Chapter XII

GENEVA RECLAIMED BY THE BISHOP AND AWAKENED BY THE GOSPEL. (NOVEMBER 1530 TO OCTOBER 1531.)

[Sidenote: IMPERIAL LETTER TO GENEVA]

Thus had failed the attack of the bishop-prince against his city; and it was much to be feared that such an act, instead of restoring his power, would only accelerate his fall. Pierre de la Baume saw this, and resolved to employ other means to regain in Geneva the authority he had lost.

The thought that the Helvetic league was to be the arbiter between Geneva and her bishop-prince oppressed him like a nightmare: he did not doubt that the diet would pronounce against him. A clever idea occurred to him. 'If,' said he, 'I could but have the emperor as arbiter, instead of the Swiss.... Surely the monarch, who is preserving the papacy in Germany, will preserve it also at Geneva.' Charles V. and the catholic party were still at Augsburg; and the bishop would have desired to substitute a congress of princes for a diet of republicans. 'In truth,' said the emperor, when this petition was laid before him, 'we should not like the rights of the most reverend father in God, the Bishop of Geneva, to be prejudiced.... They are of imperial foundation; and it is our duty, therefore, to maintain them.' Charles had never been more irritated against the protestants than he was now. It was the middle of November: the imperial _recess_ had just been rejected by the evangelicals, because the emperor (they said) had not authority to command in matters of faith.[853] The deputies of Saxony and Hesse had left without waiting for the close of the diet. The imperialists assured the friends of the Bishop of Geneva that he could not have chosen a better time, and that his cause was gained. On the 19th of November proclamation was to be made in Augsburg of the re-establishment 'of one and the same faith throughout the empire.' On the evening before, while this was being drawn up, the emperor called his secretary, and dictated to him the following letter, addressed to the people of Geneva:—

'DEAR LIEGEMEN,

'We have been informed that there is a question between you and our cousin, the Duke of Savoy, about matters touching the rights of our well-beloved cousin and counsellor, the Bishop of Geneva. We have desired to write to you about that, enjoining you very expressly to send to our imperial authority persons well informed on all points in dispute between the bishop and yourselves. We shall demand the same of the said lords, the duke and the bishop, our cousins, for the settlement of your differences, which will be for the welfare and tranquillity of both parties. You will thus learn the desire we have that _our subjects_ should live in peace, friendship, and concord.

'Dear liegemen, may God watch over you! 'At Augsburg, 18th of November, 1530. 'CHARLES.'

[Sidenote: ANSWER OF THE GENEVESE.]

This letter from his imperial majesty created a great sensation in Geneva. It was known that Charles V. was preparing to reduce mighty princes, and every one perceived the danger that threatened the city. 'What!' said the people, 'we are to send deputies to Augsburg, and perhaps to Austria, where they will meet those of the bishop and the duke ... and the emperor will be our judge!' The councils assembled frequently without coming to any decision as to the answer to be returned. First one and then another was commissioned to draw it up. Councillor Genoux produced a draft signed 'Your very humble subjects.'—'We are not subjects,' exclaimed the huguenots. At length they decided on writing as follows:—

'Most serene, most invincible, very high and mighty Prince Charles, always august. For this long time past, we, in defence of the authority and franchises of our prince-bishop and city of Geneva, have suffered many vexations, great charges, expenses, and dangers, proceeding from the most illustrious duke. Quite recently we were surrounded by armed men, his subjects, and outrageously attacked. Nevertheless, by God's will and the kind succour of the magnificent lords of Berne and Friburg, we have been preserved from this assault—to relate which would be wearisome to your majesty.' The council added that, as the settlement which the emperor desired to undertake would be arranged at Payerne before the Swiss diet, they could not profit by his good intentions, and concluded by commending to him the city of Geneva, 'which, from desiring to observe its strict duty, would have been almost destroyed but for the grace of God.'[854]

Thus did the little city boldly decline the intervention of the great emperor. The duke and the bishop had hoped that Charles V., who was in their opinion called to destroy the Reformation in Germany, would begin by crushing it in Geneva. Accordingly, when the news of the Genevese refusal reached the ears of the duke and the bishop, their indignation knew no bounds. 'Since these rebels reject the peaceful mediation of the emperor,' they said, 'we must bring the matter to an end with the sword.' They once more resolved to take the necessary steps, but with as much secresy as possible, so that the Swiss should not be informed of them. The Duke of Nemours, who had not made use of his army, instructed ten thousand lansquenets who were at Montbéliard to move as quietly as they could behind the Jura, arrive at St. Claude, descend as far as Gex, and, two days before the opening of the diet of Payerne which the bishop so much dreaded, _suddenly take Geneva by storm, set it on fire_, and, leaving a heap of ashes behind them, retire rapidly into Burgundy before the Swiss could have time to arrive. At the same time messengers were sent to all the castles of the Pays de Vaud, inviting the gentlemen to hold themselves in readiness. On his side, the Duke of Savoy, who was then at Chambéry, made 'great preparation' of armed men and adventurers, both Italian and French. Everything, he said, was to be completed with the greatest secresy.

[Sidenote: DECISION OF THE DIET OF PAYERNE.]

But Charles was less discreet than his brother; he could not keep silence, but boasted of the clever _coup de main_ that he was preparing. On the other hand, a man coming from Montbéliard to Berne reported that he had seen ten thousand soldiers reviewed in that town. At this intelligence, the energetic lords of Berne desired all the cantons to hold themselves in readiness to succour Geneva, and threatened the gentry of the Pays de Vaud to waste their country with fire and sword if they moved. Meanwhile the council called out all the citizens. Thus the mine was discovered, the blow failed, and the duke, once more disappointed in his expectations, left Chambéry for Turin.[855] The diet which met at Payerne, even while conceding the vidamy to the duke (which he was not in a condition to reclaim), maintained the alliance of Geneva, Berne, and Friburg, and condemned Charles III. to pay these three cities 21,000 crowns. Geneva and Berne desired more than this: they demanded that Bonivard should be set at liberty—'if perchance he be not dead,' they added. The Count of Chalans replied that M. St. Victor was 'a lawful prisoner.'[856]

As neither war nor diplomacy had succeeded in restoring the prince-bishop to his see, he had recourse to less secular means: he turned to the pope, who determined to grant the city a marvellous favour by which he hoped to attach once more the bark of Geneva to the ship of St. Peter. The heroism which the sisters of St. Claire had shown when the Swiss had come to the help of the city in October 1530, had touched the pontiff: among the conventuals of Geneva the only men were the women. The pope therefore granted a general pardon to all who should perform certain devotions in the church of that convent. On Annunciation Day (March 25) this remarkable grace was published throughout the country.

[Sidenote: PILGRIMAGE TO ST. CLAIRE.]

An immense crowd from all the Savoyard villages flocked to the city, 'in great devotion,' on the first day. Chablais, Faucigny, Genevois, and Gex were full of devotees strongly opposed to the Reformation; they were delighted at going to pay homage in Geneva itself to the principles for which they had so often taken up arms. As they saw these long lines approach their walls, the citizens felt a certain fear. 'Let us be on our guard,' they said, 'lest under the dress of pilgrims the knights and men-at-arms of the Spoon should be concealed.' They suddenly closed the city gates. The pilgrims continuing to arrive soon made a crowd, and, being fatigued with their long march, exclaimed in a pitiful voice: 'Pray open the gates, for we have come from a distance.' But the Genevans were deaf. Then appeared the pilgrims from Faucigny, energetic and vigorous men, who got angry, and finding words of no avail, they forced the gates, and proceeded to the church of St. Claire, where they began unceremoniously to say their _Paters_ and _Aves_. According to a bull of Adrian VI., it was sufficient to repeat five of these to obtain seventy thousand years of pardon.[857] The colour mounted to the cheeks of some of the huguenots, who would have resisted the unlawful intrusion; but the Faucignerans continued their devotions as calmly as if they had been in their own villages. Then the syndics went to St. Claire (it was the hour of vespers), accompanied by their sergeants 'with drawn swords and stout staves,' and made the usual summons for these strangers to leave the city. Upon the refusal of the Savoyards, the public force interfered; the Faucignerans resisted, blows were exchanged, and finally these extraordinary pilgrims were compelled to retire without having gained their pardon. This scene increased the dislike of the Genevans to the Romish ceremonies. To publish indulgences was a curious means of strengthening catholicism in Geneva. Pope Clement VII. forgot that Leo X. had thus given the signal for the Reformation.[858]

When these scenes were described at Rome, they excited great irritation. The sacred college determined to try again, and to exhibit in the very midst of this heretic population a still more striking act of Roman devotion. Clement VII. called his secretary and dictated to him, 'of divine inspiration,' a new pardon, to which the Bishop of Geneva affixed his _placet_, and which inflicted the penalty of excommunication on any who should oppose it. This bull was published in the Savoyard country adjacent to Geneva. The parish priests had scarcely announced the pardon from their pulpits, ere the villages were astir, and men and women, old and young, made their arrangements to go and seek the glorious grace offered them in the city of the huguenots. The Genevans, friends of religious liberty and legality, determined to offer no hindrance to these devotions. But they took their precautions, and the captain-general called out a strong guard. The pilgrims approached, staff in hand, some carrying a cross on their shoulders; and erelong a great crowd of Savoyards appeared before the walls. Here they were compelled to halt. At each gate were arquebusiers, a great many of them huguenots, who searched the pilgrims lest they should carry swords beneath their clothes, in addition to their staves. The examination was made, not without much grumbling, but no arms were found.

Then the devoted multitude rushed into the city, and crowded into the church of St. Claire as if it had been that of Our Lady of Loretto. The Genevans suffered the pilgrims to go through all their forms without obstruction. If the Savoyards wished to perform their devotions, they reckoned also, as is usual in affairs of this kind, upon eating and drinking, and that abundantly. The crowd for this part of the pilgrimage was so great, that the tavern-keepers, for want of room, were forced to set tables in the open air. This mixture of praying and drinking made the spectators smile, and some of the huguenots gave vent to their sarcastic humour: 'Really,' said one, 'this pardon is quite an ecclesiastical fair' (_nundinæ ecclesiasticæ_)! 'The fair,' said another, 'is more useful than people imagine. By these pilgrimages the priests revive the flagging zeal of their flocks. They are nets in which the simple birds come and are caught.' 'I very much fear,' added a third, 'that in order to sell her indulgences, the Church makes many promises which God certainly will not fulfil.... It is a pious fraud, as Thomas Aquinas says.'—'Let them alone,' said others, 'let them bring their money ... and then, when the plate is well filled, we will empty it.' They did not proceed to such extremities: the syndics merely forbade the money to be spent out of the city.[859]

[Sidenote: PRIDE OF THE NUNS OF ST. CLAIRE.]

The sisters of St. Claire rejoiced. The pope had honoured them in the sight of all christendom; their monastery was on the way to become a celebrated place. They believed themselves to be the favourites of God and of the heavenly intelligences, and imagined that angels would come to their assistance. As the plague was then raging in Geneva, they saw—surprising miracle!—the hosts of heaven leaving their glorious abodes to preserve the convent: the plague did not visit it. All the nuns were convinced that this was due to a miraculous intervention. And when the sisters, in church or in refectory, at vespers or at matins, conversed about this great grace, they whispered to one another: 'Three wondrously handsome and formidable knights, each having a beautiful shining cross on his forehead, keep watch before the gate.... And when the wicked plague appears, she sees them straight in front of her, and flees away, fearing the brightness of their faces.' Sister Jeanne de Jussie informs us of this miraculous fact, and concludes her narrative with this pious exclamation: 'To God be the honour and praise!' Some sensible men afterwards asked why these knights, 'with the shining cross on their foreheads,' had not stationed themselves at the gates of Geneva to prevent the entrance of that other plague (as Rome called it), the Reformation?

The means which the pope had selected for reannexing Geneva to Rome, had quite a different effect: they produced a revival of religion. The Roman indulgence aroused the Genevans, and made them seek for a real pardon. Had not Luther, fourteen years before, proclaimed at Wittemberg that '_every true christian participates in all the blessings of Christ, by God's gift, and without a letter of indulgence_?'—'This doctrine,' said certain huguenots who had returned from a journey through the cantons, 'is received in Switzerland, and not at Zurich and Berne alone. There are many people of Lucerne and Schwytz even, who prefer God's pardon to the pardons of the pope.'

An invisible hand was at that time stretched over the city, and holding a blessing in reserve for it. Farel, who was on the shores of the lake of Neufchatel, was informed of the evangelical movement which followed the noisy devotions of the Faucignerans, and wrote about it immediately to Zwingle, his friend and counsellor. This was in October 1531: yet a few more days, and the reformer of Zurich was to meet his death on the battle-field of Cappel. This awakening of Geneva was the last news which came to rejoice his oppressed soul. 'Many in that city,' wrote Farel, 'feel in their hearts holy aspirations after true piety.'[860] And, according to this energetic reformer, it was something more than vague movements of the soul that they felt. 'Several Genevans,' he wrote another day to Zwingle, 'are meditating on the work of Christ.'[861]

[Sidenote: 'DE CHRISTO MEDITARI.']

Thus, then, did that city of Geneva, which had been so engrossed with political independence, begin to reflect on Jesus Christ. It was the new topic which the Reformation presented everywhere to the consideration of earnest men. In Germany, Switzerland, France, and England, still more than at Geneva, serious minds were beginning to meditate on Christ—_de Christo meditari_. Some did so in a superficial manner; others devoted themselves to it in the depths of their soul; and holy thoughts found a home in the houses of the citizens, in the colleges, in obscure cells, and even on the throne. 'Christ is the Redeemer of the world,' thought these meditative minds, 'the restorer of the union with God, which sin destroyed.... Christ came to establish the kingdom of God upon earth.... But no one can enter that kingdom unless God pardons his sins.... In order that we may find peace, not only must our souls be relieved from the penalty, but our consciences must be delivered from the feeling of the sin that keeps it apart from its God.... An atonement is necessary.... Christ, like those whom he came to save, a man like them, is at the same time of an eternal and divine nature, which has given him power to ransom the entire people of God, and to be the principle of a new life.... He took upon himself the terrible penalty which we deserved.... His whole life was one continuous expiatory suffering.... But the crowning of his sorrows, and what gave them truly the character of expiation, was his death.... Christ, uniting himself to humanity through love for us, suffered death under a form which bears in the most striking manner the character of a punishment, that is to say, the pain of a malefactor condemned by a human tribunal.... He, the Holy One, wishing to save his people, was made sin upon the cross.... He was treated as the representative of sinful humanity.... He, the beloved of the Father, endured for rebellious men the most deadly anguish, the entire abandonment by God.... From that hour the people of God enjoy the remission of their sins, they are reconciled with God, they have free access to the Father.... That sacrifice is of universal comprehensiveness; no one is excluded from it ... and yet no one receives the benefit of it, except by a personal appropriation, by being united to Jesus Christ, by participating, through faith, in his holy and imperishable life.'

Such, in the sixteenth century, were the meditations of elect souls in many a secret chamber, and it is in this way that the Reformation was accomplished. Perhaps one or two Genevans had similar thoughts; but, generally, their knowledge was not very advanced, and most of the huguenots desired rather to be delivered from the bishop and the duke than from sin and condemnation. Farel did not conceal from Zwingle his anxieties in this respect, and said, in his letter from Granson: 'As for the degree of fervour with which the Genevans seek after piety—it is known only to the Lord.'[862]

[Sidenote: FAREL FEELS THE WANTS OF GENEVA.]

No one interested himself more than Farel in the reformation of Geneva. That year he was at Avenche, Payerne, Orbe, Granson, and other places; and everywhere he ran the risk of losing his life. In one place a sacristan threatened him with a pistol; in another, a friar tried to kill him with a knife concealed under his frock; but Farel never thought of himself. Of intrepid heart and indomitable will, always burning with desire to promote the triumph of the Gospel, and prepared to confront the most violent opposition, he felt himself strongly drawn to Geneva as soon as he heard that the Reformation had to contend with powerful adversaries there. He then fixed his eyes on that city, and during his long career never turned them away from it. In the midst of his labours at Granson, by the side of the lake, near the old castle, on the famous battle-field, Geneva occupied his thoughts. He reflected that although it already had a reputation for heresy, there was in reality no true reform. What! shall the Reformation die there before it is born? He desired to see the Word of God preached there publicly, in an appropriate, vivifying, effective manner, and, as Calvin said, 'by pressing the people importunately.' He desired to see the pulpit become the seat of the prophets and apostles, the throne of Christ in his Church. No time must be lost. The Reformation would be ruined in Geneva, and the new times would perish with it, if the huguenots, who had ceased to listen to the mass, were contented, as their only worship, with walking up and down the church while the priests were chanting. The ardent passions and warlike humour of the Genevese alarmed him. 'Alas!' he said, 'there is no other law at Geneva than the law of arms.'[863] He desired to establish the law of God there. He would have liked to go there himself, and perhaps he would have carried away some by his lively eloquence, and alarmed others by the thunders of his voice; but he owed himself at this time to the places he was evangelising at the peril of his life. If he quitted the work, Rome would regain her lost ground. He therefore looked about him for a man fitted to scatter through the city the seeds of the Word of God.

[Sidenote: CALLS TOUSSAINT TO GO THERE.]

Pierre Toussaint, the young canon of Metz, had quitted France, at the invitation of Œcolampadius, after his sojourn at the court of the Queen of Navarre, and had joined Zwingle at Zurich.[864] Farel came to the determination of sending Toussaint to Geneva: they had occasionally preached the Gospel together since 1525. 'Make haste to send him into the Lord's vineyard,' he wrote to Zwingle, 'for you know how well fitted he is for this work. I entreat you to extend a helping hand.'[865] And, as if he foresaw the importance of the reformation of Geneva, he added: 'It is no small matter: see that you do not neglect it.[866] Urge Toussaint to labour strenuously, so as to redeem by his zeal all the time he has lost.'[867] Zwingle executed the commission. Toussaint, one of the most amiable among the secondary personages of the Reform, listened attentively to the great doctor, and at first showed himself inclined to accept the call.[868] Zwingle spared no pains to bring him to a decision: he set before him what the Gospel had already done in Geneva, and what remained to be done. 'Enter into this house of the Lord,' he said. 'Rend the hoods in pieces, and triumph over the shavelings.... You will not have much trouble, for the Word of God has already put them to flight.'[869] He did not mean that Toussaint should literally tear the friars to pieces, for the expression is figurative; but the energy of Farel and Zwingle, and what he heard of the Genevan persecutions, alarmed the poor young man. He had quitted the court of Francis I. because of the worldliness and cowardice he had encountered there; and now, seeing in Geneva monks and priests, _bishopers_ and _commoners_, huguenots and mamelukes, he shrank back in terror, as if from a den of wild beasts. He had said 'No' to the court, he said 'No' to the energetic and impetuous city. Geneva wanted heroes—men like Farel and Calvin. The project failed.

Farel was vexed. He who had never shrunk from any summons could not succeed in sending an evangelist into this city!... He called to mind that all help comes from a God of mercy, and in his anguish turned to the Lord: 'O Christ,' he said, 'draw up thy army according to thy good pleasure; pluck out all apathy from the hearts of those who are to give thee glory, and arouse them mightily from their slumber.'[870] The moment was soon to arrive when he would go himself to Geneva; but before he appeared there, his prayer would be answered. God, whom he had invoked, was to send there within a few months a strong and modest man, who would prepare the way for Farel, Calvin, and the Reformation.

Meanwhile several Genevans, who did not understand that a conversion of the heart is necessary, wished to effect at least a negative reform, which would have consisted in doing away with the mass, images, and priests. The more daring asked why Geneva should not do like Zurich, Berne, and Neufchatel. 'Yes,' answered the more prudent, 'if the Friburgers would permit.'[871]

These desires for reform, weak as they were, alarmed the Romish party. Friars, priests, and bigots got up an agitation, and, going in great numbers before the procurator-fiscal, conjured him to lay aside his apathy, seeing that this new religion would change everything in Geneva, and deprive the bishop not only of his spiritual jurisdiction, but of his secular authority also. The fiscal, who was empowered to watch over the rights of the prince, called for a severe inquiry upon all suspected persons.[872] At these words there was silence in the assembly: some of the members of the council looked at one another, and felt ill at ease, for they were among the number of the suspected. The fiscal spoke out more plainly, and filled the hall with complaints and clamour. 'Let us destroy heresy!' he repeated.[873] The council, perplexed to the highest degree, evaded the matter by doing nothing either for or against it.

[Sidenote: BERNE AND FRIBURG AT GENEVA.]

The fervent catholics next proceeded to the hotel where the Friburg ambassadors were staying. 'If Geneva is reformed,' said the latter, 'there is an end to the alliance.' The Friburgers did more than this: leaving their lodgings, they accosted the more decided liberals, and repeated to them in a firm tone: 'If Geneva is reformed, there is an end to the alliance!' The huguenots hurried off to the Bernese ambassadors; but the battle of Cappel was not far off, and it was a matter of doubt whether the Reformation could be preserved even in Berne and Zurich. The Bernese received the Genevans coldly, and the latter returned astonished and incensed. 'Alas!' said Farel, 'the Bernese show less zeal for the glory of Christ than the Friburgers for the decrees of the pope.'[874]

A new difficulty arose. The huguenots would have desired to march to the deliverance of Zurich and the reformed, while the catholics wished to support Lucerne and the smaller cantons. On the 11th of October—the very day of the battle of Cappel, but it was not yet known—Berne demanded a hundred arquebusiers of Geneva; and the next day Friburg wrote desiring them to send all the help they could against the heretical cantons. Which side should Geneva take? 'Let us refuse Friburg,' said some. 'Let us refuse Berne,' said others. The former called to mind the assistance which the most powerful republic in Switzerland had sent them; the latter remembered that Friburg had espoused the cause of Geneva when Berne was against them. The council, impelled in contrary directions, resolved to preserve a just balance, and extricated themselves from their embarrassment by the strangest middle course. They resolved that a hundred Genevans should go and fight in favour of the Reformation, and appointed Jean Philippe, one of the most zealous huguenots, to command them; after which they also gave Friburg a favourable answer, and elected syndic Girardet chief of the auxiliaries intended for the catholics.[875]

[Footnote 853: _Hist. of the Ref. of the Sixteenth Century_, vol. iv. bk. xiv. ch. xii.]

[Footnote 854: See the emperor's letter of Nov. 18, 1530, and the answer of the Council, Dec. 10. Registers, December 9, 1530. Bonivard, _Chroniq._ ii. pp. 591-594.]

[Footnote 855: _Journal de Balard_, pp. 306-309.]

[Footnote 856: Ibid. pp. 312, 313. Bonivard, _Chroniq._ ii. pp. 595, 607. Galiffe fils, _Besançon Hugues_, p. 407. Ruchat, ii. p. 305.]

[Footnote 857: Chais, _Lettres sur les Jubilés_, ii. p. 583.]

[Footnote 858: La Sœur J. de Jussie, p. 25.]

[Footnote 859: La Sœur J. de Jussie, p. 28.]

[Footnote 860: 'Sunt qui ad pietatem aspirant.'—Farel to Zwingle, October 1, 1531, _Epp._ ii. p. 647. This letter, written from Granson eleven days before Zwingle's death, was the last the Zurich reformer ever received. That which comes after, dated simply from Orbe, 1531, is evidently anterior to that from Granson.]

[Footnote 861: 'Apud Gebennenses non nihil audio de Christo meditari.'—Ibid.]

[Footnote 862: 'Sed quanto fervore novit Dominus.'—Zwingl. _Epp._ ii. p. 647.]

[Footnote 863: 'Jus est in armis.'—Zwingl. _Epp._ ii. p. 647.]

[Footnote 864: 'Petrus Tossanus per Œcolampadium sæpe suis vocatus literis, quibus nostras frequentes addidimus. E Gallis pulsus ad te se contulit.'—Farel to Zwingle, Orbe, _Epp._ ii. p. 648.]

[Footnote 865: 'Quantum agnoscis idoneum, tantum adige in vineam Domini properare.'—Ibid.]

[Footnote 866: 'Res non parva est, neque contemnenda.'—Ibid.]

[Footnote 867: 'Strenue laborare, id studio et diligentia compenset, quod diu cessans omisit.'—Ibid.]

[Footnote 868: 'Petrum sperabam in messem Domini venturum.'—Farel to Zwingle, _Epp._ ii. p. 648.]

[Footnote 869: 'Fractis cuculatis aliisque rasis, quos pridem Verbum fugasset.'—Ibid.]

[Footnote 870: 'Christus pro sua bona voluntate disponat omnia! Socordiam omnem et veternum excutias a pectoribus eorum, per quos Christi honor procurandus venit.'—Farel to Zwingle, Orbe, _Epp._ ii. p. 648.]

[Footnote 871: 'Et si per Friburgenses liceret, asserit excipiendum prompte Evangelium.'—Ibid.]

[Footnote 872: 'In hæreticæ pravitatis suspectos severa diligentia inquireretur.'—Spanheim, _Geneva Restituta_, p. 37.]

[Footnote 873: 'Clamosa quiritatione et crebro convitio.'—Spanheim, _Geneva Restituta_, p. 37.]

[Footnote 874: 'Bernenses non ea diligentia laborant pro Christi gloria, qua Friburgenses pro pontificiis placitis.'—Zwingl. _Epp._ ii. p. 648.]

[Footnote 875: Registres du Conseil des 11, 13, 14 octobre 1531.]