Chapter I: Part 1

HISTORY

OF

THE REFORMATION

IN THE

SIXTEENTH CENTURY.

BY

J. H. MERLE D'AUBIGNE, D.D.

J'appelle accessoire, l'estat des affaires de ceste vie caduque et
transitoire. J'appelle principal le gouvernement spirituel auquel
reluit souverainement la providence de Dieu.--THEODORE DE BEZE.

By _accessory_ I mean the state of affairs in this fading and
transitory life. By _principal_ I mean the spiritual government
in which the providence of God is sovereignly displayed.

A NEW TRANSLATION:

(CONTAINING THE AUTHOR'S LATEST IMPROVEMENTS,)

BY HENRY BEVERIDGE, ESQ., ADVOCATE.

VOLUME SECOND.

PUBLISHED BY WILLIAM COLLINS,
SOUTH FREDERICK STREET, GLASGOW.
PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON.

1846.

GLASGOW:
WILLIAM COLLINS AND CO.
PRINTERS.

CONTENTS.

BOOK FIFTH.

CHAP. I.

THE DISCUSSION OF LEIPSIC, 1519.

PAGE

Luther's Dangers--God saves Luther--The Pope sends a
Chamberlain--The Chamberlain--Legate's Journey--Briefs of
Rome--Circumstances favourable to the Reformation--Miltitz
with Spalatin--Tezel's Terror--Caresses of Miltitz--A Recantation
demanded--Luther refuses, but offers to be silent--Agreement
between Luther and the Nuncio--The Legate's Embrace--Tezel
overwhelmed by the Legate--Luther to the Pope--Nature of the
Reformation--Luther against Separation--De Vio and Miltitz at
Treves--Luther's Cause extends in different Countries--Luther's
Writings the commencement of the Reformation. 1

CHAP. II.

The War seems ended in Germany--Eck Revives the Contest--Debate
between Eck and Carlstadt--The Question of the Pope--Luther
Replies--Alarm of Luther's Friends--Luther's Courage--Truth
triumphs single-handed--Refusal of Duke Georges--Delight
of Mosellanus and Fears of Erasmus. 13

CHAP. III.

Arrival of Eck and the Wittembergers--Amsdorff--The Students--
Carlstadt's Accident--Placard--Eck and Luther--Pleissenburg--
Shall Judges be appointed?--Luther objects. 19

CHAP. IV.

The Procession--Mass--Mosellanus--Veni, Sancte Spiritus!--
Portraits of Luther and Carlstadt--Doctor Eck--Carlstadt's
Books--Merit of Congruity--Natural Powers--Scholastic
Distinction--Point where Rome and the Reformation Separate--
Grace gives Man freedom--Carlstadt's Note-Book--Commotion
in the Auditory--Melancthon during the Debate--Manœuvres of
Eck--Luther Preaches--The Citizens of Leipsic--Quarrels of
Students and Quarrels of Teachers. 24

CHAP. V.

Hierarchy and Rationalism--Two Peasants' Sons--Eck and Luther
begin--The Head of the Church--The Primacy of Rome--Equality
of Bishops--Peter the Foundation--Christ the Foundation--Eck
insinuates that Luther is a Hussite--Luther on the Doctrine
of Huss--Agitation in the Audience--Pleasantry of Dr. Eck--The
Word alone--The Court Fool--Luther at Mass--Saying of
the Duke--Purgatory--Close of the Discussion. 33

CHAP. VI.

Interest felt by the Laity--Luther's Opinion--Admissions and
Boastings of Dr. Eck--Effects of the Discussion--Poliander--
Cellarius--The Young Prince of Anhalt--The Students of Leipsic--
Cruciger--Calling of Melancthon--Emancipation of Luther. 42

CHAP. VII.

Eck attacks Melancthon--Melancthon's Defence--Interpretation of
Scripture--Luther's Firmness--The Bohemian Brethren--Emser--
Staupitz. 47

CHAP. VIII.

Epistle to the Galatians--Christ for us--Blindness of Luther's
Adversaries--First Ideas on the Supper--Is the Sacrament
Sufficient without Faith?--Luther a Bohemian--Eck Attacked--Eck
sets out for Rome. 50

BOOK SIXTH.

THE BULL OF ROME.

1520.

CHAP. I.

Character of Maximilian--The Competitors for the Empire--
Charles--Francis I--Inclination of the Germans--The Crown
offered to Frederick--Charles is Elected. 55

CHAP. II.

Luther writes to the Emperor--Luther's Dangers--Instructions of
Frederick to the Court of Rome--Luther's Sentiments--Melancthon's
Fears--The German Nobles favourable to the Reformation--
Schaumburg--Seckingen--Ulric de Hutten--Luther's Confidence--
Luther's Greater Freedom--Faith the Source of Works--What
Faith gives--Luther Judging his own Writings. 59

CHAP. III.

The Papacy Attacked--Appeal to the Nobility--The Three Walls--All
Christians are Priests--The Magistrate's duty to Correct
the Clergy--Abuses of Rome--Ruin of Italy--Dangers of Germany--
The Pope--The Legates--The Monks--The Marriage of
Priests--Celibacy--Festivals--The Bohemians--Charity--The
Universities--The Empire--The Emperor must retake Rome--A
Book not Published--Luther's Modesty--Success of the Address. 65

CHAP. IV.

Preparations at Rome--Motives to resist the Papacy--Eck at Rome--
Eck gains the Day--The Pope is the World--God produces
the Separation--A Swiss Priest pleads for Luther--The Roman
Consistory--Preamble of the Bull--Condemnation of Luther. 74

CHAP. V.

Wittemberg--Melancthon--His Marriage--Catharine--Domestic
Life--Beneficence--Good Humour--Christ and Antiquity--Labour--
Love of Letters--His Mother--Outbreak among the Students. 80

CHAP. VI.

The Gospel in Italy--Discourse on the Mass--The Babylonish
Captivity of the Church--Baptism--Abolition of Vows--Progress
of the Reformation. 84

CHAP. VII.

New Negotiations--Miltitz and the Augustins of Eisleben--
Deputation to Luther--Miltitz and the Elector--Conference at
Lichtemberg--Luther's Letter to the Pope--Book presented to the
Pope--Union of the Believer with Christ--Freedom and Bondage. 88

CHAP. VIII.

The Bull in Germany--Eck's Reception--The Bull at Wittemberg--
Interposition of Zuinglius. 95

CHAP. IX.

Luther Examines himself in the presence of God--Luther's opinion
of the Bull--A Neutral Family--Luther on the Bull, and against
the Bull of Antichrist--The Pope prohibits Faith--Effects of the
Bull--The Faggot Pile of Louvain. 99

CHAP. X.

Decisive steps by the Reformer--Luther's Appeal to a General
Council--Struggle at close quarters--The Bull burned by Luther--
Meaning of this bold act--Luther in the Academic Chair--Luther
against the Pope--New Work by Melancthon--How Luther encourages
his Friends--Progress of the Contest--Melancthon's Opinion of
the timid--Luther's work on the Bible--Doctrine of Grace--
Luther's Recantation. 104

CHAP. XI.

Coronation of Charles V--The Nuncio Aleander--Will Luther's
Books be burnt?--Aleander and the Emperor--The Nuncios and
the Elector--The Son of Duke John pleads for Luther--Luther's
Calmness--The Elector protects Luther--Reply of the Nuncios--
Erasmus at Cologne--Erasmus With the Elector--Declaration of
Erasmus--Advice of Erasmus--System of Charles V. 112

CHAP. XII.

Luther on Confession--True Absolution--Antichrist--Rally around
Luther--Satires--Ulric von Hutten--Lucas Cranach--The Carnival
at Wittemberg--Staupitz Intimidated--Luther's Labours--Luther's
Humility--Progress of the Reformation. 120

BOOK SEVENTH.

THE DIET OF WORMS.

1521. (JANUARY-MAY.)

CHAP. I.

Conquest by the Word of God--The Diet of Worms--Difficulties--
Charles demands Luther--The Elector to Charles--State of Men's
Minds--Aleander's Alarm--The Elector sets out without Luther--
Aleander awakens Rome--Excommunication of the Pope, and
Communion with Christ--Fulmination of the Bull--Luther's
Motives in the Reformation. 128

CHAP. II.

A Foreign Prince--Advice of Politicians--Conference between the
Confessor and the Elector's Chancellor--Uselessness of these
Manœuvres--Aleander's Activity--Luther's Sayings--Charles
gives in to the Pope. 135

CHAP. III.

Aleander admitted to the Diet--Aleander's Address--Luther
accused--Rome defended--Appeal to Charles against Luther--
Effect of the Nuncio's Address. 141

CHAP. IV.

Sentiments of the Princes--Speech of Duke George--Character of
the Reformation--A Hundred and one Grievances--Charles Yields--
Tactics of Aleander--The Grandees of Spain--Luther's Peace--
Death and not Retractation. 145

CHAP. V.

Will a Safe-conduct be given?--Safe-conduct--Will Luther go?--
Holy Thursday at Rome--The Pope and Luther. 151

CHAP. VI.

Luther's courage--Bugenhagen at Wittemberg--Persecutions in
Pomerania--Melancthon wishes to set out with Luther--Amsdorff--
Schurff--Suaven--Hutten to Charles V. 156

CHAP. VII.

Departure for the Diet of Worms--Luther's Adieu--His
Condemnation Published--Cavalcade near Erfurt--Meeting of
Jonas and Luther--Luther in his old Convent--Luther Preaches
at Erfurt--Incident--Faith and Works--Concourse of People--
Luther's Courage--Luther to Spalatin--Halt at Frankfort--Fears
at Worms--Plan of the Imperialists--Luther's Firmness. 160

CHAP. VIII.

Entry into Worms--Chant for the Dead--Council held by Charles
V--Capito and the Temporisers--Concourse around Luther--
Citation--Hutten to Luther--Proceeds to the Diet--Saying of
Freundsberg--Imposing Assembly--The Chancellor's Address--
Luther's Reply--His Wisdom--Saying of Charles V--Alarm--
Triumph--Luther's Firmness--Insults from the Spaniards--
Council--Luther's Trouble and Prayer--Might of the
Reformation--Luther's Oath to Scripture--The Court of the
Diet--Luther's Address--Three kinds of Writings--He demands
Proof of his Error--Solemn Warnings--He Repeats his Address
in Latin--Here I am: I can't do otherwise--The "weakness" of
God--New Attempt. 168

CHAP. IX.

Victory--Tumult and Calm--Duke Errick's Glass of Beer--The
Elector and Spalatin--Message from the Emperor--Wish to violate
the Safe-conduct--Strong Opposition--Enthusiasm for Luther--Voice
for Conciliation--The Elector's Fear--Assemblage at Luther's
Lodgings--Philip of Hesse. 184

CHAP. X.

Conference with the Archbishop of Treves--Wehe's Advice to
Luther--Luther's Replies--Private Conversation--Visit of
Cochlœus--Supper at the Archbishop's--Attempt on the Hotel
of Rhodes--A Council proposed--Last Interview between Luther and
the Archbishop--Visit to a sick Friend--Luther ordered to quit
Worms. 190

CHAP. XI.

Luther's Departure--Journey from Worms--Luther to Cranach--
Luther to Charles V--Luther with the Abbot of Hirschfeld--The
Curate of Eisenach--Several Princes leave the Diet--Charles signs
Luther's Condemnation--The Edict of Worms--Luther with his
Parents--Luther attacked and carried off--The ways of God--
Wartburg--Luther a Prisoner. 198

BOOK EIGHTH.

THE SWISS.

1484-1522.

CHAP. I.

Movements in Switzerland--Source of the Reformation--Democratic
Character--Foreign Service--Morality--The Tockenburg--An
Alpine Hut--A Pastoral Family. 206

CHAP. II.

Young Ulric at Wesen--At Bale--At Berne--The Dominican
Convent--Jetzer--The Apparitions--The Passion of the Lay
Brother--The Imposture--Discovery and Punishment--Zuinglius
at Vienna--At Bale--Music at Bale--Wittembach teaches the
Gospel--Leo Juda--The Curate of Glaris. 211

CHAP. III.

Love of War--Schinner--Pension from the Pope--The Labyrinth--
Zuinglius in Italy--Principle of Reform--Zuinglius and Luther--
Zuinglius and Erasmus--Zuinglius and the Elders--Paris and
Glaris. 217

CHAP. IV.

Zuinglius in regard to Erasmus--Oswald Myconius--The Vagrants--
Œcolampadius--Zuinglius at Marignan--Zuinglius and Italy--
Method of Zuinglius--Commencement of Reform--Discovery. 223

CHAP. V.

Meinrad of Hohenzollern--Our Lady of Einsidlen--Calling of
Zuinglius--The Abbot--Geroldsek--Companionship in Study--The
Bible Copied--Zuinglius and Superstition--First Opposition to
Error--Sensation--Hedio--Zuinglius and the Legates--The
Honours of Rome--The Bishop of Constance--Samson and
Indulgences--Stapfer--Charity of Zuinglius--His Friends. 229

CHAP. VI.

Zurich--The College of Canons--Election to the Cathedral--
Fable's Accusations--Confession of Zuinglius--The Designs
of God Unfolded--Farewell to Einsidlen--Arrival at Zurich--
Courageous Declaration of Zuinglius--First Sermons--Effects--
Opposition--Character of Zuinglius--Taste for Music--Arrangement
of the Day--Circulation by Hawkers. 237

CHAP. VII.

Indulgences--Samson at Berne--Samson at Baden--The Dean of
Bremgarten--Young Henry Bullinger--Samson and the Dean--Internal
Struggles of Zuinglius--Zuinglius against Indulgences--Samson
Dismissed. 246

CHAP. VIII.

The Labours of Zuinglius--The Baths of Pfeffers--God's time--The
Great Death--Zuinglius seized with the Plague--His Enemies--His
Friends--Convalescence--General Joy--Effect of the Plague--
Myconius at Lucerne--Oswald encourages Zuinglius--Zuinglius at
Bale--Capito called to Mentz--Hedio at Bale--An Unnatural
Son--Preparation for Battle. 251

CHAP. IX.

The Two Reformers--The Fall of Man--Expiation of the God-Man--
No Merit in Works--Objections refuted--Power of Love to
Christ--Election--Christ alone Master--Effects of this
Preaching--Despondency and Courage--First Act of the
Magistrate--Church and State--Attacks--Galster. 260

CHAP. X.

A new Combatant--The Reformer of Berne--Zuinglius encourages
Haller--The Gospel at Lucerne--Oswald Persecuted--Preaching
of Zuinglius--Henry Bullinger and Gerold of Knonau--Rubli at
Bale--The Chaplain of the Hospital--War in Italy--Zuinglius--
Foreign Service. 267

CHAP. XI.

Zuinglius against the Precepts of Man--Fermentation during
Lent--Truth advances during Combat--The Deputies of the
Bishops--Accusation before the Clergy and Council--Appeal to
the Great Council--The Coadjutor and Zuinglius--Decree of the
Grand Council--State of Matters--Attack by Hoffman. 273

CHAP. XII.

Grief and Joy in Germany--Ambush against Zuinglius--Mandate
of the Bishop--Archeteles--The Bishop addresses the Diet--
rohibition to attack the Monks--Declaration of Zuinglius--The
Nuns of Œtenbach--Zuinglius' Address to Schwitz. 279

CHAP. XIII.

A French Monk--He Teaches in Switzerland--Dispute between the
Monk and Zuinglius--Discourse of the Leader of the Johannites--
The Carnival at Berne--The Eaters of the Dead--The
Skull of St. Anne--Appenzel--The Grisons--Murder and Adultery--
Marriage of Zuinglius. 284

CHAP. XIV.

How Truth Triumphs--Society at Einsidlen--Request to the
Bishops--To the Confederates--The Men of Einsidlen
Separate--A Scene in a Convent--A Dinner by Myconius--The
Strength of the Reformers--Effect of the Petitions to Lucerne--
The Council of the Diet--Haller at the Town-House--Friburg--
Destitution of Oswald--Zuinglius comforts him--Oswald quits
Lucerne--First Severity of the Diet--Consternation of the
Brothers of Zuinglius--His Resolution--The Future--The Prayer
of Zuinglius. 293

HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION

OF THE

SIXTEENTH CENTURY.

BOOK FIFTH.

CHAP. I.

THE DISCUSSION OF LEIPSIC, 1519.

Luther's Dangers--God saves Luther--The Pope sends a
Chamberlain--The Legate's Journey--Briefs of
Rome--Circumstances favourable to the Reformation--Miltitz
with Spalatin--Tezel's Terror--Caresses of Miltitz--A
Recantation demanded--Luther refuses, but offers to be
silent--Agreement between Luther and the Nuncio--The
Legate's Embrace--Tezel overwhelmed by the Legate--Luther to
the Pope--Nature of the Reformation--Luther against
Separation--De Vie and Miltitz at Trèves--Luther's cause
extends in different countries--Luther's writings the
commencement of the Reformation.

Dangers had gathered round Luther and the Reformation. The doctor of Wittemberg's appeal to a General Council was a new attack on papal authority. By a bull of Pius II, the greater excommunication had been denounced even against emperors who should dare to incur the guilt of such a revolt. Frederick of Saxony, as yet imperfectly confirmed in evangelical doctrine, was prepared to send Luther away from his states;[1] and hence a new message from Leo might have thrown the Reformer among strangers, who would be afraid to compromise themselves by receiving a monk whom Rome had anathematised. And even should the sword of some noble be drawn in his defence, mere knights, unable to cope with the powerful princes of Germany, must soon have succumbed in the perilous enterprise.

[1] Letter of the Elector to his envoy at Rome, (L. Op. (L.) xvii, p.
298.)

[Sidenote: GOD SAVES LUTHER. MILTITZ.]

But at the moment when all the courtiers of Leo X were urging him to rigorous measures, and when one blow more might have placed his adversary in his hands, the pope suddenly changed his course to one of conciliation and apparent mildness.[2] It may be said, no doubt, that he was under a delusion as to the Elector's feelings, and deemed them more decided in Luther's favour than they really were. It may also be admitted that the public voice and the spirit of the age, powers which at this time were altogether new, seemed to throw an impregnable barrier around the Reformer. It may even be supposed, with one of Leo's biographers,[3] that he followed the promptings of his mind and heart which inclined to gentleness and moderation. Still this new mode of action on the part of Rome, at such a moment, is so extraordinary that it is impossible not to recognise in it a higher and mightier hand.

[2] "Rationem agendi prorsus oppositam inire statuit," (Pallavicini,
Hist. Conc. Trid. T. i, p. 51).

[3] Roscoe's Life of Leo X.

There was then at the Court of Rome a Saxon noble who was chamberlain to the pope and canon of Mentz, Trèves, and Meissen. He had turned his talents to advantage. As he boasted of being, in some degree, allied to the Saxon princes, the Roman courtiers sometimes designated him by the title of Duke of Saxony. In Italy he made an absurd display of his German nobility, while in Germany he aped the manners and polish of the Italians. He was given to wine[4]--a vice which his residence at the Court of Rome had increased. Still the Roman courtiers hoped great things from him. His German extraction--his insinuating address--and his ability in negotiation--all led them to expect that Charles de Miltitz (this was his name) would, by his prudence, succeed in arresting the mighty revolution which was threatening to shake the world.

[4] Nec ab usu immoderato vini abstinuit, (Pallavicini Hist. Conc.
Trid. i, p. 69).

It was of importance to conceal the true object of the chamberlain's mission, and in this there was no difficulty. Four years before, the pious Elector had applied to the pope for the golden rose. This rose, the fairest of flowers, was emblematic of the body of Jesus Christ, and being annually consecrated by the sovereign pontiff, was presented to one of the first princes in Europe. On this occasion it was resolved to send it to the Elector. Miltitz set out with a commission to examine into the state of affairs, and to gain over the Elector's counsellors, Spalatin and Pfeffinger, for whom he had special letters. Rome hoped that, by securing the favour of the persons about the prince, she would soon become mistress of her formidable adversary.

[Sidenote: MILTITZ. LUTHER'S DANGER.]

The new legate, who arrived in Germany in December 1518, was careful as he came along to ascertain the state of public opinion. To his great astonishment he observed, at every place where he stopped, that the majority of the inhabitants were friendly to the Reformation,[5] and spoke of Luther with enthusiasm. For one person favourable to the pope, there were three favourable to the Reformer.[6] Luther has preserved an anecdote of the journey--"What think you of the see (seat) of Rome?" frequently asked the legate at the mistresses of the inns and their maidservants. One day, one of these poor women, with great simplicity, replied--"How can we know what kind of seats you have at Rome, and whether they are of wood or stone?"[7]

[5] "Sciscitatus per viam Miltitxius quanam esset in æstimatione
Lutherus ... sensit de eo cum admiratione homines loqui."
(Pallavicini, Hist. Concil. Trid. Tom. i, p. 51.)

[6] "Ecce ubi unum pro papa stare inveni, tres pro te contra papam
stabant." (L. Op. Lat. in Præf.)

[7] Quid nos scire possumus quales vos Romæ habeatis sellas, ligneasne
an lapideas (Ibid.)

The mere rumour of the new legate's arrival filled the Elector's court, the university, the town of Wittemberg, and all Saxony, with suspicion and distrust. "Thank God," wrote Melancthon, in alarm,[8] "Martin still breathes." It was confidently stated that the Roman chamberlain had received orders to possess himself of Luther's person, by force or fraud; and the doctor was advised, on all hands, to be on his guard against the stratagems of Miltitz. "His object in coming," said they, "is to seize you and give you up to the pope. Persons worthy of credit have seen the briefs of which he is the bearer." "I await the will of God," replied Luther.[9]

[8] "Martinus noster, Deo gratias, adhuc spirat." (Corpus
Reformatorum. Edidit Bretschneider, I,61.)

[9] Expecto consilium Dei. (L. Ep. i, p. 191.)

In fact, Miltitz brought letters addressed to the Elector and his counsellors, to the bishops and to the burgomaster of Wittemberg. He was also provided with seventy apostolic briefs. Should the flattery and the favours of Rome attain their object, and Frederick deliver Luther into her hands, these seventy briefs were to serve as a kind of passports. He was to produce and post up one of them in each of the towns through which he had to pass, and hoped he might thus succeed in dragging his prisoner, without opposition, all the way to Rome.[10]

[10] Per singula oppida affigeret unum, et ita tutus me perduceret
Romam. (L. Op. Lat. in Præf.)

The pope seemed to have taken every precaution. The electoral court knew not well what course to take. Violence would have been resisted, but the difficulty was to oppose the chief of Christianity, when speaking with so much mildness, and apparently with so much reason. Would it not be the best plan, it was said, to place Luther somewhere in concealment until the storm was over?... An unexpected event relieved Luther, the Elector, and the Reformation, from this difficult situation. The aspect of affairs suddenly changed.

[Sidenote: CIRCUMSTANCES FAVOURABLE TO THE REFORMATION.]

On the 12th of January, 1519, Maximilian, the Emperor of Germany, died, and Frederick of Saxony, agreeably to the Germanic constitution, became regent of the empire. From this time the Elector feared not the schemes of nuncios, while new interests began to engross the court of Rome--interests which, obliging her to be chary of giving offence to Frederick, arrested the blow which Miltitz and De Vio were undoubtedly meditating.

The pope earnestly desired to prevent Charles of Austria, already King of Naples, from ascending the imperial throne. A neighbouring king appeared to him more formidable than a German monk; and in his anxiety to secure the Elector, who might be of essential service to him in the matter, he resolved to give some respite to the monk that he might be the better able to oppose the king. Both, however, advanced in spite of him.

In addition to the change thus produced in Leo, there was another circumstance which tended to avert the storm impending over the Reformation. The death of the emperor was immediately followed by political commotions. In the south of the empire the Swabian confederation sought to punish Ulric of Wurtemberg, for his infidelity to it, while in the south, the Bishop of Hildesheim proceeded, sword in hand, to invade the bishopric of Minden, and the territories of the Duke of Brunswick. How could men in power, amid such disturbances, attach any importance to a dispute relating to the remission of sins? But, above all, the reputation for wisdom enjoyed by the Elector, now regent of the empire, and the protection which he gave to the new teachers, were made subservient by Providence to the progress of the Reformation. "The tempest," says Luther, "intermitted its fury, and papal excommunication began to fall into contempt. The gospel, under the shade of the Elector's regency, spread far and wide, and in this way great damage was sustained by the papacy."[11]

[11] "Tunc desiit paululum sævire tempestas...." (L. Op. Lat. in
Præf.)

Moreover, the severest prohibitions were naturally mitigated during an interregnum. In every thing there was more freedom and greater facility of action. Liberty which began to shed its rays on the infant Reformation, rapidly developed the still tender plant, and any one might have been able to predict how favourable political freedom would prove to the progress of evangelical Christianity.

[Sidenote: MILTITZ WITH SPALATIN. TEZEL'S TERROR.]

Miltitz, having arrived in Saxony before the death of Maximilian, lost no time in visiting his old friend Spalatin; but no sooner did he begin his complaint against Luther than the chaplain made an attack upon Tezel, acquainting the nuncio with the lies and blasphemies of the vender of indulgences, and assuring him that all Germany blamed the Dominican for the division which was rending the Church.

Miltitz was taken by surprise. Instead of accuser he had become the accused. Turning all his wrath upon Tezel, he summoned him to appear at Altenburg and give an account of his conduct.

The Dominican, as great a coward as a bully, and afraid of the people whom he had provoked by his impostures, had ceased his peregrinations over town and country, and was living in retirement in the college of St. Paul. He grew pale on receiving the letter of Miltitz. Even Rome is abandoning, threatening, and condemning him--is insisting on dragging him from the only asylum in which he feels himself in safety, and exposing him to the fury of his enemies.... Tezel refused to obey the nuncio's summons. "Assuredly," wrote he to Miltitz, on the 31st of December, 1518, "I would not regard the fatigues of the journey if I could leave Leipsic without endangering my life; but the Augustin, Martin Luther, has so stirred up men in power, and incensed them against me that I am not in safety any where. A great number of Luther's partizans have conspired my death, and therefore I cannot possibly come to you."[12] There was a striking contrast between the two men, the one of whom was then living in the college of St. Paul at Leipsic, and the other in the cloister of the Augustins at Wittemberg. In presence of danger the servant of God displayed intrepid courage--the servant of men despicable cowardice.

[12] Löscher, ii, 567.

Miltitz had orders, in the first instance, to employ the arms of persuasion; and it was only in the event of failure that he was to produce his seventy briefs, and at the same time endeavour, by all the favours of Rome, to induce the Elector to put down Luther. He accordingly expressed a desire to have an interview with the Reformer. Their common friend, Spalatin, offered his house for this purpose, and Luther left Wittemberg on the 2nd or 3rd of January to repair to Altenburg.

At this interview Miltitz exhausted all the address of a diplomatist and a Roman courtier. The moment Luther arrived the nuncio approached him with great demonstrations of friendship. "O," thought Luther, "how completely his violence is turned into gentleness! This new Saul came into Germany provided with more than seventy apostolic briefs to carry me alive and in chains to murderous Rome, but the Lord has cast him down on the way."[13]

[13] Sed per viam a Domino prostratus ... mutavit violentiam in
benevolentiam fallacissime simulatam. (L. Ep. i, p. 206.)

[Sidenote: MILTITZ'S CARESSES.]

"Dear Martin," said the pope's chamberlain to him in a coaxing tone, "I thought you were an old theologian sitting quietly behind your stove, and stuffed with theological crotchets; but I see that you are still young, and in the full vigour of life.[14] Do you know," continued he in a more serious tone, "that you have stirred up the whole world against the pope and attached it to yourself?"[15] Miltitz was aware that to flatter men's pride is the most effectual mode of seducing them; but he knew not the man with whom he had to do. "Had I an army of twenty-five thousand men," added he, "assuredly I would not undertake to seize you and carry you off to Rome."[16] Rome, notwithstanding of her power, felt herself feeble in presence of a poor monk, and the monk felt strong in presence of Rome. "God," said Luther, "arrests the billows of the ocean at the shore, and arrests them ... by the sand."[17]

[14] O Martine, ego credebam et esse senem aliquem theologum, qui post
fornacem sedens.... (L. Op. Lat. in Præf.)

[15] Quod orbem totum mihi conjunxerim et papæ abstraxerim. (L. Ep. i,
p. 231.)

[16] Si haberem 25 millia armatorum, non confiderem te posse a me
Romam perduci. (L. Op. Lat. in Præf.)

[17] L. Op. (W.) xxii.

The nuncio, thinking he had thus prepared the mind of his opponent, continued as follows: "Do you yourself bind up the wound which you have inflicted on the Church, and which you alone can cure." "Beware," added he, letting a few tears fall, "beware of raising a tempest, which would bring ruin on Christendom."[18] He then began gradually to insinuate that a recantation was the only remedy for the evil; but he at the same time softened the offensiveness of the term by giving Luther to understand that he had the highest esteem for him, and by expressing his indignation at Tezel. The net was laid by a skilful hand, and how was it possible to avoid being taken in it? "Had the Archbishop of Mentz spoken thus to me at the outset," said the Reformer afterwards, "this affair would not have made so much noise."[19]

[18] Profusis lacrymis ipsum oravit, ne tam perniciosam Christiano
generi tempestatem cieret. (Pallavicini, i, 52.)

[19] Non evasisset res in tantum tumultum. (L. Op. Lat. in Præf.)

Luther then replied. With calmness, but also with dignity and force, he stated the just grievances of the Church; expressed all the indignation he felt at the Archbishop of Mentz, and nobly complained of the unworthy treatment he had received from Rome, notwithstanding of the purity of his intentions. Miltitz, though he had not expected this firm language, was able, however, to conceal his wrath.

[Sidenote: LUTHER OFFERS TO BE SILENT.]

Luther resumed, "I offer to be silent in future as to these matters, and let the affair die out of itself,[20] provided my opponents also are silent; but if they continue to attack me, a petty quarrel will soon beget a serious combat. My armour is quite ready. I will do still more," added he, after a momentary pause, "I will write his Holiness, acknowledging that I have been somewhat too violent, and declaring that it was as a faithful child of the Church I combated harangues which subjected her to mockery and insult from the people. I even consent to publish a document in which I will request all who read my books not to see any thing in them adverse to the Roman Church, but to remain subject to her. Yes: I am disposed to do every thing and bear every thing; but as to retractation never expect it from me."

[20] Und die Sache sich zu Tode bluten. (L. Ep. i, 207.)

Luther's decided tone convinced Miltitz that the wisest course was to appear satisfied with the promise which the Reformer had just made, and he merely proposed that an archbishop should be appointed arbiter to decide certain points which might come under discussion. "Be it so," said Luther, "but I am much afraid that the pope will not consent to have a judge. In that case no more will I accept the judgment of the pope, and then the strife will begin anew. The pope will give out the text, and I will make the commentary."

Thus terminated the first interview between Luther and Miltitz. They had a second, in which the truce, or rather peace, was signed. Luther immediately informed the Elector of what had passed. "Most serene prince and very gracious lord," wrote he, "I hasten very humbly to inform your Electoral Highness, that Charles de Miltitz and I have at length agreed, and have terminated the affair by means of the two following articles:--

"1st, Both parties are forbidden to preach or write, or to
do any thing further in reference to the dispute which has
arisen.

"2ndly, Miltitz will immediately acquaint the holy father
with the state of matters. His holiness will order an
enlightened bishop to enquire into the affair, and specify
the erroneous articles which I am required to retract. If I
am found to be in error, I will retract willingly, and never
more do any thing that may be prejudicial to the honour or
the authority of the holy Roman Church."[21]

[21] L. Ep. i, 209.

The agreement being thus made, Miltitz appeared quite delighted. "For a hundred years," exclaimed he, "no affair has given the cardinals and Roman courtiers more anxiety than this. They would have given ten thousand ducats sooner than consent to its longer continuance."[22]

[22] "Ab integro jam sæculo nullum negotium Ecclesiæ contigisse quod
majorem illi sollicitudinem incussisset." (Pallavicini, Tom. i, p.
52.)

[Sidenote: MILTITZ AND TEZEL.]

The chamberlain of the pope made a great show of feeling before the monk of Wittemberg. Sometimes he expressed joy, at other times shed tears. This display of sensibility made little impression on the Reformer, but he refrained from showing what he thought of it. "I looked as if I did not understand what was meant by these crocodile tears,"[23] said he. The crocodile is said to weep when it cannot seize its prey.

[23] "Ego dissimulabam has crocodili lacrymas a me intelligi." (L. Ep.
i, 216.)

Luther having accepted an invitation to supper from Miltitz, the host laid aside the stiffness attributed to his office, while Luther gave full scope to his natural gaiety. It was a joyous repast,[24] and when the parting hour arrived, the legate took the heretical doctor in his arms and kissed him.[25] "A Judas kiss," thought Luther, "I pretended," wrote he to Staupitz, "not to comprehend all these Italian manners."[26]

[24] "Atque vesperi, me accepto, convivio lætati sumus." (Ibid. 231.)

[25] "Sic amice discessimus etiam cum osculo; (Judæ scilicet.)" (Ibid.
216.)

[26] Has Italitates. (L. Ep. i, 231.)

Was this then to be in truth the kiss of reconciliation between Rome and the dawning Reformation? Miltitz hoped so, and rejoiced at it, for he had a nearer view than the courtiers of Rome of the fearful results which the Reformation might produce in regard to the papacy. If Luther and his opponents are silent, said he to himself, the dispute will be ended, and Rome by availing herself of favourable circumstances will regain all her ancient influence. It thus seemed that the debate was drawing to a close: Rome had stretched out her arms and Luther had apparently thrown himself into them; but the Reformation was the work not of man but of God. The error of Rome consisted in seeing the quarrel of a monk where she ought to have seen an awakening of the Church. The revival of Christendom was not to be arrested by the kisses of a pope's chamberlain.

[Sidenote: LUTHER'S LETTER TO THE POPE.]

Miltitz, in fulfilment of the agreement which he had just concluded, proceeded from Altenburg to Leipsic, where Tezel was residing. There was no occasion to shut Tezel's mouth, for, sooner than speak, he would, if it had been possible, have hidden himself in the bowels of the earth; but the nuncio was determined to discharge his wrath upon him. Immediately on his arrival at Leipsic Miltitz summoned the unhappy Tezel before him, loaded him with reproaches, accused him of being the author of the whole mischief, and threatened him with the pope's displeasure.[27] Nor was this all: the agent of the house of Fugger, who was then at Leipsic, was confronted with him. Miltitz laid before the Dominican the accounts of that house, together with papers which he himself had signed, and proved that he had squandered or stolen considerable sums. The poor wretch, who had stickled at nothing in his day of glory, was overwhelmed by the justice of these accusations: despair seized him, his health gave way, and he knew not where to hide his shame. Luther heard of the miserable condition of his old enemy, and was the only person who felt for him. In a letter to Spalatin he says, "I pity Tezel."[28] Nor did he confine himself to such expressions. He had hated not the man but his misconduct, and, at the moment when Rome was pouring out her wrath upon him, wrote him in the most consolatory terms. But all was to no purpose. Tezel, stung by remorse, alarmed at the reproaches of his best friends, and dreading the anger of the pope, not long after died miserably, and as was supposed of a broken heart.[29]

[27] Verbis minisque pontificiis ita fregit hominem, hactenus
terribilem cunctis et imperterritum stentorem. (L. Op. in Præf.)

[28] Doleo Tetzelium. (L. Ep. i, p. 223.)

[29] Sed conscientia indignitate Papæ forte occulruit. (L. Op. in
Præf.)

Luther, in fulfilment of his promises to Miltitz, on the 3rd of March wrote the following letter to the pope:--

"Blessed Father! will your Blessedness deign to turn your
paternal ears, which are like those of Christ himself,
towards your poor sheep and kindly listen to its bleat. What
shall I do, Most Holy Father! I am unable to bear the
fierceness of your anger, and know not how to escape from
it. I am asked to retract, and would hasten to do so could
it lead to the end which is proposed by it. But, owing to
the persecutions of my enemies, my writings have been
circulated far and wide, and are too deeply engraven on
men's hearts to be effaced. A recantation would only add to
the dishonour of the Church of Rome, and raise an universal
cry of accusation against her. Most Holy Father! I declare
before God and all his creatures, that I have never wished,
and do not now wish, either by force or guile, to attack the
authority of the Roman Church or of your Holiness. I
acknowledge that there is nothing in heaven or on the earth
which ought to be put above this Church, unless it be Jesus
Christ the Lord of all."[30]

[30] Præter unum Jesum Christum Dominum omnium. (L. Ep. i, p. 234.)

These words might seem strange and even reprehensible in the mouth of Luther, did we not reflect that the light did not break in upon him all at once, but by slow and progressive steps. They show, and this is very important, that the Reformation was not simply an opposition to the papacy. Its accomplishment was not effected by warring against this or that form, or by means of this or that negative tendency. Opposition to the pope was only one of its secondary features. Its creating principle was a new life, a positive doctrine--"Jesus Christ, the Lord of all and paramount to all--to Rome herself," as Luther says in the conclusion of his letter. To this principle the revolution of the 16th century is truly to be ascribed.

[Sidenote: LUTHER AGAINST SEPARATION.]

It is probable that at an earlier period a letter from the monk of Wittemberg, positively refusing to retract, would not have been allowed by the pope to pass without animadversion. But Maximilian was dead, the topic of engrossing interest was the election of his successor, and amid the political intrigues which then agitated the pontifical city, Luther's letter was overlooked.

The Reformer was employing his time to better purpose than his powerful antagonist. While Leo X, engrossed by his interests as a temporal prince, was straining every nerve to prevent a dreaded neighbour from reaching the Imperial throne, Luther was daily growing in knowledge and in faith. He studied the Decretals of the popes, and made discoveries which greatly modified his views. Writing Spalatin he says, "I am reading the Decretals of the popes, and, let me say it in your ear, I know not whether the pope is Antichrist himself or only his apostle;[31] to such a degree in these Decretals is Christ outraged and crucified."

[31] Nescio an Papa sit Antichristus ipse vel apostolus ejus. (L. Ep.
i, 239.)

Still he continued to respect the ancient Church of Rome, and had no thought of separating from her. "Let the Roman Church," said he in the explanation which he had promised Miltitz to publish, "be honoured of God above all others. On this point there cannot be a doubt. St. Peter, St. Paul, forty-six popes, and several hundred thousand martyrs, have shed their blood in her bosom, and there vanquished hell and the world, so that the eye of God specially rests upon her. Although every thing about her is now in a very sad condition that is no ground for separating from her. On the contrary the worse things are, the more firmly we should cling to her. Our separation is not the means by which she can be improved. We must not abandon God because there is a devil; nor the children of God who are still at Rome, because the majority are wicked. No sin, no wickedness, can justify us in destroying charity or violating unity; for charity can do all things, and nothing is difficult to unity."[32]

[32] L. Op. (L.) xvii, 224.

It was not Luther that separated from Rome, but Rome that separated from Luther, and by so doing rejected the ancient catholic faith of which he was then the representative. Nor was it Luther that deprived Rome of her power and compelled her bishop to descend from an usurped throne. The doctrines which he announced, the doctrine of the Apostles, again divinely proclaimed throughout the Church with great force and admirable purity, alone could prevail against a power by which the Church had for ages been enslaved.

[Sidenote: SCHEME OF MILTITZ AND DE VIO.]

These declarations, which Luther published at the end of February, did not fully satisfy Miltitz and De Vio. These two vultures, after both missing their prey, had retired within the ancient walls of Trèves. There, seconded by the Prince-archbishop, they hoped jointly to accomplish the object in which they had failed individually. The two nuncios were aware that nothing more was to be expected from Frederick, now invested with supreme power in the empire. They saw that Luther persisted in his refusal of retractation. The only plan, therefore, was to withdraw the heretical monk from the protection of the Elector, and entice him into their own neighbourhood. If the Reformer were once in Trèves, in a state subject to a prince of the Church, he would be dexterous indeed if he got away without giving full satisfaction to the sovereign pontiff. The scheme was immediately proceeded with. "Luther," said Miltitz to the Elector-archbishop of Trèves, "has accepted your Grace as arbiter; call him therefore before you." The Elector of Trèves accordingly (3rd May) wrote to the Elector of Saxony, and requested him to send Luther. De Vio, and afterwards Miltitz himself, also wrote, announcing that the rose of gold had arrived at Augsburg, at the house of Fugger. Now, thought they, is the moment to strike the decisive blow.

But things were changed, and neither Frederick nor Luther felt alarmed. The Elector, understanding his new position, had no longer any fear of the pope and far less of his servants. The Reformer, seeing Miltitz and De Vio in concert, had some idea of the fate which awaited him if he complied with their invitation. "Everywhere," says he, "on all hands, and in all ways, they seek my life."[33] Besides, he had requested the pope to decide; but the pope, engrossed with crowns and intrigues, had given no answer. Luther thus wrote to Miltitz: "How could I undertake the journey, without an order from Rome, amid the troubles which shake the empire? How could I face so many dangers and subject myself to so much expence, I who am the poorest of men?"

[33] Video ubique, undique, quocumque modo, animam meam quæri. (L. Ep.
i, p. 274, 16th May.)

The Elector of Trèves, a man of wisdom and moderation, and a friend of Frederick, was willing to meet his views. He had no desire, moreover, to involve himself in the affair without being positively called upon. He therefore agreed with the Elector of Saxony to defer the investigation till the next diet. Two years elapsed before this diet assembled at Worms.

[Sidenote: PUBLICATION OF LUTHER'S WORKS.]

While the hand of Providence successfully warded off all the dangers which threatened him, Luther was boldly advancing to a result of which he was not himself aware. His reputation was extending, the cause of truth was gaining strength, and the number of the students of Wittemberg, among whom were the most distinguished young men in Germany, rapidly increased. "Our town," wrote Luther, "can scarcely contain all who come to it;" and on another occasion, "The number of students increases out of measure, like a stream overflowing its banks."[34]

[34] Sicut aqua inundans. (L. Epp. i. p. 278, 279.)

But Germany was no longer the only country in which the voice of the Reformer was heard. It had passed the frontiers of the empire, and begun to shake the foundations of the Roman power in the different states of Christendom. Frobenius, the famous printer of Bâle, had published the collected Works of Luther, which were rapidly disposed of. At Bâle even the bishop applauded Luther; and the Cardinal of Sion, after reading his work, exclaimed somewhat ironically, and punning on his name, "O, Luther, thou art a true Luther!" (a true purifier, Lauterer.)

Erasmus was at Louvain when Luther's works arrived in the Netherlands. The prior of the Augustins of Antwerp, who had studied at Wittemberg, and according to the testimony of Erasmus, held true primitive Christianity, and many other Belgians besides, read them with avidity. "But," says the scholar of Rotterdam, "those who sought only their own interest, and entertained the people with old wives' fables, gave full vent to their grovelling fanaticism." "It is not in my power," says Erasmus, in a letter to Luther, "to describe the emotions, the truly tragic scenes, which your writings have produced."[35]

[35] Nullo sermone consequi queam, quas tragœdias hic excitarint
tui libelli. (Erasm. Ep. vi, 4.) I am not able by any words to
describe the tragedies which your works have produced here.

Frobenius sent six hundred copies of the works into France and Spain. They were publicly sold at Paris, and, as far as appears, the doctors of Sorbonne then read them with approbation. "It was time," said several of them, "that those engaged in the study of the Holy Scriptures should speak thus freely." In England the Works were received with still greater eagerness. Spanish merchants at Antwerp caused them to be translated into their native tongue, and sent them into Spain. "Assuredly," says Pallavicini, "these merchants were of Moorish blood."[36]

[36] Maurorum stirpe prognatis. (Pallav. i, 91.)

[Sidenote: FROBENIUS. ECK.]

Calvi, a learned bookseller of Pavia, carried a great number of copies of the works into Italy, and circulated them in all the transalpine towns. This learned man was animated not by a love of gain but a desire to contribute to the revival of piety. The vigour with which Luther maintained the cause of godliness, filled him with joy. "All the learned of Italy," exclaimed he, "will concur with me, and we will see you celebrated in stanzas composed by our most distinguished poets."

Frobenius, in transmitting a copy of the publication to Luther, told him all these gladdening news, and added, "I have disposed of all the copies except ten, and never had so good a return." Other letters also informed Luther of the joy produced by his works. "I am glad," says he, "that the truth gives so much pleasure, although she speaks with little learning, and in a style so barbarous."[37]

[37] "In his id gaudeo, quod veritas tam barbare et indocte loquens,
adeo placet." (L. Ep. i, 255.)

Such was the commencement of the revival in the different countries of Europe. In all countries, if we except Switzerland, and even France where the gospel had previously been heard, the arrival of Luther's writings forms the first page in the history of the Reformation. A printer of Bâle diffused these first germs of the truth. At the moment when the Roman pontiff entertained hopes of suppressing the work in Germany, it began in France, the Netherlands, Italy, Spain, England, and Switzerland; and now, even should Rome hew down the original trunk, what would it avail? The seeds are already diffused over every soil.

CHAP. II.

The War seems ended in Germany--Eck Revives the
Contest--Debate between Eck and Carlstadt--The Question of
the Pope--Luther Replies--Alarm of Luther's
Friends--Luther's courage--Truth triumphs
single-handed--Refusal of Duke George--Delight of Mosellanus
and Fears of Erasmus.

While the combat was only beginning beyond the limits of the empire it seemed to him almost ceased within it. The most blustering soldiers of Rome, the Franciscan monks of Jûterbock, after having imprudently attacked Luther, had, after a vigorous rejoinder from the Reformer, hastened to resume silence. The partisans of the pope were quiet; and Tezel was unfit for service. Luther's friends conjured him not to persist in the contest, and he had promised to comply. The theses were beginning to be forgotten. By this perfidious peace the eloquent tongue of the Reformer was completely paralysed; and the Reformation seemed to be arrested. "But," says Luther afterwards, when speaking of this period, "men were imagining vain things, for the Lord had arisen to judge the nations."[38] "God," says he in another place, "does not lead but urges and hurries me along. I am not my own master. I would fain be at rest, but am precipitated into the midst of tumult and revolution."[39]

[38] Dominus evigilavit et stat ad judicandos populos. (L. Op. Lat. in
l'ræf.)

[39] Deus rapit, pellit, nedum ducit me: non sum compos mei: volo esse
quietus et rapior in medios tumultus. (L. Ep. i, 231.)

[Sidenote: ECK. CARLSTADT.]

The person who renewed the contest was Eck the schoolman, Luther's old friend, and the author of the Obelisks. He was sincerely attached to the papacy, but seems to have been devoid of genuine religious sentiment, and to have belonged to a class of men, at all times too numerous, who value learning, and even theology and religion, merely as a means of gaining a name in the world. Vain glory lurks under the priest's cassock as well as the soldier's helmet. Eck had studied the art of disputation according to the scholastic rules, and was an acknowledged master in this species of warfare. While the knights of the middle ages, and the warriors at the period of the Reformation, sought glory in tournaments, the schoolmen sought it in the syllogistic disputations, which were often exhibited in universities. Eck, who was full of himself, stood high in his own opinion, and was proud of his talents, of the popularity of his cause, and the trophies which he had won in eight universities in Hungary, Lombardy, and Germany, eagerly longed for an opportunity of displaying his power and dexterity in debate with the Reformer. He had spared nothing to secure the reputation of being one of the most celebrated scholars of the age. He was ever seeking to stir up new discussions, to produce a sensation, and by means of his exploits procure access to all the enjoyments of life. A tour which he made in Italy had, by his own account, been only a series of triumphs. The most learned of the learned had been constrained to subscribe to his theses. A practised bravado, he fixed his eyes on a new field of battle, where he thought himself secure of victory. That little monk, who had grown up all at once into a giant, that Luther, whom no one had hitherto been able to vanquish, offended his pride, and excited his jealousy.[40] It might be that Eck, in seeking his own glory, might destroy Rome ... but scholastic vanity was not to be arrested by any such consideration. Theologians, as well as princes, have repeatedly sacrificed the general interest to their individual glory. Let us attend to the circumstances which gave the doctor of Ingolstadt an opportunity of entering the lists with his troublesome rival.

[40] Nihil cupiebat ardentius, quam sui specimen præbere in solemni
disputatione cum semulo. (Pallavicini, Tom. i, p. 55.)

[Sidenote: ECK'S THESES.]

The zealous but too ardent Carlstadt was still of one mind with Luther--the special bond of union between them being their attachment to the doctrine of grace, and their admiration of St. Augustine. Carlstadt, who was of an enthusiastic temperament, and possessed little prudence, was not a man to be arrested by the address and policy of a Miltitz. In opposition to the Obelisks of Dr. Eck, he had published theses in which he defended Luther and their common faith. Eck had replied, and Carlstadt, determined not to leave him the last word, had rejoined. The combat grew warm. Eck, eager to avail himself of so favourable an opportunity, had thrown down the gauntlet; and the impetuous Carlstadt had taken it up. God employed the passions of these two men to accomplish his designs. Though Luther had taken no part in these debates, he was destined to be the hero of the fight. There are men whom the force of circumstances always brings upon the scene. Leipsic was fixed upon, and hence the origin of the celebrated discussion which bears its name.

Eck cared little about combating with Carlstadt, and even vanquishing him. Luther was the opponent whom he had in view. He accordingly employed every means to bring him into the field; and with this view published thirteen theses,[41] directed against the leading doctrines which had been espoused by the Reformer. The thirteenth was in these terms:--"We deny that the Roman Church was not superior to other Churches before the time of Pope Sylvester; and we acknowledge at all times, that he who has occupied the see of St. Peter and professed his faith,[42] is the successor of St. Peter and the vicar of Jesus Christ." Sylvester lived in the time of Constantine the Great; and hence Eck, in this thesis, denied that the primacy which Rome enjoyed was conferred on her by that emperor.

[41] Defensio adversus Echii monomachiam.

[42] L. Op. (L.) xvii, p. 242.

Luther, whose consent to remain silent had not been given without reluctance, was strongly excited when he read these propositions. He saw that he was the person aimed at, and felt that he could not, with honour, evade the contest. "This man," said he, "names Carlstadt as his antagonist, and at the same time makes his assault upon me. But God reigns, and knows what result he designs to bring out of this tragedy.[43] The question is not between Dr. Eck and me. God's purpose will be accomplished. Thanks to Eck, this affair, which hitherto has been mere sport, will at length become serious, and give a fatal blow to the tyranny of Rome and the Roman Pontiff."

[43] Sed Deus in medio deorum; ipse novit quid ex ea tragoeœdia
deducere voluerit, (L. Ep. i, 230, 222.)

[Sidenote: LUTHER'S MODERATION AND COURAGE.]

Rome herself broke the agreement. She did more; when she renewed the signal for battle, she directed it to a point which Luther had not previously attacked. The subject which Dr. Eck singled out for his antagonists was the primacy of the pope. In thus following the dangerous example which Tezel had given,[44] Rome invited the blows of the champion; and if she left her mangled members on the arena, she had herself to blame for the punishment inflicted by his mighty arm.

[44] 1st vol. p. 402

The pontifical supremacy being once overthrown, the whole of the Roman platform fell to pieces. Hence the papacy was in imminent peril; and yet neither Miltitz nor Cajetan took any steps to prevent this new contest. Did they imagine that the Reformation would be vanquished, or were they smitten with that blindness by which the ruin of the mighty is accomplished?

Luther, who, by his long silence, had given an example of rare moderation, boldly met the challenge of his antagonist, whose theses he immediately opposed by counter theses. The last was in these terms:--"The primacy of the Church of Rome is defended by means of miserable decretals of the Roman pontiffs, composed within the last four hundred years; whereas this primacy is contradicted by the authentic history of eleven centuries, the declarations of Holy Scripture, and the canons of the Council of Nice, which is the purest of all Councils."[45]

[45] L. Op. (L.) xvii, p. 245.

At the same time Luther thus wrote to the Elector:--"God knows it was my firm determination to be silent; and I rejoiced to see the game at length brought to a close. So faithfully have I observed the paction concluded with the pope's commissioner, that I did not reply to Sylvester Prierias, notwithstanding of the taunts of adversaries and the counsels of friends. But now Dr. Eck attacks me, and not only me, but the whole University of Wittemberg besides. I cannot allow it to be thus covered with obloquy."[46]

[46] L. Ep. i, p. 237.

At the same time Luther wrote to Carlstadt, "I am unwilling, excellent Andrew, that you should engage in this quarrel, since I am the person aimed at." "I will gladly lay aside my serious labours and enter into the sports of these flatterers of the Roman pontiff."[47] Then apostrophising his adversary with disdain, and calling from Wittemberg to Ingolstadt, he exclaims--"Now, then, my dear Eck, be courageous, and gird thy sword upon thy thigh, thou mighty man.[48] Having failed to please you as mediator, perhaps I will please you better as antagonist. Not that I have any thought of vanquishing you, but after all the trophies which you have gained in Hungary, Lombardy, and Bavaria, (at least if we are to take your account for it,) I will give you an opportunity of acquiring the name of the conqueror of Saxony and Misnia, so that you will be for ever saluted by the glorious title of Augustus."[49]

[47] Gaudens et videns post-habeo istorum mea seria ludo. (Ibid. p.
251.)

[48] Esto vir fortis et accingere gladie tuo super femur tuum,
potentissime! (Ibid.)