Sowtice,
Philo Freeman, Ezekiel Tupham, Peter Freeman,
Hector Williams, Tom Freeman, Cato Wilbrow,
Juba Freeman, Congo Zado, Cuff Freeman,
Cato Robinson, Peter Gibbs, Juba Dyer,
Prince George, Prince Johnson, Andrew Jack,
Prince Crosbee, Alex. Judd, Peter Morando,
Shubael Johnson, Pomp Liberty, Peter Lion,
Tim Cæsar, Cuff Liberty, Sampson Cuff,
Jack Little, Pomp Cyrus, Dick Freedom,
Bill Sowers, Harry Williams, Pomp McCuff."[576]
Dick Violet, Sharp Rogers,

But notwithstanding the persistent and bitter opposition to the employment of slaves, from the earliest hours of the Revolutionary War till its close, Negroes, bond and free, were in all branches of the service. It is to be regretted that the exact number cannot be known. Adjutant-Gen. Scammell made the following official return of Negro soldiers in the main army, under Washington's immediate command, two months after the battle of Monmouth; but the Rhode-Island regiment, the Connecticut, New York, and New-Hampshire troops are not mentioned. Incomplete as it is, it is nevertheless official, and therefore correct as far as it goes.

RETURN OF NEGROES IN THE ARMY, 24TH AUG., 1778.

+--------------------+----------+------------+-----------+--------+
| BRIGADES. | PRESENT. |SICK ABSENT.|ON COMMAND.| TOTAL. |
+--------------------+----------+------------+-----------+--------+
| North Carolina . | 42 | 10 | 6 | 58 |
| Woodford . . | 36 | 3 | 1 | 40 |
| Muhlenburg . . | 64 | 26 | 8 | 98 |
| Smallwood . . | 20 | 3 | 1 | 24 |
| 2d Maryland . . | 43 | 15 | 2 | 60 |
| Wayne . . . | 2 | -- | -- | 2 |
| 2d Pennsylvania . | [33] | [1] | [1] | [35] |
| Clinton . . . | 33 | 2 | 4 | 39 |
| Parsons . . . | 117 | 12 | 19 | 148 |
| Huntington . . | 56 | 2 | 4 | 62 |
| Nixon . . . | 26 | -- | 1 | 27 |
| Patterson . . | 64 | 13 | 12 | 89 |
| Late Learned . | 34 | 4 | 8 | 46 |
| Poor. . . . | 16 | 7 | 4 | 27 |
+--------------------+----------+------------+-----------+--------+
| Total . . | 586 | 98 | 71 | 755 |
+--------------------+----------+------------+-----------+--------+
ALEX. SCAMMELL, _Adj.-Gen._[577]

It is gratifying to record the fact, that the Negro was enrolled as a soldier in the war of the American Revolution. What he did will be recorded in the following chapter.

FOOTNOTES:

[520] Journal of the Continental Congress.

[521] The Hon. Peter Force, in an article to The National Intelligencer, Jan. 16 and 18, 1855, says: "Southern colonies, jointly with all the others, and separately each for itself, did agree to prohibit the importation of slaves, voluntarily and in good faith." Georgia was not represented in this Congress, and, therefore, could not sign.

[522] Sparks's Washington, vol. ii. pp. 488-495.

[523] Sparks's Franklin, vol. viii, p. 42.

[524] Jefferson's Works, vol. i. p. 135.

[525] Ibid., pp. 23,24.

[526] Journals of the Provincial Congress of Mass., p. 29.

[527] Adams's Works, vol. ii. p. 322.

[528] Journals of the Provincial Congress of Mass., p. 553.

[529] Ibid., p. 302.

[530] The following is a copy of Gen. Gates's order to recruiting-officers:--

"You are not to enlist any deserter from the Ministerial
Army, or any stroller, negro, or vagabond, or person
suspected of being an enemy to the liberty of America, nor
any under eighteen years of age.

"As the cause is the best that can engage men of courage and
principle to take up arms, so it is expected that none but
such will be accepted by the recruiting officer. The pay,
provision, &c., being so ample, it is not doubted but that
the officers sent upon this service will, without delay,
complete their respective corps, and march the men forthwith
to camp.

"You are not to enlist any person who is not an American
born, unless such person has a wife and family, and is a
settled resident in this country. The persons you enlist
must be provided with good and complete arms."

--MOORE'S _Diary of the American Revolution_, vol. i. p.
110.

[531] The Provincial Congress of South Carolina, Nov 20, 1775, passed the following resolve:--"On motion,_Resolved_, That the colonels of the several regiments of militia throughout the Colony have leave to enroll such a number of able male slaves, to be employed as pioneers and laborers, as public exigencies may require; and that a daily pay of seven shillings and sixpence be allowed for the service of each such slave while actually employed."

--_American Archives_, 4th Series, vol. iv p. 6.

[532] Sparks's Washington, vol. iii. p. 155, note.

[533] Force's American Archives, 4th Series, vol. iii. p. 1,385.

[534] Spark's Washington, vol. iii. p. 218.

[535] Journals of Congress, vol ii. p. 26.

[536] Hopkins's Works, vol. ii. p. 584.

[537] Works of John Adams, vol. ii p. 428.

[538] Force's American Archives, 4th Series, vol. iv. p. 202.

[539] Force's American Archives, 4th Series, vol. iii. p. 1,387.

[540] Force's American Archives, 4th Series, vol. iv. pp. 84, 85.

[541] Life and Correspondence of Joseph Reed, vol. i. p. 135.

[542] Force's American Archives, 5th Series, vol. ii. pp 160, 162.

[543] Force's American Archives, 5th Series, vol. i p. 486.

[544] During a few months of study in New-York City, I came across the above in the library of the N.Y. Hist. Soc.

[545] Schloezer's Briefwechsel, vol. iv. p. 365.

[546] An Historical Research (Livermore), pp. 114-116.