Chapter XV

THE PARDON OF ROME AND THE PARDON OF HEAVEN. (JUNE AND JULY 1532.)

Olivétan's teaching had not been fruitless. There occurred erelong an evangelical manifestation in Geneva, which was an important step, and the first public act of Reform. Calvin's cousin may have been the instrument, though Clement VII. was the proximate cause.

[Sidenote: THE JUBILEE.]

The pope was preparing at that time to publish, not a local pardon like that of St. Claire, but a universal jubilee. It was the general topic of conversation in many places, and some told how it had originated. 'On the eve of the new year, 1300,' said a scholar, jeeringly, 'a report spread suddenly through Rome (no one knew from whence it came) that a plenary indulgence would be granted to all who should go next morning to St. Peter's. A great crowd of Romans and foreigners hurried there, and in the midst of the multitude was an aged man who, stooping and leaning on his staff, wished also to take part in the festival. He was a hundred and seven years old, people said. He was conducted to the pope, the proud and daring Boniface VIII. The old man told him how, a century before, an indulgence of a hundred years had been granted on account of the jubilee; he remembered it well, he said. Boniface, taking advantage of the declaration of this man, whose mind was weakened by age, decreed that there should be a plenary indulgence every hundred years.'[899] The great gains which were made out of it, led to the jubilee being appointed to be held successively every fifty years, thirty-three years, and twenty-five years. But the jubilee of the twenty-fifth year did not always hinder that of the thirty-third.[900]

At Geneva people were already beginning to talk much about the coming jubilee. Olivétan and his friends were scandalised at it. The heart of this just and upright man was distressed at seeing the pardon of God set aside in favour of a festival of human invention, in which, in order to obtain remission of sins, it was necessary to frequent the churches during a fixed number of days, and perform certain works, and whose surest effect was a large increase to the revenues of the pope. The schoolmaster maintained that if any one sought to find repose of conscience in such inventions, he would waste his time; his heart would be lulled to sleep in forgetfulness of God, or be full of fear and trembling until it had found repose in Jesus Christ. 'Christ alone is our peace,' he said, 'and alone gives our conscience the assurance that God is appeased and reconciled with it.'

Men's minds were soon in a great ferment in Geneva. People met and talked about it in the streets, and everywhere began to murmur. 'A fine tariff is the pope's!' said the more decided of the huguenots. 'Do you want an indulgence for a false oath? Pay 29 livres 5 sols. Do you want an indulgence for murder? A man's life is cheaper; a murder will only cost you 15 livres 2 sols 6 deniers.' They added, 'that the pretended treasury of indulgences, from which the pope took the wares he sold to every comer, was an invention of the devil.'

[Sidenote: ENCROACHMENTS OF THE CLERGY.]

It was thus that the christians, whom preceding ages had kept down, began to reappear in the Church. The lay spirit was manifested in Geneva. Baudichon de la Maison-Neuve, one of the most determined huguenots, had frequent conversations with other good _Lutherans_, all of whom complained of the domineering spirit of the clergy, who had monopolised everything. Such complaints were, however, universal throughout christendom. In the earliest times, said the people, the _priests_ began by confiscating the rights of the laity; and erelong these shepherds had nothing but silly _sheep_ under their crooks.... But while the priests were engrossed in this work, another was going on behind their backs which they did not observe. The _bishops_ did to the priests what the priests had done to the laity; and when the inferior functionaries of the Church had succeeded in catching the flocks in their trap, they found in their turn that they had fallen into the bishops' pitfall. At the Council of Cologne (A.D. 346) there were ten priests, presbyters, or elders, in addition to the fourteen bishops; but that was the last time. At the Councils of Poitiers, Vaison, Paris, and Valence (all held in the latter half of the fourth century), none but bishops were present. Subsequently, indeed, a _delegated_ priest was found in three councils; but at last this single priest was politely dismissed. While the bishops were busied with this conquest, another was going on; and they had no sooner confiscated the rights of the priests (as the priests had confiscated those of the laity), than they found their own confiscated by the _pope_. All rights had come to an end. Flocks, priests, bishops—all had lost their liberty. The pope was the Church. One monster had swallowed the other, to be swallowed in its turn. Nothing is more sad, nothing more disastrous, than this tragic history. _Quod des devorat._[901] The Romish hierarchy devours everything that is given to it. The Reformation was to restore that christian society which the clerical society had put out of sight.

[Sidenote: GOD'S PARDON.]

And so it happened at Geneva. Their rights as christians were among the first claimed by these Genevans, who were so enamoured of their rights as citizens. 'If the pope _sells_ indulgences,' said they, 'the Gospel _gives_ a free pardon. Since Rome advertises her pardon, let us advertise that of the Lord.' These reformers, who were probably among the number of Olivétan's hearers, drew up, conjointly, a 'heavenly proclamation,' in simple and evangelical terms: it is possible that Olivétan himself was the author. Baudichon de la Maison-Neuve took the draft, hurried off with it to a printer, and ordered him to print it in bold characters. After that, certain huguenots, the most zealous of whom were Maison-Neuve and Goulaz, arranged their plans; and early in the morning of the 9th of June they posted on the walls, in different parts of the city, the _great general pardon_ _of Jesus Christ_,[902] at such a height that every one could read it. At that time there was in front of St. Pierre's a pillar on which the clerical notices were displayed; Goulaz went to it, and over one of the announcements of the Roman jubilee he fastened the proclamation of Gospel pardon.

The sun had risen above the Alps: it was already broad daylight; the city woke from its slumbers; windows and doors were opened, and the people began to pass through the streets. They stared and stood still in surprise before these proclamations.... Men and women, priests and friars, crowded in front of the placards, and read with amazement the following words, which sounded strange to them:—

GOD, OUR HEAVENLY FATHER PROMISES A GENERAL PARDON OF ALL HIS SINS TO EVERY ONE WHO FEELS SINCERE REPENTANCE, AND POSSESSES A LIVELY FAITH IN THE DEATH AND PROMISES OF JESUS CHRIST.

'This cannot surely be a papal indulgence,' said certain huguenots, 'for money is not mentioned in it. Salvation given gratuitously must certainly come from heaven.' But the priests thought differently; they looked upon the placard as a defiance of the pope's pardon, and their wrath grew fiercer than ever. They insulted those whom they believed to be the authors of the proclamation, overwhelmed them with abuse, and attacked them not only with their fists, but with the weapons which they had provided.[903] 'The clergy made a great uproar,' says the pseudo-Bonivard; 'and when the priests tried to tear down the said placards, the believers, whom they called _Lutherans_, showed themselves and prevented them, which caused a great commotion among the people.'[904] In a short time the parties were organised: the burghers gathered together in groups. On one side were the citizens, who defended the placards; on the other, the priests and their followers, who wanted to pull them down.

A canon, named Wernly, a native of Friburg, had remained in Geneva; he was a stout active man, of hasty temper, a fanatical papist, who could handle the sword as skilfully as the censer, and give a blow as readily as he gave holy water. Having heard the tumult, he ran out of his house, went towards the cathedral, and just as he was about to enter he caught sight of the placard which Goulaz had fastened to the pillar. He flew into a rage, rushed up to the paper, and tore it down with a coarse oath. Goulaz, one of those bold spirits who brave those whom they despise, was standing close by, watching all that took place. Seeing what the canon had done, he went up to the pillar, and calmly put another paper in the place of that which Wernly had pulled down. Immediately the Friburger lost all self-control: the heretic and not the paper was the object of his rage. He rushed at Goulaz, dealt him a violent blow; and then, not content with this chastisement, drew his sword (for the canons wore swords at that time), and would have struck him. Goulaz was by no means a man of patient temper, and, seeing the canon's sword, immediately drew his own, put himself on the defensive, and in the struggle wounded Wernly in the arm. There was a great uproar immediately; the partisans of the priests fell upon the audacious man who had dared defend himself against that holy personage; the huguenots, on their part, rallied round Goulaz, and defended him.

[Sidenote: STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE TWO POWERS.]

A battle between the priest and the layman, a struggle between clerical and secular society, then occurred in Geneva. The priests had determined that the placards should be torn down everywhere; and, accordingly, there was a loud noise of discord and battle, not only in front of the porch of St. Pierre's, but through great part of the city. 'Nothing could be seen,' says a writer, 'but strife, conflicts, and drawn swords.'[905] Two men of the priests' party were wounded in the Bourg de Four. The magistrates, being informed of what was going on, hurried to the spot, and separated the combatants.

Goulaz certainly did not represent the Reform; he was merely a Genevese patriot, and somewhat hasty; but the Romish Church could not disown a canon; he was truly its representative, and men asked whether the Church intended to combat the Gospel with sword and fist. During this sharp skirmish between the ultramontanes and the huguenots, one party held aloof and rejoiced in secret: they were the partisans of Savoy. They imagined that since the two great Genevan parties were quarrelling, they would be found erelong, wearied with civil discord, bending the knee to the absolute government of his most serene highness. Division would be their strength.[906]

The news of this battle soon reached Friburg. People there had already begun to talk of a certain schoolmaster who was preaching the Gospel at Geneva, and the placard which had set all the city in commotion was (they thought) the result of his sermons. Friburg was excited, for in this matter there was something far more alarming than a blow dealt at a Friburger—it was a blow aimed against the papacy.

[Sidenote: THE INTERDICT OF THE COUNCIL.]

On the 24th of June, Councillor Laurent Brandebourg arrived at Geneva, and having been introduced to the council, he complained, in the name of the catholic canton, of what had taken place, and particularly of the books and placards which led men to 'the new law,' and threw contempt on the authority of the bishop and the pope. 'Everybody assures us,' he said, 'that you belong to the Lutheran party. If it be so, gentlemen, we shall tear up the act of alliance and throw the pieces at your feet.' These words, accompanied by a corresponding gesture, alarmed the council. 'The Friburg alliance has never been more necessary than now,' they whispered to one another. There were still among the Genevans many zealous Roman-catholics; the evangelicals were the rare exceptions; a great number, as we have said, held to a certain negative middle way. The threats of Friburg disturbed the magistrates. 'We are not Lutherans,' answered the premier syndic. 'Well, then,' resumed the catholic Brandebourg, 'summon Goulaz before the ecclesiastical court.' The council replied that the _general pardons_ had been stuck up without their knowledge, that they disapproved of such excesses, that Goulaz had only struck the canon in self-defence, after having received a blow and seen him draw his sword, and that, nevertheless, he had been fined. The council added that they would go further to satisfy Friburg. Immediately they forbade, by sound of trumpet, any papers to be posted up without their permission; and then, as the priests cried out louder against Olivétan than against Goulaz, the syndics ordered that, 'for the present, _the schoolmaster_ should discontinue preaching the Gospel.'[907] They fancied they had thus completely rooted out the evil. The ultramontane party, delighted at this triumph, thought the moment had arrived for effecting a thorough reaction. The priests began to search after the Holy Scriptures, visiting every family, and demanding the surrender of their New Testaments.

The people began to murmur. 'The priests want to rob us of the Gospel of Jesus Christ,' said the huguenots, 'and in its place they will give us ... what?... Romish fables.... We must begin again to read the stories in the Golden Legend. Really it is quite enough to hear them at church.' Baudichon de la Maison-Neuve and his friends urged the council to show themselves christians. They represented that it was shameful to see priests and monks set so little store by the gospels and epistles, and fill the ears of their congregations with human inventions. Olivétan had often told them that there was no intention of introducing a new religion, but of reestablishing an old one—that of the apostles. This idea, so simple and so true, was easily understood. The triumph of which the priests had dreamt was changed into a triumph for the Gospel. 'The party of the _Lutherans_,' says an ancient manuscript, 'or, as they called themselves, of the _evangelicals_, became more numerous and stronger every day among the magistrates and people.'[908] The friends of the Reformation who were on the council began to speak out boldly of the rights of the Word of God. Others who were not Lutherans were generally honest men, and they thought it very christian-like, and even quite catholic, to preach the Gospel, and not mere fables. They were unwilling that it should be said of the Church to which they belonged, that it was supported by visions and sham miracles. The council therefore ordered (unanimously, as it would appear) the grand vicar, De Gingins of Bonmont, 'to take measures that in every parish and convent the Gospel should be preached _according to the truth, without any mixture of fables_ or other human inventions.'[909] The evangelicals, in their turn, were delighted at this order. They knew that the magistrates did not intend abolishing the Roman worship; yet it was the first official act in Geneva in a direction favourable to the Reformation. They accordingly showed great respect for the syndics under whom this decree was passed: they were Guillaume Hugues, Besançon's brother; Claude Savoie, a man of great energy; Claude du Molard, and Ami Porral, a clever, intelligent man, already gained to the Gospel.

[Sidenote: NUNCIO AND ARCHBISHOP AT CHAMBÉRY.]

Without the city, men's opinions were very different. The preachings 'in the houses of Geneva, the _abominable Lutheran heresy_ that was taught even in the schools,'[910] had caused a lively emotion in the catholic provinces adjoining the city, which was increased by the _general pardon of Jesus Christ_. At Chambéry people's minds were greatly agitated. Some, losing all self-control, would have liked to see the thunderbolts of heaven hurled against Geneva; others, more merciful and perhaps more prudent, would have entreated the Genevese, even with tears, to remain faithful to the papacy. There happened at this time to be a great crowd of priests at the palace of the Bishop of Chambéry; a papal nuncio was passing through that city, and the archbishop, the nuncio, and his attendants had some conversation about Geneva, loudly deploring its apostasy. The nuncio, a violent Romanist, would immediately have brought the facts to the knowledge of the pope, in order that the court of Rome should take proceedings in conformity with the severity of the ecclesiastical laws. The archbishop checked him; he preferred making a prior application to the council. Accordingly he wrote a letter to the syndics, in which, after mentioning the various charges against the Genevese, he added: 'Can it be true that such things are taking place in a city so long renowned for its faith?... This would be so serious a matter that we should be compelled to report it immediately to Rome.... Put it in our power to tell the holy father that you will preserve a perpetual confidence in the holy apostolic see.'[911]

The syndics, who had no desire to declare either in favour of Rome or of Wittemberg, were greatly embarrassed. One of them, however, found a way of getting out of the difficulty. 'Let us make no reply,' he said. When the archbishop's messenger came for their answer, the syndics called him before them, and gave him this verbal message: 'Tell Monseigneur that we desire to live in a christian manner, and in accordance with the law of Christ.' The archbishop, the nuncio, and the pope might understand that as they pleased. It was soon seen that Rome and Savoy had no intention of permitting Geneva to live according to that _law of Christ_ which the city had invoked.

But if the papacy was uneasy, evangelical christians rejoiced. They believed that an important position had been gained by the Reformation, and, supposing the Genevese to be more advanced in the faith than they really were, rejoiced in anticipation over the victories which these new members of the evangelical body would win for their common standard. 'The Genevans,' said one of them, 'are true _christian knights_, who, having no respect for men who will soon pass away, do not fear to offend their superiors, the enemies of truth.'—'The Genevans,' said another, 'are energetic men: if they embrace the Gospel, they will know how to propagate it elsewhere.'[912]

The old evangelicals went further than this: they felt full of love for the new brethren. They desired to give them a welcome, to stretch out the hand of brotherhood to them, to receive them, with the charity of Christ, into that small and humble Church which was to increase from year to year and from age to age. They were not too sanguine, however: they knew the moral state of the Genevans; they knew that the little flock was still weak, and but just beginning to pronounce the name of Christ and to walk in his way. These old christians desired, therefore, to approach it as a father approaches his child, to take it by the hand, to point out the dangers by which it was surrounded, and to conjure it to remain firm, and to increase in that faith which it was beginning to confess boldly.

[Sidenote: LETTER FROM THE BRETHREN AT PAYERNE.]

Between the Alps and the Jura, on the road leading from Lausanne to Berne, is situated a small town, clustered ages ago round an abbey which the famous Queen Bertha had declared exempt from all suzerainty, even from that of the pope, and which, in 1208, had resisted the Emperor Rodolph of Hapsburg. In one of the houses of this town of Payerne, some pious christians assembled in June 1532, under their pastor Anthony Saunier of Moirans, in Dauphiny, a friend of Farel. They conversed about _the destruction of the papistical realm_, and the news they had received from Geneva, and were full of hope that that city would contribute erelong towards the so much desired destruction. One of them proposed to send a letter to the Genevese. They began to write it immediately, and here are the words which these simple-minded christians addressed to the episcopal city:—

'We have heard that the glory of God has visited you, of his grace, as his elect children, and that he is now calling you with his everlastingly saving voice. Beloved in Jesus Christ, receive the word of the Great Shepherd, who gave himself once and was offered up a living host (sacrifice) for the salvation of all believers. God is manifesting to you the great riches of his glory; he invites us to forsake the doctrine of men, and to follow that of our only Saviour Jesus Christ, which makes us new creatures and heirs of the kingdom of God. Believe in this doctrine with all your heart, without shame or fear of men; having the assurance that it is good, holy, and alone able to save, and that all others which are opposed to it are wicked and damnable. Fear not the great number and power of your enemies; but, for the love of Jesus Christ, who has perfected your redemption, and who has granted us remission of all our sins, be ready not only to abandon your honour, your goods, and your families, but even to renounce yourselves, declaring with St. Paul, that neither glory, nor tribulation, nor death, nor life, shall separate you from the Gospel of salvation....

'Now we, your brethren in the second and spiritual birth, pray the Father of lights to complete what he has begun in you, and to illumine the eyes of your heart by the true Gospel light, to the end that you may know the great and inexpressible riches prepared for those who are sanctified by the blood of Christ. Renounce, therefore, the king of this world, and all his followers, under whose banner you and we once walked, and acknowledge our Lord as your only master, your only God and Saviour, who gives us the kingdom of heaven without money and without price. Follow not what appears good and pleasant to you, but the commandment of God our Father, adding nothing, and taking nothing away. May his grace be written in your hearts, and may you impart it to those who are still ignorant and weak, by means of a meek and tender teaching, so that the flock of Jesus Christ may be increased by you daily. Our Lord God is for you, and the whole world cannot prevail against him. Be the standard-bearers upon earth of the colours of our Saviour, so that by your means the Holy Gospel may be borne into many countries.'

The council deposited the letter among the city archives, where it may still be seen.[913]

[Sidenote: STANDARD RAISED AT GENEVA.]

Geneva was still far from the pure and living Christianity which breathes in this letter. The fight between Goulaz and Wernly, the tumult occasioned in the city by the placards of Baudichon de la Maison-Neuve and his friends, had little resemblance (impartiality compels us to acknowledge) to that picture, so full of gentleness, which Jesus Christ himself drew for us, when he described the servant of God: '_He shall not strive nor cry, neither shall any man hear his voice in the streets._'[914] But it is only by degrees that the old man disappears and the new man takes his place. It would have been too much, perhaps, to expect that these energetic huguenots, who defended their liberty with the courage of lions, should suddenly become meek as lambs. But already there were to be found in that city souls who prized above everything the _great pardon of Jesus Christ_. The proclamation of salvation by grace, which we have described, marks an important epoch in the history of the Reformation of Geneva. All human religions represent salvation as to be gained by the works and ceremonies of man; the only divine religion, the Gospel, declares that God gives it, that he gives it through Jesus Christ, and that whosoever receives this assurance into his heart becomes a new creature. Such was the standard raised in Geneva in 1532. The servants of God, whether natives of that city or refugees, were to be, according to the beautiful language of the letter from Payerne, 'standard-bearers upon earth;' and, grasping the banner of the Gospel with a firm hand, they were to be called, perhaps more than others, in the sixteenth century 'to bear it into many countries.'

Everything gave token that the renovation of Geneva was advancing; but it had still numerous obstacles to overcome, and great works to achieve. Powerful instruments were about to appear to accomplish them.

Hitherto the breath of the Reformation has blown to Geneva from the plains of France and the mountains of Switzerland. The men of God who were to labour most at the transformation of this city, Farel especially, have acted upon it from without only. But yet two months more, and that great-hearted evangelist will enter the city of the huguenots; others will follow him; they will be expelled from it by the friends of Rome; but they will return with fresh determination, and labour with indefatigable zeal, until, after long darkness, we shall at last see the light of Jesus Christ shining in it.

[Sidenote: GENEVA ATTACKED BY TWO PARTIES.]

The ancient city had not at this time to contend with a single party: it was attacked by two antagonistic bands at once, by the bishop on the one hand, and by the reformers on the other. Which of these two armies will conquer it?—Geneva, strange to say, rejects both. Will that city be destined to belong neither to the Gospel nor to Rome? It could not be so, and various symptoms appeared at this time to indicate an approaching solution.

The fanaticism of the Genevese clergy, the respect felt by the magistrates for existing institutions, the energy with which one portion of the people rejected the Reformation, seemed to show that the movement by which Geneva was then agitated would end simply in the abolition of the temporal authority of the bishop.

But other signs appeared to point to another conclusion. In proportion as the love of God's Word increased in men's hearts, respect for the Romish religion diminished. The evangelical christians said that salvation was a thing for eternity, while a government, even if ecclesiastical, was only a temporal thing; that the rights of truth took precedence of all clerical pretensions, and that the authority of Scripture was superior to that of the pontiff.

Moreover, a new element appeared. Ecclesiastical society had sunk into slumber and death; in the sixteenth century the Reformation aroused it and restored it to activity and life. Farel is one of the most remarkable types of this christian animation; his unbounded ardour, his indefatigable labours were, with God's help, to secure the victory.

It is true that this new force soon turned against the Reform. The Romish Church woke up also, and put itself in motion, particularly after the foundation of the order of the Jesuits; but its activity differed widely from that of the reformers. The latter descended from on high; that of the Roman clergy came from below. At all events, popery soon became as energetic as protestantism. There was danger in this, but there was probably a benefit also. If its adversaries had continued to slumber, the Reformation might have ended by falling asleep likewise. Activity is far better than inactivity without hope. Let us not be afraid then. By struggles the Church is purified, the christian grows stronger, and the cause of truth and of humanity triumphs.

[Sidenote: THE STRUGGLE IN GENEVA.]

Geneva was about to have greater experience of such contests, and the agitation within her walls was to become fiercer from day to day. Combats without and combats within. The dawning Reformation and the ancient (yet new) liberty will see arrayed against them the bishop, the duke, the emperor, the gentry and their vassals, and the Savoyard troops, besides veteran Italian bands, commanded by some of the ablest captains of the age.... At the same time the battle will rage furiously within. Popery, alarmed at seeing one of its oldest fortresses threatened, will utter a cry of rage; all the friends of the Romish priesthood will be aroused, will agitate, and fight; a furious opposition will raise its angry head. There will be not only secret councils, traitorous conspiracies, fanatical preachings, and fierce discussions; but also riots in the streets, armed men endeavouring to stop the preaching of the Word, cannons planted in the public squares, assaults with the sword, the arquebuse, and the dagger, imprisonment, exile, and poisoning.... At the sight of these violent combats and repeated calamities, the thoughts of the historian become troubled and confused. It appears to him that the powers of darkness are marshalling their forces in the ancient city. He fancies he can see that mysterious being, whom a great poet describes in his immortal verse as plotting the ruin of the world, at the very moment when, smiling with innocence and glory, it left the hands of the Creator—he can see Satan descending, as he once did into Eden, and casting the immense shade of his 'sail-broad vans' over the gigantic Alps, over their white tops, their calm clear lakes and smiling hills, and swooping down upon the towers of the old cathedral to fight against the counsels of the King of Heaven, and, by scattering his wiles and fury all around, oppose the new creation of a new world.[915]

But to all these efforts of the powers of darkness the men of the Gospel will oppose the resplendent army of light. They will proclaim the love of God, they will announce the work of Christ, they will publish grace. They will repeat with Jesus Christ that _the flesh profiteth nothing_; that is to say, that the grandeur of the proud hierarchy of Rome, the power of its temporal kingdom, the multitude of its servants in so many countries and under such various uniforms, the pomps by which its worship strives to captivate the senses, the oracles of its traditions, sometimes adorned with the seductions of human philosophy—that all is profitless; but that power belongs to God, that salvation is in the foolishness of the cross, and that it is _the Spirit that quickeneth_. And, thanks to the spiritual weapons they employ, two or three humble instruments of the Word of God will scatter the councils of their terrible adversary, destroy his fortresses, and humble even to the dust the barriers he had raised against the knowledge of God. The rough Farel, the gentle Viret, the weak Froment, will overcome the powers of Rome in Geneva, even before Calvin, the great captain, appears. God chooses the weak things of the world to confound the things which are mighty, and the things which are not to bring to nought things that are.[916]

[Footnote 899: See the Bull _Antiquorum habet_ in the _Extravagant. Commun._ lib. v. tit. ix. cap. 1.]

[Footnote 900: In our time Leo XII. celebrated a jubilee in 1825, and Gregory XVI. in 1833.]

[Footnote 901: Plautus.]

[Footnote 902: Roset says positively (liv. ii. chap, lxvi.) that these placards were printed. See also Berne MSS., _Hist. Helvet._ v. p. 12.]

[Footnote 903: 'Exarsit hic statim furor, nec verbis tantum erupit, sed et armis.—_Geneva Restituta_, p. 37.]

[Footnote 904: History under the name of Bonivard, Berne MSS. _Hist. Helvet._ v. p. 12.]

[Footnote 905: 'Hinc rixæ, conflictus, et enses utrinque expediti.'— _Geneva Restituta_, p. 37.]

[Footnote 906: 'Dissidiis civilibus fessa imperium acciperet.'—_Geneva Restituta_, p. 38.]

[Footnote 907: 'De prædicante Evangelii.'—Registres du Conseil des 24, 27, 30 juin, et du 25 juillet. Spon, _Hist. de Genève_, ii. p. 463.]

[Footnote 908: Berne MSS. _Hist. Helvet._ v. p. 12.]

[Footnote 909: Registres du Conseil des 30 juin, 12 juillet, 20 août. Spon, _Hist. de Genève_, ii. pp. 464-466.]

[Footnote 910: Archives de Genève, No. 1069.]

[Footnote 911: Archives de Genève, No. 1069. Spon, _Hist. de Genève_, i. p. 466. Gaberel, i. p. 110.]

[Footnote 912: Ruchat, iii. pp. 136-140. 'Epître des amateurs de la sainte Evangile de Payerne à ceux de Genève.' Archives de Genève, No. 1070. _France Protestante_, art. _Saunier_.]

[Footnote 913: Archives, No. 1070. 'Epître des amateurs de la sainte Evangile de Payerne.']

[Footnote 914: Matthew xii. 19.]

[Footnote 915:

'He wings his way
Directly towards the new-created world,
And man there placed, with purpose to assay
If him by force he can destroy, or, worse,
By some false guile pervert.'

_Paradise Lost_, bk. iii.]

[Footnote 916: 1 Corinthians i. 27, 28.]

END OF THE SECOND VOLUME.

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